Speaker 1: I'm not talking about that on the air, okay, but yeah, yeah, yeah,
well yeah it's off ladder.
Speaker 2: But hey, what's going to do? How much? Man? How
are you doing? Doing good? Doing good? Yeah? I just
wanted to do well.
Speaker 1: So we're literally recording about an hour after Trump and
JD events and Zelenski had a blow up in the
in the Oval office. And so just get people a
time frame for when we're recording this. And you know,
we have other stuff we can talk about, but you
want to you've seen the video, you want to say
anything about what you saw?
Speaker 2: Well, I think, I mean, it was a little bit clownish,
but but the whole situation is clownish, right. This is
something that any serious person could have told you, you know,
two years ago, like this was, uh, this guy was
a puppet. It was literally an actor, a comedian who
got put in the presidency because people were watching too
much television inn stupid by you know, this this thieving
oligarch who basically wanted a front man, and he effectively
start at the war like you killed ten thousand people
in Novorossia by you know, like shoting them with moors
and you expected, you know, Vladimir putin for his own sake.
He can't just let that slide because the people in
his country won't stand for it. You know this because
you've seen the example in Georgia. You know, when sex
Villi did basically the same thing, tried to join NATO.
John McCain showed up straight a bunch of crap up.
You know, you have people in the United States Senate
like Lindsey Graham talking about how well, this is the
best money we've ever spent, because like we just get
to kill Russians and it's it's none of our troops
and it's just our I mean, it's cheap money. You know,
it's the most wonderful thing in the world. Dead Slavs.
It's just my Jewish handlers just love it when Eastern
Europeans kill each other. It's the best thing in the
world to them, because they're still salty about a program
that happened in sixteen forty eight. It's the most beautiful
thing in the world. I mean, that's basically what this
guy's doing. And it's not like a clown show and
laughable and disgusting. This entire thing has been a disgusting mess.
You know, maybe because I've followed, you know, doctor Matthew
Rafiel Johnson for years. I knew all this stuff. But
everybody in Washington should know this stuff. You should, you know,
if you're on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, you should
at least know why people don't like Russia. Why are
all these gentile, pale of salmon Jews, like, why do
they hate Russia so much? Well? Why do they spit
when they hear the name babong Kimo Netsky? And then
you know, these are these are the people that I
have been running everything for what seventy years? You know,
the occupied government you always correctly talk about. Uh, is
anyone surprise it that Zelensky's this entitled little worm. I mean,
that's that's he's what he is. Why would you expect
anything different?
Speaker 1: Well, I think one of the one of the interesting
parts of this is that, you know, if you listen,
if people listen to the three episodes Thomas and I
did where he talked about Syrian Russian relations post Nuremberg,
I mean, you understand that this is basically the same war,
and that you know, you've already mentioned that this is
really about ethnic grievances from centuries ago. Trump treating Zelensky
like this, and if they just cut him off, he's
basically saying, we're not going to help you fight your
wars anymore. So you know, you can make Trump out
to be a Zionist. Scott Horton calls him a Lakudnik,
but I mean he just basically spanked the an Apparatrick
for International Jewelry on you know, basically the world stage.
Speaker 2: Live on national television, international television.
Speaker 1: I've always said this about Trump. I don't think Trump's
a Zionist because I don't think he knows what his
zionist is. And I think if you like gave him
a dictionary definition of Zionism, he'd be like, I don't know,
that doesn't make any sense to me. He just seems
like that kind of guy. I think he's a guy
who likes Jews and likes Israel, and you know, his
family married Jews, and he's been dealing with Jews his
whole life in New York, and I think he likes
some Jews, and I think he just doesn't like this
at this international bullshit that he knows that his legacy,
if he if he ties it to his legacy, you know,
it's going to be it's going to taint it.
Speaker 2: Well, he's already dealing, I mean, like like you and
Thomas said, you know, and he strongly hears people to
give it a listen, right, that the conflict in Israel
and the conflict or the conflict in Gaza in Israel
and the conflict in Ukraine are basically the same thing.
They are attempts by the regime too, you know, to
stabilize enemies and gain territory. And once you understand that
that effectively, you know, Vladimir Putin's a lot of things.
No one, no one who's like a nice person gets
promoted colonel in East Germany in nineteen eighty seven, like
it just doesn't happen, you know, But he's but he's
a serious guy, and Russians are chess players, right, and
he knows the world system just as much as anybody.
And he saw that like the weakness of the world
system that was you know, freezing him, him and his
people out of you know, the national economy and making
them poor and trying to you know, undermine him at home,
like like okay, well I cannot attack on this part
of the board, but I can attack on this part
of the board, and so he supported the Syrians, and that,
you know, caused a bunch of problems for the regime,
and so they counterattacked in Ukraine. Right, because the central
central fact of Russian life is that the Volga River
that flows through Moscow and is basically the heartland river
of the Russian of European Russia, the way, like the
Mississippi is to the United States. That river empties into
the Caspian, which is a landlocked lake that can't give
you access to world markets or allow you to have
a navy. That's why one of the first Russian capitals
was snofgarad In on the Baltic. Right, But the Baltic
is lousy because it's frozen part of the year, and
it's shallow, and it doesn't and you have to get
through the straits of in Denmark, I forget what they're called.
But you know, like you can't control that. There's all
each other powers Sweden or Denmark or Norway or the
UK who might bottle you up in the Baltic or
the North Sea and keep you from or of course
you could go all the way to the Arctic Ocean.
And but that's you know, barely tenable because it's only
open a few months of the year. So the Russian
nation needed a access to the Black Sea that was
stable and year round, where they could conduct the international
trade and have a navy. And for them, that means
like they can't give up this festival in Carimea. They
can't give up the rost of you know, on the
southern Russian cities that they have to have those It's
a matter of life and death for Russia if their
economy is based off of exporting energy and agricultural products
mostly to places like India and Africa and elsewhere. Right,
they don't have the ability to do that. They're they're
dead and dead in the water. They're going to starve
to death in the in the dark and in the cold.
So when the United States says we're going to threaten
that by making the Ukraine like an outright enemy of yours,
is it any wonder that that they reacted negatively. I
mean they put the shoe on the other foot. If
the Mexican said, Hey, we're going to like work with
the Cubans and uh, we're gonna take Puerto Rico from you,
and we're going to prevent you from exiting the Gulf
of America, like New Orleans is no longer like a
viable port for you. Like people would freak out, But
you won't be able to export grain down the Mississippi
through New Orleans and out to wherever, or energy or
whatever whatever else. Your LNG tankers won't make it from
New Orleans to Rotterdam anymore. There'd be war. There'd be
war the drop of a hat. You can't do that
to the United States, just like there was war when
the United States basically prevented the Japanese from importing oil
and food, Like, what are they going to do in
nineteen forty one? They have to And pretending that you know,
Zelensky is anything other than a puppet of the regime
is absurd. This is not complicated. I mean it is
sort of complicated in a way, but like if you
threaten people's lives, they react simple ass well.
Speaker 1: I mean, just make it simple, yeah, I like, I
like to make things simple, just for my brain to
start with before I can jump off somewhere. I mean literally,
if you if you come into the administration, if you
start your administration realizing with a whole bunch of people
around you, who are like, if we don't start taking
care of ourselves and if we don't don't look after
our own interests, and even if those interests do become
like Monroe Doctrine type interests where you know, Central America,
South America, the you know, our our coast, our west coast,
especially maybe even Greenland. You have to trim the fat,
you have to cut the ties. And you know, I
honestly think that there are the reason why you've seen
so many of the you know, formerly hostile of a
certain formerly hostile members of a certain tribe basically changing
their tune is because they feel like they have to
because everything's falling apart and what they have is falling apart.
So yeah, just as you know, if you listen to
we're up to episode fifteen, we have seventeen recorded of
two hundred years together. You see this over and over again.
They're going to for a time, they will switch their
tune and the message will be very clear about how,
oh we're in it with you guys, one hundred percent
and everything. So this is a time when you have
to not only take advantage of it, but you have
to do everything you can, and especially in a time
when information can travel halfway around the world in a
half a second. This has to be a time to
not only take advantage of them doing this, but do
everything you can to push the narrative that they were
responsible for this in the you know, they were responsible
for a lot of this in the first place.
Speaker 2: Right, Yeah, well, trumpet Trumpet ged advance, right, Solinski ged advance,
you know, arguing and then Trump saying, this is gonna
be hard to do business, like, we're thirty seven trillion
dollars in debt. Our military is not capable of going
up against the Chinese or the Russians and winning. The
United States Navy is you know, twelve carrier groups that
are voting targets that can't actually attack. You know, those
New York peer adversaries, they just get shot down. They're
billions of dollars that are just a hole in the water. So,
and whose fault is that we ended up here? Of
course everyone knows. And if you're listening to this program
and you're listening to me, you know whose fault it is.
But you know, one of the good ones, I guess,
Milton Friedman, Right, The system that works is the system
that doesn't, you know, empower good people. It forces bad
people to do the right thing even though they don't
want to. So when Marco Ruby has changed his tune,
it's because he has to. There's there's no rescuing the
present order, like we just can't afford it anymore, you know,
like you can't have quote unquote unmanned planes where you know,
they flip the side out, like like no more women pilots, sorry,
Like when when billionaires like, oh, I'm gonna die when
I get on my private plane if the pilot isn't like,
you know, a forty five year old white dude with
a little bit of gray in his hair and it
looks like the aviators were welded on his face, Like
those are your choices. You have to empower the people
actually cable of running the system and right, you know,
for the last fifty years at least, it's just been like,
let's just take from these people and add more and
more burdens on them and destroy them with drugs, with opiates,
with useless wars, with you know, super high taxes whatever.
That that's the well, we just can't carry it anymore.
We can't. And Zelenski is this, you know, this clownish
burden to the tune of how many billions of dollars
has been three? Some say three fifty, yeah, three and
fifty billion. Do you know what I could do with
a tenth of that? You know, I could, I could
rebuild all of America with that much money.
Speaker 1: Those days are over and really the you know, going
forward now what needs to be done? And you know,
what we saw yesterday was basically basically a clown show
where everyone knows that, you know, everyone knows what Jeffrey
Epstein was, you know, and anyone who's arguing against that
is arguing it's survival mode for them. You know. Even
even Dave Smith had a tweet yesterday where he said,
I'm starting to think the handing that handing the Masad
Pedo files to a bunch of Zionists might not be
the best way to get the truths of the public.
Speaker 2: I mean, yeah, well, Dave, here's what happened, and you
know it, and I know it, and everybody knows it.
Your cousins used my tax money to coerce and abuse
kids that looked like my kids, like my daughters, into
blackmailing politicians that are supposed to be working for me,
into supporting a war that got kids that looked like
my kids killed in Iraq for no damn reason, and
then when they came home messed up. Your cousins sold
them drugs that killed them or ruined their lives. And
they've been doing it and running everything into the ground
for the last at least half a century, more likely
eighty years, but with the knife even number it at
nineteen fifty, say seventy five years this year. Okay, So Dave,
when your family does this sort of thing, and to
his credit, he talks about it until you do that,
Until you talk about that the fact that we're occupied,
you're not dealing with reality. And what Zelensky was doing
was sitting in the White House saying, well, yeah, I
mean I have a natural right to occupy you, and
Donald Trump saying like, we don't have the money anymore
to afford to keep paying you guys. And he lost
his mind. He lost his mind in public. It's crazy
that anyone should conduct themselves like that in public.
Speaker 1: Well, we've been talking about an occupied government, and are
are for bearers? You know, used to use the term
zog back in the seventies and eighties, and get arrested
and get their get their homes, not their compounds, which
is a propaganda word rated and their families, you know,
killed like Randy Weaver who went and hid in the
woods because well people have seen him the shirt he
was wearing. This just has to end. And if you
are to believe that these documents will come out, most people,
I think have a tendency to believe that the reason
they're not coming out is because, oh, there are people
who don't want to be exposed as pedophiles and things that. No,
there are people who don't want to be exposed as
traders to the country because the penalty for being a
trader is being treated like who who are the last
people who were who were killed for being executed for
being traders in this country? Were they the Rosenbergs.
Speaker 2: Well, that's the way we celebrate guenteenth. It's do Snithel
Rosenberg Day. That's why I celebrate Juneine anyway. But there's
huge numbers of people, basically everyone in Congress but Thomas
Massey and maybe a couple others. Right, who have you
dug into it? The traders virtually the entire Democratic Party,
most of the Republican Party, they're traders. The USA d thing.
You know, Mike Ben's for all that he's done good
work and talked about like he's he's steam Control. He's
trying to get people to be like, well it's bad,
but you know, like no, no, no, no, it's just all bad.
It is.
Speaker 1: He always is, he always has been meme, you know,
because even when he was Frame Game, he was trying
to direct you away from certain things.
Speaker 2: Right yeah, well yeah, because because he's he's a member
of the tribe, and he was like, well, yeah, you
might have a point, but you know, Paul Gottfried were
ron Odon's like well, okay, so Paul gotfreiding, not on
run ons get to be in the last car out,
Like I don't know, like not my problem that this is.
You know, we were on the verge of nuclear war
because Victoria Eland was salty about a program from three
hundred and seventy five years ago, Like that's insane, that's
like that's like me being mad about a nuclear like
like pushing us the edge of a nuclear or because
like all over Cromwell like oppressed the Irish, Like yeah,
I'm not happy about it. Yeah I don't like Cromwell. Yeah,
I don't think that he's a good guy. But nuclear war.
Speaker 1: Well, you know, and I think people are people think
you're being hyperboblic with that. I don't. I don't think
most people realize just exactly how far and how hard
Putin was being pushed in the last in the last
year to react in a way that would They're trying
to basically make him on the world some of them
are trying to make him on the world stage, you know,
look like, look like a maniac, because all they can
do is say he's a maniac. Oh, he invaded another country. Great,
that's been happening. The whole, the whole of our existence
is one country and in another country, or one people's
retribe invading another. There's nothing new about that. But there
are some who wanted to make them now, and there
were some. There are some who want us all to die.
I mean they you know. There's a thread on Twitter
that I shared yesterday and it shows it has in
it a paper, a submitted paper, research paper by someone
who used to work at the NIH and had an
office right across from doctor Fauci, who said that COVID
and the COVID vaccine were a masade plot to kill
a billion people. This was a legitimate, like medical paper, right.
You know, one of the reasons RFK was opposed is
he brought up the fact that that, you know, the
COVID nineteen virus attacked whites and more than others ethnic
groups and didn't attack what Asians and Asconaji Jews, Asca
Jews and Asians.
Speaker 2: Yeah. Right, so we're dealing with a bioweapon that was
there was again using my money, Anthony Fauci and members
of the tribe went to a racially hostile communist shithole.
Does it help us build a bioweapon to destroy our
own country in case they get mad at us for
destroying their country?
Speaker 1: And notice, notice I'll just interrupt you for a second
and I'll let you keep going Sephardic Jews, miss Racki Jews,
all the other kinds of No, these are the galicians,
these are the pale These are the palest settlement cheese
who are responsible for this. They're they're targeting everyone else, Yes,
except the people who accept the people who help them
build it.
Speaker 2: Yeah. And not only did they do that, but but
you know, the entire COVID operation was just just a
bust out operation from goodfellows all you need to know
about politics is you know, watch enough mob movies and
understand that these people are just the difference between the
Columbos of the Genovese's and the Bushes and the Clintons
is who who cuts their suits. They're not any better
or you know, different people. They run rackets, they kill people.
It's what they people do. Now, you know, Justin Stam
just wrote a really good book. But mafia power, like,
that's just how power works, not trying to trying to
sugarcoat or anything like. That's just this is just how
the game is played. But okay, if the difference between
the Bushes and the Columbos is who cuts their suits,
then when they use these tactics, you shouldn't be surprised.
So the COVID operation, it was just the bust out
seen from Goodfellas was it was, you know, because all
of these mom and pop restaurants where you know, they've
got a restaurant, it's been in a family thirty years.
They do a pizza place or maybe a diner or something. Right,
Dad runs grill, mom mom runs in front of the house.
Kids act as waiters or waitresses or busters or whatever,
and then they hire a few folks and then they've
got a family restaurant that you know, a dozen million
dollars a year in revenue, and the building is worth
two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, and you know, after
expenses that the family makes a nice modest you know,
one hundred and ten grand or whatever. Well that family
has you know, the land and the building and the
business worth millions of dollars in assets. And that person
might not have you know, one hundred million dollars to
where they can you know, go up against uh, you know,
the Walton family. But if a hundred of them get together,
they can they can go up against the Walton family
and they might actually be able to get something that
they want because they have the capital to be actually,
you know, Thomas Jefferson not my favorite philosopher after I
learned how the world actually works. But you know, property owners, yellman,
property owners, whether the small restaurant people or small business people,
guys own a machine shop or something. If they have
that money, they can stand up for them selves. And
it doesn't matter if it's it's in Iraq or in Ohio.
Coherent societies full of people who can stand up for
themselves is the thing that the regime does not want.
That's why Springfield, Ohio got fluttered with all those Haitian
refugees because they don't want you to be able to
be in Springfield and look around Ohio and go, man,
we're getting screwed and we should do something about it.
They don't want you to be able to resist.
Speaker 1: Yeah, they've created I I interviewed a gentleman that Jay
Burden interviewed recently introduced me to named John Moody. And
he's a guy who he puts on events with Joel Salladson.
Oh yeah, I think a lot. Yeah, it was a
great John Moody. Oh thanks, Yeah, he's you already listen
to the one I put up? Yeah yeah, yeah yeah.
I mean he's a Kentucky guy, six kids, living on
twenty five acres, producing his own food. And you know,
one of the one of the takeaways, one of the
things you can take away from that episode is yeah
that you know was this malicious? Was it was it?
You know, stupidity? Well, whatever it was. I mean, it
weakens people. It takes our strength away. It also takes
away our our ability to rationalize. I mean, people can
say whatever they want about your lower testosterone, you know,
weakening men and also making them more leftists, but it
also damages you know, lower testosterone is shown to be
something that affects cognitive ability. So if you're taking away
people's not only physical strength, but they're cognitive ability. You know,
the argument can be made that a certain tribe doesn't
the majority don't exhibit physical strength, but they still their
cognitive ability to rationalize and scheme and do things is
still there. Well, I mean they're that's even trying to
be taken away from them, that's trying to be taken
away from us.
Speaker 2: Right, well, because they don't want you and I to
be able to argue with them. But why do you
think you got de monetized. It wasn't because you were wrong,
It's because they don't want to They don't want to
have to deal with this this uh obnoxious Spaniard Like
Spaniards defeated his ones. We don't want these people to
be a problem again. Take us money, take his wallet,
take his coat, kick him out. That's what they did.
You know, Thomas should be a professor at the University
of Chicago or the Ivy League or Oxbridge or like
a major like law, academic something, and to his great credit,
he's built a life for himself outside of that after
the system took all that stuff away from him. But
if it was just pure ability, why isn't this guy,
you know, teaching at Harvard. Why isn't he teaching it
Yale or Princeton or University of Chicago or Stanford. Why not? Well,
because he's because he's against the system, and the system
was like, well, we don't want to give you a shot.
You'll make us look like fools. He did it anyway,
but that's you know, they don't want us to be
able to organize because they know they've got a losing hand.
You know, like, hey, do you want to be like
weak and dumb and dependent and not having an industry
in your country and not be able to get married
and not have any kids and be gay. That's not
a real Like, that's like no one's gonna no one's
gonna sign up for that. I guess.
Speaker 1: More than what you would want, more than seeing the
government fixed, and you know, seeing the deep state or
the administrative state dismantled is And I'm not this isn't
coming from a populous kind of standpoint is you want
to see people just making the decision that Okay, I
can't rely upon these people, and I can't rely upon
the system that's been built. I need to take care
of myself. I need to take care of me and
my family. And I think that there there are definitely
you've seen since Trump started, you know, in twenty fifteen,
with his rhetoric. You know, if nothing else, Trump's just
a wrecking ball, and I think he's managed to help
a lot of people have a reset in their own mind,
and you see more people being like, Okay, I'm going
to have to do this on my own. We're going
to have to do this for ourselves. This is not
something that we can rely upon. And you know, to
those people, I know there was a lot made of oh,
you know Trump, if you Trump is just he's going
to be a pressure release valve. If he's a pressure
release valve for people, those people are lost, and those
people they're just sheep and they need to be led.
So you need to step in and you need to
tell them how they need to live. I mean, after
twenty twenty, anybody who thinks that the over only majority
of people should be left to their own devices. I mean,
you're you're not even in the game anymore. These people
need to be told how to live. And hopefully more
people when they're seeing what's happening and things like, you know,
realizing oh the Epstein thing, No one's ever going to
pay for what Epstein did?
Speaker 2: You know?
Speaker 1: It's like, well, then you can't rely on the government.
You have to start doing things for yourself. And we
can do things for ourselves if we make that decision
instead of waiting around or fucking making excuses like the
Jews control everything, so I can't do anything with my life. Well,
there's a lot of people. There's a lot of people
who know what we know who are very successful. Why
are they very successful because they fucking try and don't
make excuses.
Speaker 2: Right. Well, it's there's a couple of things that you
mentioned there that I think are worth talking about. First
of all, right, Ken, organized guys can control ten million people,
right and in the vast majority of people don't want
to be free. It's too much work that if you
still believe in like being free for the majority of
people like, no, that's not what they want. They want
their beer cold and their football on, that's what they want.
Which is fine, Like you can want that. Me personally,
I want to be free, so I do what I do, and.
Speaker 3: I, you know, to.
Speaker 2: Incur all these risks because I think it's worth doing
the truth. Now, with those two things in mind, the
only people who can actually deliver something where those people
who just want to just want to grill, want to
watch football, want the beer to be cold. The only
way that those people can live decent lives is of
someone who cares about them is in charge. Right, people
who would flood their communities with opiates don't care if
those people like that, that's not good for those people.
Destroying marriage is bad for those people. Making it so
they can't afford a house is bad for those people. Okay, well,
how do we get things in such a way that
we can be in charge? We can can have some
agency in our lives, and we can they start to
change stakes. Well, I mean it starts with you know,
the first rule of you know, getting in a group
of conflict. This have some pros reach out to the
old glory club in an active club or so whoever
it is that you feel most compelled to reach out
to reach out to them. Because the long wolf dies
alone and if you know what we know, things aren't
gonna get better. Trump is trying to bring this in
for a control like landing gear is stuck and it's
moving too fast, and Trump is trying to bring it
in for a controlled landing. That's gonna hurt and gonna
break a bunch of stuff, but it might mostly be
intact and not kill everybody. Who is he going after? Usaid? Well,
everything that they did was bad and evil, you know,
the entire useless you know, Shapequa industrial complex. Well, that's
just a money laundering operation for our enemies. Why why
is it acceptable that there are tens of trillions of
dollars of real estate that are just wasting in all
of our major cities where decent people could live and
work and have families. But why is that okay? Why
is that acceptable? Well?
Speaker 1: Oh, I think you know the answers to that.
Speaker 2: Why, Yeah, you and I know most of people listening know,
And the answer is, of course, that we live in
an occupied government. And the first step to on occupying
that government is having enough people with some agency and
some ability to do things in their lives recognize that
occupation and start to organize against it. You know, you've
done great work talking about elite theory. Well, you know,
the first step to any political fight is having a
lead on your side.
Speaker 1: Yeah, if if the Old Glory Club was about populism,
we would just let anybody in. That's not what it's about.
And the sooner people figure that out, the better. I
was listening to Steve Bannon on with Tim Dillon this morning.
I made it about twenty minutes. He's just all populism,
all populism. Oh, the people, this, people that, and we
had to do this that, you know, you know the people.
Speaker 2: This is a guy.
Speaker 1: Who acts like people will make the right decision if
you just give them the proper circumstances. That's where has
that ever been shown? I mean, it's been proven wrong
in this country because you they had the chance to
be like, No, in eighteen eighty they had a chance. No,
we're not going to take We're not going to bring
in this group of people who has been causing problems
throughout Eastern Europe for centuries. Oh no, we'll just let
him in. Well yeah, we'll let him in. Yeah sure,
I mean so much of a problem that German Jews
who had been here for you know, eighty years prior,
wouldn't even let him into their golf clubs. They were like,
we think these people are these people are a problem.
But oh, okay, sure, yeah, well just all the pale,
all the pale, all the galicians bring them in, Yeah.
Speaker 2: All the pollocks. Well and I and here's the thing
about Steve Bannon is he's lying and he knows, like
you know, he's lying. He knows that you know, he's lying,
and he's doing it anyway, because this dude's ready viola,
he's he's he's read it. Went back in the first administration,
they were always like, oh, Steve Bannon reads this dangerous
stuff like Carl Schmiden, Like he knows, he's you know,
he's he's a former spook. There's no such thing as,
of course, as a former spook, but you know, like
he knows. So why do you continue to talk about populism, Steve?
Who's pulling your strings such that you think you have
to justify yourself with like populism of you know, the
multi racial working class. Well, maybe I don't want to
be solidaristic with people who aren't my people and don't
share my interests and consistently vote against those interests whenever
they're given the chance and constantly take from me and
their entire middle class is a fabrication of federal government spending,
and they commit all the violent crime in our country.
Maybe I don't want to be force to be solaristic
with those people. And you know this. I know you
know this because you've worked for Bridebart when they touch
it sort of, and in order to know where the
line is and go right up to it, you have
to know what's on the other side of the line.
Otherwise you would have blundered. You'd have blundered across it
ages ago. So if you're constantly cap dancing on that line,
you have to know what's on the other side to
not cross it. So why are you lying Steve well
Bright Bart? Because he's in Israel, born in America.
Speaker 1: I had Tom Lawongo on a week or a week
and a half ago, and he I told him, I said,
I want you to listen to this episode I did
with a you know guy who's a hedge fund manager,
Ron Dodson, And I said, only you know. He talks
in the beginning about how Trump negotiates and what those
yeah run Run's wonderful. He's going after O S O
s I N T O S I N T on
Twitter this morning. You know, I told him, I said, listen,
listen to this about how Trump negotiates. And he got
past that and he started listening and he's like, you know,
he listens to what we talked about right after that,
and he he got with me and he said, I
want to thank you for sharing that episode. And then
he went on like a couple podcasts and actually mentioned
the episode because what we talked about after that was
that the fact that we're the age of consensus politics
is dead, which means that populism is dead. We are
not in nobody cares. Nobody really cares about what the
people wants anymore. It's about who's going to get power
and who's going to do a thing. And if Trump
has proved anything by getting rid of you know, the
cash cows too. You know, I said today with him
slapping down Zelenski was basically him slapping down, you know,
a branch of international jewelry. Him cutting off a USAID
is a way of basically defunding a branch of international jewelry.
And he's doing this without I mean, taking the puggles
in the City of London is is defunding, you know,
like yeah, right, and Jews are just Jews are just
criminals like that, they're just mafiosi, right, be mean, he
was a hard dude, but he's just a mafiosi.
Speaker 2: Right. He's corrupt, he's you know, constantly engaging in shady
deals like like that's he's just that's that's what he is.
And and they've all been that way, every single one
of you know, what was it the the former prime
minister who was Dawson's talked about this, the guy who
was in former Israeli intelligence who was neck deep in
the massade or in the or knee deep in the
Epstein thing. Not a hood Barrock, yeah, Barrock yeah, adro
So these people are just criminals, right. The only difference
between Congress and your local mafia is who cuts their suits. Right.
Stormy's talked about this a lot. It's worth you know, uh,
former Senator from Washington State, Henry Scoop Jackson, Right, the
joke was that he was the senator from Boeing all
through the Cold War. Right, we need more appropriation for
you know, like he just never met you know, Defense
Appropriations Bill. He didn't love because he was Boeing's man
in Washington. Well, everybody that everybody you see on April Hill,
there are all somebody's somebody. They're all like a walking
walllet for somebody, their a mouthpiece for somebody, they're they're
legal guy whatever. You know, what do you call CBS
CIA broadcasting system? Right? Yeah, you know Washington Post. How
did Bob Woodward, former intelligence operator, like go from you know,
junior cup reporter to the man on the biggest story
in the history of the newspaper. I mean, we've we've
basically found out that, like Operation Mockingbird never ended, Like
Politico is just a mocking Bird operation. Like you think
Bill Buckley left the CIA to found a National Review
or do you think the CIA told him to found
National Review? Which one? What do you think really happened there?
Speaker 1: Rod Rothbard covers that in Betrayal of the American Right,
which is basically a a pretty good you know, if
you read around the obvious libertarianism and things like that.
It's a good history of the neocons, one of the
better history of the neocons.
Speaker 2: Actually, yeah, it's a wonderful book. But yeah, like you
think Politico is any different. You think the Washington Post
is any different, Like, oh, uh rt is not available
in this country because it's you know, propaganda state media.
What do you think it pr is, It's just it's
just state media for ship lips, you know, PBS. It's
not any different. The BBC, it's all all like and
the receipt are there like this is you've been paid
by you know, left wing uh Zionists to promote their narrative.
And they don't want Western nations to be full of
free people who are capable of standing up in their
own because they might stand up for themselves against the occupiers.
Simple ass like they didn't want the Bath Party keep,
you know, in Syria and Iraq because the Arabs, due
to their own civilizational deficiencies, require like a strong man,
central central power to like keep organize them and get
them to do anything. So the Bath Parties couldn't stand
because that Ataly enabled Arabs to organize and thrown interests
content the interests of Israel, just the way that you know, uh,
Governor Shapiro and Pennsylvania doesn't want those you know, white
coal miners to be able to organize successfully in their
own self defense because then they'll they'll storm hair is
pretty like, dude, what's going on? Well, then they could
oppose him, so they don't want that.
Speaker 1: I guess that brings us. That brings us back to,
you know, talking about or we've never finished talking about
just or it's just a continue continued conversation about what
we do for ourselves, and that's what it's. That's what
it's always come to. We can't, as much as I
would love to see Trump just absolutely dismantle, you know,
the administrative state, sitting here and expecting him to do that,
or sitting here and hoping he does that and then
hoping it somehow benefits me because I think one of
the things that we got straw manned on was when
we started talking about the PayPal mafia last year that
we were like, oh, you want these guys to be
in charge. It's like, No, what I'm thinking is there
is a quite a possibility that these people don't want
me dead as compared to the regime it's in charge.
And considering some of the things that I know that
they that I've heard that they want to do, maybe
there'll be some things that will line up that I'll
be able to take advantage of it wasn't oh, we
think these people are going to be in there, they're
going to be our friends and they're going to be
one hundred percent. No one ever said that. But you know,
if you're a a diet in the whole ideologue, who
you know needs everything to be one hundred percent their way,
which you're never going to get. Then you hear one
thing while we're saying another. Okay, well, Mark market Dreason
is a lot of things, stupid is not one of them. Okay,
Market Treason knows that in a world without reliable electricity,
his billion dollar fortune that's built on computers and technology,
and we're Diddley squad. I don't know what his day
to day life is like, but I imagine being able
to take a private plane wherever you want and have
multiple houses and cool locations is pretty cool. It's kind
of nice to be able to like, Oh, the Metropolitan Opera,
New York is doing uh Let Treviata this weekend, and
I really like that opera, and they've got a really
good soprano playing the main part.
Speaker 2: So I'm gonna go. I'm gonna go. Let's see a
lot of Traviata on Saturday night tomorrow night, so I
could be in Florida and be like, I'm gonna go
see Latrove tomorrow, and you call your guy up and
you get on your plane in the morning, and you
fly from Florida to New York and you land at
your private airfield that only other really rich dudes go to,
and then you go to your New York apartment that's nice,
it's quiet, and you change into a nice outfit and
he go see Let Traviata, and you go to your
nice restaurant after the opera that's exclusive, and you crash
your nice New Yirk place, and then the next day
you fly home to your nice sunny place in Florida
in the Keys in the wintertime, and it's fantastic. Well,
in order for all of that to happen, Mark and
Jessa has got to have people who are capable of
flying his airplane and maintaining his airplane and maintaining the
airport and maintaining the roads and maintaining the power stations
so that all of that stuff works. And maybe, just
maybe Mark and Jason wants to be in charge because
Mark and Dreason Repeater Thiel or whoever wants to be
in charge because they want in charge, well, guess what,
they have billions of dollars and if they want stuff,
stuff happens. If Peter Thiel wants to be in charge
of things and he wants there to be functioning electricity
because PayPal doesn't work when there's no electricity, and so
he doesn't have any money. If there's no electricity, well
then I benefit because hey, I like electricity too. That
not only enables me to talk to my buddy Pete,
but it means I don't freeze to death. So I'm
a fan. And what I think these guys have seen
is that we white Western civilization, particularly the men, were
carrying such a parasite load that it was going to
kill the host. And they were like, oh, well, I
like being king parasite to use an analogy, and I
like being the guy at the top of the heap
who has my billions of dollars and my nice tech fortune,
all which you know they've genuinely done things to earn. Right.
PayPal is handy, Escape Bowser revolutionized everything. Elon Musk is
no dummy, Like these people are genuinely doing things. But
what they've exposed is just how much of everything else
was dragging us down. Millions and fake social security millions
of fake social security numbers, millions, billions of dollars in
fake influence ops. You know, ten percent, ten percent of
the country is working at some sort of nonprofit that
is mostly just a government money lendering operation. You know,
you and I talked about the teachers unions and are
in the series on uh Brace were in high school.
That's just the money a line of operation.
Speaker 1: It's funny when when I started reading that book and
I think, I'm I think I re released it recently
or I'm getting ready to re release it. The in
the big file and everything. You know, we didn't realize.
We thought we were just going to find out about
you know, a bunch of kid you know, a bunch
of kids quote unquote chimping out in high school. And
we found out that, well, no, we were good. We
were going to read about the Jewish take the Jewish
takeover of a of a public union, and and and
it laid out exactly how they did it. I mean,
that's that's the craziest thing about that book is You're like, oh, okay, well,
you know, blacks are beating people up doing drugs and
raping teachers.
Speaker 2: Wow, I did not know that. No.
Speaker 1: I kind of knew that, I just had never really
seen it spelled out in such detail. But what we
really found out was we found we found out why
nothing was ever going to be done about it because
a heist was happening.
Speaker 2: Right, Yeah, because Randy White Gardener or is the you know,
aft head, right, and she's a Jewish lesbian Mary Do
a quote unquote Marry Do a rabbi or something, And basically, right,
it was just the US saying USA a d scamp. Right,
They're going to take a bunch of decent people's tax money.
They're going to splash it out to all their friends,
and those friends are going to be like, well, you know,
you just gave me a thousand bucks, I'm gonna give
you one hundred dollars back to continue to splash out
that money for me, because you know, I'm getting you know,
summers off huge, you know. And they knew it was
gonna I'm like it. They could read an actual aerial
table in nineteen seventy six. They knew it was going
to bankrupt the state of New York, you know, fifty
years from now, in the twenty twenties, they didn't care
because they were getting paid. Now it's like, well you
know again, Peter Deal, Margantrison not dumb guys. They read
that actor Oily table and said, oh, well, if we
want to live in a society that that functions well
enough that we can enjoy it and do things like
go to nice restaurants and go see the opera and
and go see you know, the symphony orchestras, and have
nice houses with with you know, functioning electrical systems and
clean water and all that stuff. Like we're gonna have
to put the ship all right, because it's no other
elite around to do it. We said for years, hey,
maybe you just fix this. Maybe used to fix this. Well,
go and behold. You know old Cocaine Mitch, whose wife
was the former Transportation secretary. There's a from an oligarchical
Chinese family. She's not really interested in fixing them America.
Well why not because she doesn't because she's not American.
Elaine Chow is not an American. Why was this prison,
you know, this Transportation secretary under w. Bush? Why are
all these federal judges who aren't Americans being put in
place where they can like block the Trump administration and say, well,
I mean, I'm not an American and my wife works
for you know, an open borders in g O. But
I'm going to tell you, guys how your constitution works.
What no like like this, This can't work. It will
not continue to function. How many there's probably one hundred
million fraud doing illegal immigrants in America if you if
rounding up like if it might be eighty million, might
be seventy five million, but tens of millions. This is
certainly that many, if you include their offspring who shouldn't
be citizens, right but are because are temporarily because of
our ridiculous system. Have you been to a public emergency
room lately? They're unusable. The streets looked like the dark
side of the moon.
Speaker 1: Yeah, if you're anywhere near a city, it just looks
it looks like the you know, an airport in Africa.
Speaker 2: Yeah, And so no matter what, right, Trump just telling us,
let's get hete like, we can't do business like this.
I'll believe it when I see it. Well, whoever's pulling
Donald trump strings understands that we're at the end of
the runway. There's no more room. You now, the national debt.
Interest on the national debt exceeds our defense spending, and
that was already bloated by three or four times too much. Basically,
at this point, what we're hoping for is you're just
hoping for more of the rot to be cut away,
because the more rot that's cut away, the more opportunity
that is for you. The more it came to this removed, yeah, yeah,
that's well.
Speaker 1: I mean people need to understand there's too many people
looking at this, and I get them coming into the
comments on my live stream or leaving comments on Twitter.
They're all willing to do something as soon as everything's perfect.
It's not ever going to be perfect. So you have
to be able to recognize opportunity when it presents itself,
and it's presenting itself right now. Things are being things
are being put in place. Now we may we may
have a quote unquote correction coming in the market very soon.
So I don't know if that's the place you'd look
now when everything goes down, if you have some extra,
you know, you might want to ride the way back up.
But no, what I'm talking about is I'm talking about
tangible goods employment, starting your own business all of these
things starting a family going and you know, seeing if
you can find some land somewhere, you know, and it
doesn't have to be make sure it's not in the
g it doesn't have to be in the greatest zip code.
We've been sold that it just someplace where you're comfortable,
someplace where you're safe. All of these things can be
All of these things can should be had. You should
have been able to do this under the Biden administration
if you had your head on straight. But now a
lot of that rot is being torn away. And if
you're just sitting there and you're complaining and you're like,
well I don't want to do anything until everything's perfect,
well that's not going to happen, so you're just going
to be lost. I used to think like that. I
used to think like that. It's like, well, why should
I even bother really trying, when you know, if you
own a house, you never really own it because of
property taxes and the more money I make, the more
income tax I'm going to pay and everything. And I mean,
that's just a loser mentality. It's just a loser mentality.
Speaker 2: And I hear it.
Speaker 1: I hear it all too often, and it's one of
the reasons why I ran away from libertarianism, because you'll
hear that. I remember in twenty twenty one, people were
complaining about you know, it's like, oh, well, what do
we do? And Matt Erickson said make more money, and
immediately there was like five comments saying, oh, so that
I can pay more taxes to pay for the war
in Yemen.
Speaker 2: Yeah, it's like, so you have more power, dumb ass,
because money is power. That's why. I mean, the people
who don't want to win just don't want to win,
and you can't help those people, So leave them behind
and do whatever you can to help yourself and those
that want to help you and those that also want
to win.
Speaker 1: Yeah, you know when Thomas people still contact me all
the time and go when Thomas says, you know, we're
not Jevis witnesses, we're looking for a vanguard. What does
that mean? It means exactly what it means. It means
that we're putting information out there. And I know that
a lot of the people listening to this don't want
to be a part of the vanguard. They're looking for information,
they're looking for education, whatever can help them. But you know,
one of the good things that has come out of
this show is a lot of people joining the Old
Glory Club and us getting to meet a lot of
young people who are eager to be elite. They want
to know how to do that. They want to know
how to get power, they want to know how to
get That's what this is all about. You're looking. It
goes back to the whole what we were talking about populism.
Not everybody's going to be able to That's one of
the reasons why Jesus said, You'll always have the poor
because people some people are just not going to want
to do for themselves. They'll always find an excuse to not.
And yeah, I mean what we're doing, what this was
always all about was trying to trying to lift people
up who want to be lifted up. And now some
things are being some rod is being stripped away. It
might even be able to make it a little bit
easier so that you can maybe some regulations will be gone.
It'll allow you to do things that you would you
never thought about doing.
Speaker 2: So right now, if you're a white man under the
age of thirty, you've been hiking with a bunch of
other people's food in your backy and expected to you know,
when when it's time to stop the camp, you're expected
to hand them their food. Well, what the Trump administration
has just done said, well, you don't got to carry
that anymore. You can hike her farther and faster. I
take care of yourself more when you're not carrying other
people's stuff. Now, if he actually does it, or if
it's just all talk, we'll see this. Epstein rug pull
was was pretty disappointing. But nevertheless he's exposing the rock,
and that might give people the moral courage to understand
just where we're at. I don't know if that's his play.
I don't know if that's their plan. I don't know
what the other goal is. But I know for a fact, then,
no matter what happens, I'll be better off if I
find guys that I know I can trust, that are
also working to improve themselves and improve their own situations
as I'm trying to do myself. So no matter what, Like,
there's a wonderful old prep blog, probably from the twenty
tens we used to call the Woodpile report called the Gentleman,
called themselves Old Remus, and he said, if a prep
doesn't make your life better in general, it's useless. So
having a case of Emory's good idea spending every last dime,
you have to have a year's worth of Emory's bad
idea no matter what you're doing in your life. If
you don't have any debt and you're in good shape
and you're looking to network with bros, like, do any
of those things that make your life worse now? Of course,
of course not that doesn't mean you're putting together like
a you know, Mad Max Apocalypse squad. I mean maybe,
but like being in shape and and having friends is
like not a bad thing no matter what.
Speaker 3: So just do it.
Speaker 2: Do do the prep that makes your life better, no
matter what, you know, instead of just endlessly you know,
I suppose it's a little bit hypocritical guy, you know,
guy who does a bunch of podcasts telling people to
stop just endlessly go a seeing podcast. But go out
and do something. You know, use this knowledge you've been
given that you know, those of us who give it
to you incurk great risks to do it. You know,
not only do you should you use that knowledge to
improve your own life, but you know, support the people
that support you and go to your freeman me on
the wall slash support to enable Pete to you know,
keep doing this so that you have more and more
of a or your network. Because right now, if you're
an OGC guy, you can go just about anywhere in
America and find it. Bro And within a year from
now or two years from now, I would be very,
very surprised if there weren't oh GC guys in every state.
Speaker 1: At least getting chapters up in every state up and running,
because I believe we do have OGC guys in every
state now spiritually. We just were doing this officially. So yeah,
I got to cut it there because I got another
one coming up this afternoon. But I do appreciate you
coming by, and I really hope people got the message
today that you know, there are some good things happening.
You will be disappointed. It's politics. You have no control
over it. You're going to be disappointed. Suck it up,
keep going and do what you need to do to
take care.
Speaker 2: Of you and yours.
Speaker 1: And you know, don't buy into this lie that collectivism
is socialism or communism. And then when you say that,
people are like, well, no, only if you use a state, No,
if you're local and you get one of your people elected.
I mean, one of our people is a state's attorney
right now. One of our people, like a bunch of
our people are working in this administration, you know, and
that's that's something that's something to celebrate. If that can happen,
there's no reason why your local area, you guys, can't
get together and take over and you know, defeat the
enemy in your local area and try to work on
making it what you want it to look like, what
you and your people want it to look like. So
I'll end on that, and I'll give you the last
word if you have anything.
Speaker 2: No just you know, support the people to support you,
you know, reband me on the walls. Last support, right,
I appreciate that. Man, Well, thank you, and until the
next time, say carry yourself for Rett. Thanks man.
Speaker 1: I want to welcome everyone back to the Pekingano Show.
I have two frequent beloved guests here today. So Thomas,
how are you doing?
Speaker 3: And well thanks for invoting me.
Speaker 1: D how are you doing.
Speaker 2: I'm fantastic, man, Thanks for having me back.
Speaker 1: All right, d this was your this was your idea
for a conversation, so have at it. MANA, thank you
so much. So everyone should totally check out. I mean
everything that Beat and Thomas have done together, but the
Mosley series in particular I found really fascinating, just because
you know, Moseley, here's a culture familiar with us. And
in I think episode four or five, you guys talked
about the Fascist International Conference, the first one, first and
only one, and we mentioned all the different nations that
were that were there. And if you haven't read Paul
Gotfried's Fascism in the Career of a Concept, I think
it's a really good book.
Speaker 2: Despite you know, doctor Godfried being of the tribe, I
believe he's an honest man. And it got me thinking that,
you know, in nineteen sixteen at the Psalm, if you'd
gone back a century to the Congress of Vienna where
Napoleon was the you know, Hapa recently called it a
gentleman's piece. Right, you have this where despite firearms, most
of the people in the world were still agricultural peasants,
and despite advances and things like the McCormick reaper binder
in the eighteen fifties or improved yields and crops and
other things, right, like like an agricultural peasant from like
a Roman Lata fundiaould fundamentally understand like a guy who
was growing food in Mississippi in like eighteen fifty five.
But in the nineteenth century, between the Psalm and Vienna,
you had cars, trains, refrigeration, canning, telecommunications and telegraph and
the telephone. I mean just literally everything in normal life.
Everyday life changed one hundred percent and in a very
rare old way, like World War One represents like the
death of the old world, and fascism is this opportunity.
There's like, there's three kind of semi coherent ways to
deal with this new change world that happens after the war,
after the Great War of capitalism, Bolshevism, and fascism, and really,
to me, the only one that actually kind of makes
coherence ince with like human beings as they are, that
have particular loves and attachments and you know, it doesn't
destroy religion and whatever. Fascism was the one coherent way
to actually address all these changes without like just air
rejecting them entirely. There are people who will you know,
larpest Catholic monarchists or whatever, and like we just need
to go back to the way it was in the
thirteenth century. Like, that's a nice thought, but that ain't happen.
So I couldn't think of anybody better than Thomas to
like actually elucidate how fascism was just very real attempt
to grapple with the world as it now found itself.
And I think that people need to understand that, like
those are your alternatives, Right, you can have Bolshevism, you
can have Judaeo Usuria's capitalism, or you can have some
sort of state socialism, and that's it.
Speaker 3: Well, it's also it's important to consider I think, I mean,
I invoke the term capitalism because just for intelligibility, and
people like Humputer they invoked it for the same reason,
even though he didn't think that it was particularly useful
as a descript or in absolute terms. But like, the
important thing to keep in mind is that the New
Deal revolution, it was with the revolution, areas what happened
in Germany in nineteen thirty three, or would it happen
in the Soviet Union? Okay, Like it wasn't Roosevelt wasn't
just this guy. He was like, well, you know, there's
a structural crisis underway, so we needed an executive to
step in and you know, and kind of manage the
crisis situation, like the New Deal was this top down
ideology of retooling the entire way of living of you know,
millions and millions of people. And I make the point
again and again that like what became the Civil Rights
Revolution ephimistically that started under roseen Belt, like forced racial integration,
that's kind of trying to forcibly strict people of their
identitarian characteristics.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: That was one of the kind of secondary imperatives of
the military draft, was the kind of conditioned people towards
those towards those imperatives, you know. So it wasn't it
wasn't as kind of like neutral administrative apparatus that was implemented,
but that also you know, had sort of like a
war profiteers sensibility, you know, in terms of power political affairs.
So that that's fundamentally important, and it's not in these
people were very much adjacent the communists. I mean that
that's why they It wasn't just that they hated the
fascists and the national socialists, and it's not just that
they were sympathetic to Zionism. Like first and foremost, I
Roosevelt himself didn't particularly like Jews. I mean, that's just
a fact. Like his uh, his primary sympathy was for communism,
you know, like in the in the view of people
like him, you know, this is an inevitability, this is
the way the world is going, you know. And for
context too, because the people to this day they still
talk about guys like Burnham as being neocons because you know,
in the nineteen twenties they would they would bandy socialist ideas.
People don't understand that oncologically, every single person thought that
way because there'd been a total collapse of the nascent
world economy and in the app sense of information tech,
that situation is unmanageable, like laissez fair is not possible
in the true sense if there's no such thing as
situational awareness up to the moment. You know, really the
situation kind of endured until the late nineteen eighties. Like
the reason now, like there's not true economic crises. I mean,
part of that is structural, and part of that has
to do with the deep integration of capital, but the
primarily it's the elimination of uncertainty. Like I can tell
you right this moment, like what's happening in European markets. Okay,
even like forty years ago, thirty years ago, I wouldn't
know for hours, you know, in the nineteen twenties, I
wouldn't know for days. So this idea that people you know,
who weren't inclined towards New Dealrism, or towards communism, or
towards utipal and socialism, whatever, that they were just advocating
status models of of of the planned economy or whatever,
or that they were like Bandy and Keyesianism. They weren't
doing that because like they had some ethical disposition in
that way. It's because that's the way every single person thought.
You know, if you've if you started talking about laissez
fair economics, people have looked at you like you were
an idiot or a crazy person, like how would that
even have worked?
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: So there's that I tend to agree to change gears
back to the main subject matter because I was kind
of a tangent. I generally agree with arms Noltzi. I
think fascism, like true fascism, as it emerged the you
know in Italy, it was a radical tendency. It was
as much a radical tendency as communism was. It just
didn't have the same political orientation obviously, and a lot
of that was born a future shock, you know, but
also the international situation had to do with it.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: I make the point again and again. One of the
reasons there's the alibi of Conservatives and other Midwies that oh,
you shouldn't be too hard on Churchill because the U
kid to prevent the ascendancy of a rival power in
Germany that was dead like cabinet warring, and you know,
this kind of sensibility of oh, we've got to you know,
we've got to strangle geostrategic rivals in utero to like
preserve you know, our ability to manage these captive markets
and things like that died in nineteen fourteen. You know.
By the time of the Great Depression, the superpower era
was emerging. You know, so Japan and Europe and Germany specifically,
but I mean I say Europe because the axis wasn't
this Germany. That's a misconception that this was some German
nationalist enterprise. But Japan, through what they called the Greater
Asia co Prosperity Sphere, and Germany slash Europe would become superpowers.
They would ferish you know, and you know I put
it to people who invoked that. So the ethical alibi
that I just did invoked. You know, the UK obviously
lost the war and it became like a third rate power.
You know, it's now like overrun with with with aliens
and is you know quite literally airstrip one. So like obviously,
like that victory was the most puic victory that's ever
that's ever been had.
Speaker 2: Yeah, Mosley was completely correct, right, like we have to
secure the empire, we're going to lose it, you know.
Just to briefly bring up like Donnzia's cultive speed, right,
we didn't have paved roads until like eighteen twenty. Macadam
didn't invent the process till eight the eighteen twenties. So
think about this, like Roman transportation in like the first
century was the best roads, goot until the mid eighteenth century,
and forty miles an hour was the fastest any human
being went more than like a second or two and
live to tell about it for centuries. And as you
pointed out, right, like there's was just no alternative.
Speaker 3: Well, the two key, the two key, the two key
aspects of future shock that translated that both informed and
were they caretalyst for and and we're most significant to
the political situation. It was, uh, it was the crisis
of labor, and it was the military and strategic situation
and the emergence of wartech, devastating wartech at scale. And
also what's significant is that massive warfare at scale basically
never ever happens to the twentieth century. The fact that
this became the reality constantly, that's completely abnormal. Those conditions
happened maybe once every thousand years. And obviously, again the
wartech that emerged in scale capacity, that was totally unprecedented.
But also I think the point to people a lot,
you know, the crisis of labor and the fortunes of
millions of people being bound up with labor imperatives. People
can't conceptualize that anymore. That's the reason why I'm always
telling people don't use the term working class. There is
no working class. There hasn't, Like the last of it
in structural terms went away in the early nineties. Like
we say working class, we don't mean people with jobs
or like guys who do work. We're talking about millions
and millions of people doing pretty much the exact same
job in factory settings. They're almost all young, they're almost
all men. Their jobs are dangerous, they're very very low wage.
There's basically no room for advancement. It's a totally urbanized
setting for this kind of labor. That is the working class. Okay,
it's conditions that don't exist anymore really anywhere on this planet,
like even in place like China where there's just like
mass like apple factories. I mean, don't get me wrong.
Those people have like a really brutal lot of life,
and they don't have the right to organize or anything,
and they're very much like exploited. But that's different than
what we're talking about in you know, the early twentieth century.
Like that's the that's the that's the that's the ideological soil,
if you will, from where like communism emerges. That is
the working class. If you read up in Sinclair's The Jungle,
which I think is a great book. You know, I'm not,
i know socialist like Sinclair was, but what he describes
in the Chicago stockyards, that's the way that it was.
You know, every day people die on the job, Like
going to your job is like going to war. And
there's always man who want to work, like if you
if you age out of the ability to physically do
your job, if you get injured on the job, you'll
be thrown away like garbage. There's one hundred other men
who want to do your job or are younger, stronger,
and will do it for half the way you do,
Like why do I need you? That's the working class, okay,
And uh, there's a there's an ontological aspect to it.
Like people emphasize a lot the fact that these people
lived in poverty, often grinding poverty, and in the cities
that were already dangerous. These people have been ripped out
of the out of their kind of natural patterns of
living in rural and semi rural environments, you know, to
go work there because they had to do to survive.
But also, uh, there's you know, there's an ontological aspect
like in one of Younger's Uh, I mean, Younger dealt
with this directly in their Arbitter, but he and a
lot of his fiction it's like the Protagus or some
of the secondary characters. They're great war veterans who find
themselves in factory environments and those experiences like bleed into
one another, you know, like fighting with these dangerous machines,
you know, to like earn like a paltry wave is
like being in the trenches again. You know, that's it's
not it's not just an accident. There's not just a
flex that these guys on the street and Vaimar you know,
who fought under the con and his banner called themselves,
you know, combat group of the working class, because that
wasn't probally you know, and those conditions are psychologically devastating,
you know, like basically you're forced into conditions where it's
like I I've got to I've got to do this dangerous,
dirty job otherwise I'll die, you know, and I have
no recourse.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: That's that's a lot of what underlay I mean, that's
what underlay all revolutionary in Paris, you know, including fascism
and and Mussolini's background in like the communist movement. Despite
what a lot of communists said and what a lot
of a lot of left revisionists say today, it wasn't
just like some cynical ploy like oh I'll start dying
the this this this kind of guys of of uh
of national or racial pride or something like Musli. He
believed everything he said. You know, but he he he
wasn't putting on airs with defining the fascist movement is
like a movement of like workers and soldiers and artist.
Speaker 2: That's it was.
Speaker 3: Kind of the it was also responding to. It was
also responding to tendencies like the action of France, say,
who were very much reactionary like Morass himself was like
an atheist and very much kind of like the twentieth
century modernist. But he believed in like the He thought
that you know, the Roman Church should have like retained
like a fundamental role in French political life. He believed
in like the monarchy. He thought these things were like
essential to the sovereign authority and like symbolic psychological aspects
of culture. Uh. Mussolini was responding that large part He's like, no,
that's that's nonsense. We're done with it, you know, like
Mussolini kept Ian. Mussolini didn't oppose the monarchy. Part of
it in Italy. Part of that was tactical, but part
of that was, you know, he thought those kinds of
things were important as a matter of you know, like
you know, like Latin heritage and stuff. But the National
Fatist Party, I agree with arsonalty it was largely response
to that, Like the national socially German Workers Party was
like very much like a synthesis of those things, you know,
not entirely consciously. It was like a discursion process with them.
I think that's the way to think about it. Frankly,
let me jump in. Let me jump in and ask
a question here. When you look at the nineteenth century
and with the nineteenth century basically being a I mean
you had seminaries who were seminaries who were formally reformed,
adopting Darwinian Darwinian models, so basically the metaphysical has gone away.
How much of an effect does that have just basically
I mean on the culture. We know what it does,
but how much of an effect does that have on
the political culture? I mean even outside of like Marxism. Yeah,
it's tremendously impactful. And that's why that's one of the
those two things. It was that it was, uh, you know,
the death of metaphysics and uh things that were things
like they transcendent aspects of the culture. But also, you know,
people people took for granted that you know, religion is dead.
You know, even if that thing, even though that kind
of thing is value nobody believes in that anymore. You know,
human affairs are reducible to the material and the biological.
And that's what I'm like a lot of racialism. Okay,
I wrote a whole essay for my dear friend Giles,
who runs the asylum Meg I wrote. I wrote an
essay for it that he asked me to because people
have this idea that, oh, you know, this kind of
racialism was some German obsession. That's not only everybody thought.
You know, America was probably the most avid, like racial
eugenicist country that existed then. I mean people thought that
way in England and in Japan and France, like this
idea that you know, well, the reason humans behave the
way they do culturally is because of your race. Like
like I'm not saying I'm like, race is a real thing.
I'm not saying that, but it's not you're like your
DNA or your blood as they thought in those days,
like doesn't make you like act Jewish or like act German.
Like that doesn't make any sense, but in those days,
everybody thought that way. Like honestly, that's why these like
internet guy used so like, I mean, yeah, there's like
an ethnic component to any sectarian belief structure, and obviously,
like obviously like Judaism is a ethnos as well as
like a a sectarian cultural structure. But these guys, these
weirdos like bandying like oh, Jews are a race like that,
nobody thinks that way anymore. That's the way people thought
in in the nineteen twenties, like on both sides of
the divide, like like you're Jewish because you have this
kind of you have this kind of blood, you know,
like that, you know, and if if you're if you're
if you're European or Irian like or Japanese, you know,
your blood makes you behave this way like that's that's
not the way things are like that, that's Darwinist nonsense,
you know, like Darwinism is nonsense. I don't know. People
on the right can't like let that go. But that's
that's as much it's as much like an Enlightenment you
know kind of secular humanist uh lie is is the
rest of it, you know, like you don't you're not
you're not something like you're not something like meat robot
like running up program like that's not what a race is,
you know, Like yeah, there's a biological aspect to it.
But that you know, but no, that that's why, uh,
that's why people they kind of cherry pick. They'll they'll
look at something like uh, some guy like uh, some
guy like surroundos in there, or somebody like Mussolini or
somebody like you off Hill or like said or wrote
about religion. They're like, see, like these guys hated religion.
It's like everybody thought that way, you know. And honestly,
like people like Hitler and Mussolini, they had like a
softer view. I mean, first of all, Communists wanted to
literally like mervhor you know, still clinging to the old ways.
But uh, you know, the the the national sols isn't
the fishes. I mean says that their views of of
a religiosity seemed punitive, which in the kids a latter
I don't think they did. They were like look at
look at like the conversation like him learning got lab Burger,
Like Burger's talking about how like, yeah, you need to
like cultivate like among our Islamic allies, we need to
like cultivate their like belief and like in in Orthodox
and Roman Catholic territories, we got to like cultivate like
religious belief. They were doing the opposite, if anything, but
it like cynical. Is that way of better or not?
Like the point being, it wasn't even like for a
lot of people, it wasn't even like it was a
value neutral thing like this is the way it is.
People don't think that way anymore, you know, So why
would we talk about that stuff. It's irrelevant.
Speaker 2: I did, well, I this is all gold. But I
do think that it's important for listeners to remember that
in the span of like three generations, like Don Abbott,
it was actually good at this. If you were like
a poor peasant and you needed a job, you could
go to the local burger, the local ritter, the local
you know, gentlemen in pretty much any country in Europe
right before nineteen fourteen, it'd be like, hey, I need
a job, and he'd like, oh, well, I guess I
could use another gardener, another this, another that, and you know,
between the revolution in industry and the revolution in the war,
right that killed that for a lot of reasons, like
the entire upper crust of Britain, of France, of Germany,
like they all died in the trenches. Russian, the entire
era the aristocracy, but itself white all across Europe, and
you know, the natural leader class just basically got slaughtered
in nineteen fourteen to nineteen eighteen. So the and I was,
I was in correct earlier it was a it wasn't
znnzi on the come to speed is Marinetti. I'm sorry,
But that brutal work environment that you talked about, and
you know, the effectively the factory be no different than
the trenches. Was there any like precedent for this in
history that we know of? I mean, like I am,
I'm struggling. I might find with some kind of parallel
here where like the entire economic, social, religious, you know, sociological,
familial paradigm just they all just shattered.
Speaker 3: There is no parallel. And like despite that, one's being
the point that like only moron say, history repeats itself,
it absolutely does not, you know, like only idiots think
that kind of Consider this man, the Ford motor plant.
I mean, Henry Ford was a great man and in
part because he humanized labor and he and he did
he did, he took heroic measures to elevate the quody
a life of his workforce. So that's that's relevant. But
just in overall terms. But my point is, uh, the
Ford Motor plant employed one hundred thousand people. That that's
utterly insane, like literally tens of thousands of people working
on one site and thousands and thousands of men literally
doing the same job. But that's also like general strike
could bring the economy to its knees, you know, because
these valuated manufacturers, you know there they if you could
if you get a halt production on them, you know, uh,
they you nothing, there was no business was being done.
You know, it wasn't at all like today. And when
you're talking about when you're talking about a true working
class where you have you know, people integrated with productive machines,
like literally you know, all doing the same job. They
become part of that machine and they can they can
stop that machine. And like that's why that's also why
scab labor became a thing, because you can, if you've
got like a if you got like a young man
literally with a strong back, if you can physically handle
it and endure it psychologically and physically, you can teach
any strong young guy to do this job. Like that's
part of that's part of what was critical to this
paradigm is that we're talking about physically very difficult but
unskilled labor. You know, it's basically, you know, it's like
a labor army. That's why Spengler talked about how the
city is a barracks because urbanization at scale, that's why
it doesn't make any sense anymore. And like since the
seventies when the federal government stopped bailing out cities, which
was a huge deal under the Ford administration, Gerald Ford,
like the whole that demand scramble has been to like
find a way to like make cities profitable because like
they don't make sociological sense, you know, other I mean,
I think cities are important for sociological and historical reasons,
but they exist. The reason why cities exist as we
know them is as worker barracks, you know, and finding
a way to make them profitable. When that paradigm went away,
it has been a very difficult thing and it's still
it's ongoing.
Speaker 1: Something you said there that uh just triggered something right
in my brain was about general strikes. And you know,
a lot of people will say, oh, the reason why
you ship your you ship your manufacturing over to China
is because you know, it's cheaper to manufacture there and
ship back here than it is to manufacture here. Yeah,
you also don't have a chance. There's no chance of
having a strike and a shutdown because.
Speaker 3: It's yeah, because that's legal, and you're thrown in jail
or you'll be shot. Yeah, exactly, exactly.
Speaker 2: Right, Well, where's sabotage? Right? Like, think about the average
forward plant today? How many billions of dollars in humans
are in capital? Is there at a Ford plant? You know,
every robot's probably twenty five thirty forty thousand dollars or more.
Speaker 3: I have no idea, right, More like I've worked in
a machine shop, is my first job, and there was
these machines that literally had been made in World War
Two that were valued at like seventy five or one
hundred thousand dollars. It's insane.
Speaker 2: Yeah, go ahead, And that was a number of years ago,
so they're probably even more now. Right. So you talk
about an army of labor, Well, armies can go towards
the other guy, or they can mutiny. And so like
if your workforce mutinies and they destroy a bunch of
your styff or sabotage any of yourself, and it doesn't
even need to be much right, Like if if one
of your lathes is like a tenth degree of a
degree out of spec, like every single part it puts
out is going to be wrong. And when you have
to have tolerances of thousands of an inch in order
for something to work, like, think about how crazy it is.
It stuck with my friend sand Batch about this, Like
if anyone understood what a car is, it's a It's
a metal tube filled up with highly explosive, volatile gasoline
and you light it on fire and you go down
the road at ninety miles an hour, Like like, that's crazy.
And in order for that not to like just fall
apart or or break, you have to, you know, you
have to have very tight tolerances. And we're not talking airplanes,
which are even tighter, or you know, anything like that.
This is just cars, and they have relatively loose tolerances
compared to something like a airplane or let alone anything
involving space. So you've got these where everything has to
be up to spec.
Speaker 3: I'll also add two talking about the labor situation and
the radicalization of the laboring classes, as well as World
War One and managing conflict at scale, you know, this
kind of thing. Uh, it's like trying to ride some
out of control animal, like this idea that every step
of the way the stuff can be controlled or that. Uh,
there's like discrete kind of temporal snapshots whereby if you're
in an executive role, you can somehow put the brakes
on things like that. Nonsense, Like these things get out
of control rapidly, and trying to trying to bring a
labor revolve under control or trying to end they're trying
to bring a conflict to you know, to to cease fire,
as was the case in like nineteen sixteen, ninety seventeen.
That's that's almost impossible, you know, like once these things start,
they can't really be stopped. They have to run their course.
And I I mean that was the case if you're
talking about if you're talking about uh, you know, some
some some local lord in the fifteen hundreds, if you're
talking about a national state of eighty million people, you know,
involved in a war that's rapidly becoming mechanized, you know,
where where twenty million men are mobilized fighting it. It's
impossible to stop it, you know, And that's why uh,
and there were there's in and and the leadership element
was uniquely ill suited to do that, you know. I
mean the point again again is the reason why h
Hitler actually personally hated very few people. I mean, he
wouldn't have gotten very far as and he certainly wouldn't
become the most single powerful man in the world if
he said around hating people. He hated the Kaiser Wilhelm
and many many veterans did as they should have because
he was a piece of ship, and Holveg was was
the real Holveg and Franz Joseph and the Hasbury Empire
were like the real heroes the central powers in my opinion.
But and both of them understood that if if this
war begins, that we won't be able to stop it,
you know. I Meanwhile, the Kaiser was carrying on and
with he was like some kind of money python character
or something. It's like oblivious to these things. I mean,
as we're like a lot of his counterparts, to be fair,
across the continent. But you know, uh, the German Empire
was a mixed system. It was, you know, the Bismarckian system.
There was a genuine separation between state and government, but
at the end of the day. I mean the Kaiser
an ultimate war authority, you know, I mean people, the
general staff, the reichs Consler. You know, these these guys
had a lot of power, and they had independent power
to negotiate within reason. But I mean it was in
the hands of the Kaiser, and like, if you got
some if you got guys, you know, guys who were
born in the mid nineteenth century who have been kind
of cloistered within palace walls, like both physically and conceptually,
and a modern mechanized war is in their hands.
Speaker 2: Like that.
Speaker 3: That's that's a nightmare, you know, I mean, that's part
of it.
Speaker 2: Yeah, we got you, we're talking. Hitler was born in
eighteen and Mussolini was eighteen eighty three, I believe, right,
So they were young men when like the world had
changed in a crazy fashion. But all the guys you'd mentioned,
you know, the Kaiser was born in what eighteen fifty three,
I woant to say, I can't remember, but you know,
like the eighteen fifty Like he was an old man
by nineteen fourteen, and he was a literal prince, right,
so he's in this He's never had to work in
industrial even the kings of France, who you know, quote
unquote worked for a living. They were taught a trade
as part of their regnal duties, right they were. They
were never taught like, okay, be careful, don't stick your
finger in this or lose an arm. Like that was
never a thing that any of these people ever had
to deal with.
Speaker 3: I think Joseph was an exception, and he was he
was pussibly elderly by the honest of hostildes. But he
Franz Joseph, he'd write a really fast, He slept on
a military cot. He like would fore go a luxury.
He was a career soldier, like even when he was
out of active service, like he'd still like, we're a
uniform every day. Like he didn't like having like regal finery.
But yeah, go ahead, generally, Yeah, that's he was the
exception that proves the rule.
Speaker 2: Yeah, well he's he's uh. There are people who want
to canonize him, No one of Catholics particularly, who want
to canonize him because he was just such a He
tried so hard to stop this, you know, and as
you mentioned, like it had a momentum all its own
where like no one could stop it. You know, like
perhaps in nineteen thirteen, like if all the cousins had
met and been like this is insane, Like if they'd
gotten together and perhaps done a demonstration like this is
what a modern machine gun can do, and like had
a bunch of cows in the field or something.
Speaker 3: And that's that's critical too. Like after after Waterloo, there
wasn't a real European war, Like there was the there's
the Franco Approaching War, which was like a which was
like an incredible and that's like we would put the
Prussians on the map, and there was there was the Crimea,
but the Crimea was like very much restricted to localize theaters.
But there you know, there wasn't a real like modern war.
There was guys and the guys who'd served the in
as mercenaries in the war between the States in America,
Like some of them tried to send the alarm bells
like look like this is going to be a slaughter.
But yeah, they people had no idea what like modern
WaRTeK was like because it had been a century since
most people have been exposed that kind.
Speaker 1: Of thing, and everything had changed so much too. I mean, yeah,
well that's one of the things I wanted to bring
up is you go from the Franco Prussian War to
World War One, which is less than fifty years and
World War One you have planes that are flying around
and they're dropping manually dropping bombs out of them, and
then just less than twenty years later, the Condor Legion
is frigging lighting cities on fire and Spain. I mean,
how how do you not how does humanity and people
who are of a yeah, high culture thinking, people who
are looking towards the eternal and looking towards doing great things.
How are they not all over the place in trying
to figure out an ideology when you in twenty years
you go from oh, here I'm dropping a bomb out
of a plane with my hand to I just let
garnic on fire.
Speaker 3: Yeah no, and things like and things like things like
chemical warfare. I mean, it's not just like poison gas
is disgusting and it's it's just like awful to contemplate.
That's a that's a terrible way to die. But this
idea that you know, I can I can, I can
fire poison at you, like well outside of visual range
through like indirect fire, you know, and uh, within seconds
you'll be like your lungs will shread to pieces and
you'll die like choking on those pieces. Or you know,
like you'll you'll scratch your you'll you'll you'll scratch some
sense of areas your body bloody, because like a blistering
agent is is is like tearing your skin apart, you know,
like that kind of stuff. It's like something out of
like science fiction. That'd be like if guys went to
war tomorrow and like the Ivans or like the Koothies
have like found a way to like launch like a
xeno morse at you that like grab your face and
then like pop out of your chest. Like I mean,
that's I'm being obtoos, but that's like what it would
be like. But people just like what the fuck, you know,
like I that I mean not like people were I mean,
people are habituated to violence, unfortunately, very much in those
days of a non cool like noble sword. But stuff
like that is just like the horrors of technology kind
of shit, I guess, is my point.
Speaker 2: Like the largest the Grand Army got was like six
hundred thousand people, and that was only very briefly, right,
and then like World War One, that's not even I mean,
that's like casualties for a couple of months.
Speaker 3: You know, Yeah, the burn rate was unbelievable. And well,
it's also to some of the some of the exhipgencies
that emerge in game theory and like reach their zenith,
you know, by the final cycle of the Cold War,
where there's conditions of strategic parody and planning for nuclear
war fighting. You know, you're like you as commander of
a or as part of the command element of strategic
nuclear forces, your charge of identifying potential war indicators, like
before the enemy has even started to act, arguably before
he even understands that conditions are moving towards war, you know,
and then you know, you've got to be able to
read those indicators and decide whether to like preemptively assault
or not. Like stuff like that was though those kinds
of variables were already emergent in nineteen fourteen. And that's
why I believe I agree with.
Speaker 2: A. J. P.
Speaker 3: Taylor When when the Russian Empire, when the Tsar gave
the order to mobilize, Russia had a two phase mobilization paradigm,
and once it was implemented, Uh, even if the even
even if the Czar or I don't know, if the
Russian Imperial Army had a general staff or not, whatever
their command element was, even if hear them and put
the brakes on mobilization. You know, if if if the
German Empire and the Hats were an empire like hadn't assaulted,
they would have been dead because they would like roll
the dice and been like okay, well we'll not mobilize
and kind you know, taking like the tsar it like
his word, but it's like if this is a war
ruse like we're you know, because you don't have force,
even if you have forces in being, and even if
you have like a properly trained and outfitted like reserve
system of like able bodied men, they're not like sitting
around mobilized, you know. So essentially it's the equivalent of
like deloping metaphorically speaking like well you're dueling opponent, like
it has its weapon trained on you.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: So this head I'm sure people listening are gonna think
I'm I'm being punitive and mean to the Russians. I'm not.
There's not like a moral component here. I'm saying, like
in causal terms, when when the Czar gave the order
to mobilize, forces. The die was cast. They couldn't be
stopped anymore. When a whole way approached the French at
the eleventh hour and begged them to stand down. If
they had done that, I think that that would have
that would have stayed the hand of the Russians, because uh,
then they would have been fighting UH, they would have
been fighting both the German Empire and the Habsburgs on
like a single front, whereby like the bulk of both
forces could be thrown at the Czar's army. But that's
that's a bit abstract. But yeah, that that's important to
consider man and it plays. It also relates to to
like I said, like like situational awareness, particularly as regards
UH the window decision temporally, you know, as to responding
to UH world market conditions. There's a parallel not just
not just a similar not in terms of similarity like
structural similarity, but there's a parallel and in terms of causality,
you know, between military and geopolitical CRISI and UH and
and economic events at scale, you know, and this is UH,
these are the things that really created kind of like
the late modern state, you know, like the managerial state,
if you will, as a, as James Burnham called it.
You know, like in some ways we're very fortunate. Man,
Like I'm not. I don't want to pontificate or dereal
the conversation, but I especially if you're old enough to
remember the Cold War. I mean I was like a
little kid and like a very young team when the
Cold War was going on, but it was just something
you lived with. People these days are like, are compared
to even forty years ago, or like unbelievably safe. That's
why it's bizarre. The act like a bunch of hysterical
old women all the time, are scared of everything. It's like,
what the fuck you talking about? Like compared to somebody
one hundred or fifty or forty years ago, you're like
unbelievably safe.
Speaker 2: But yeah, I didn't mean, well, it's like.
Speaker 1: But but it's also like you say, Thomas, the US
military is designed just to fight the Cold War. So
is our political so is our political thought. That's what
we're taught. We're just I mean that our philosophy now
is we're just continually fighting the Cold War. Everyone's an enemy,
everyone's out to get us. And then it's just come home.
And now it's we're fighting the Cold War in our
home on our on the home front.
Speaker 3: Yeah, it doesn't make any sense, and you'd think that
like again, I you know, the first to admit, first
to emphatically state that history doesn't repeat itself. But when
you're talking about but I mean, human activity is basically
like a closed uh loop. You know, like there's like
limited numbers of like outcomes, you know, and there's like
there's like there's not like infinite variables like human behavior. Okay,
so there's like parallels. So if you're trying to you're
trying to like identify if you're trying to like identify
potental course of action like in any given like emergent
scenario of a political nature, you know, you you do
go to the historical record like trying to find parallels.
I mean, like obviously particularly on things related to like
military questions. The it's really unprecedented for that that level
like kind of structural sinility the way like America is,
it's like it's like total inability to like adapt after
November nineth, nineteen eighty nine, like Bush and Baker were adapting,
which is it is fascinating how like the deep state
totally and completely sabotaged, like their vision moving forward to globalism.
Like I'm not saying you got to think like Bush
was like a like Bush for one was like a
good guy or something, but surprise, what's that.
Speaker 2: His management at the end of the Cold War, how
no one got nuked? Is I mean, like it's it's
really truly. Yeah, it's a remarkable uh diplomatic chievements.
Speaker 3: Yeah, the Gulf War coalition that was uh, the Prussians
would envy that, like in terms of like how the
war was executed, but the way he he corralled literally uh,
you know, the the Syrians, the Saudis, he had that
he had he had hid the Soviet Union which was
its final days then like sign off in the operation,
you know, like he had like he had a literal
like army of the nations like arrayed against Sadam. That's
that's completely insane. Like the guy was like a historical
giant of a US president in post war terms. Like
even if you don't like him, like some guy the
other day in the Internet was like, you know Bush
forty one was he was what a gray man? Idiots,
I'm like, what the fuck are you talking about? Like that,
that's so like delusional, but but no, but the the
total inability of the deep state to manage like the
post Cold War environment, and it shows you like how
like the rot was deep. Like even people this idea
that like the Reagan era was like really based and
the government related shipped together. And don't get me wrong,
that cadre that that filled out the Bush forty one administration,
like James Baker, Casser Weinberger, Laurence Evelberger, like a bunch
of these guys, Like those guys were like very serious guys,
especially Baker. Baker's somebody I really admire, Okay, but uh,
the wider kind of uh national security apparatus, it was
a bunch of goofs and and idiots, you know, like
I mean, people who just couldn't handle you know, the
the changing of the guard figuratively and literally. And and
then they didn't want the Cold War to end because
like they they were it was it was it was
like basically like a con to them. It was just
like a way of like you know, being able to
kind of live off the public coffers and profit by
the ongoing threat of h.
Speaker 2: Of Don of war, Don Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney just yeah,
guys like that exactly. They just treated the being higher
thing like this existential struggle. And I'm I'm just old
enough to remember like the Cold War when it was
serious and I grew up next to, you know, a
military base on the West coast, and so there were
times when I was a kid where like you know,
the f sixteens would come screaming, you know, off their
off their base and like you know, you knew some
serious ship was going down.
Speaker 3: Or like when I was in elementary school, we'd still
we'd have they called them by then, emergency drills, like euphemistically,
you know, like we'd have to we'd have to go
to dates, like the bell would ring like three times
over and over again, and we'd have to like go
single file to the lower level. And then you'd like
we're like that was was structure, the reasoning being like
it was structurally more robust, I guess, And like every
classroom had like a number that was posted where like
you'd have to and like they for you like a
symbol and then like you get down on your hands
and knees and you duck and cover and like put
your head like against the wall and we have to
hold a position for thirty seconds. It was, oh, this
is the emergency, driel Yeah, well the only emergency you
do that in is nuclear war, okay, And so this, uh,
I felt like slapping people. I mean even not just
not just I get kids a pass like young people,
I mean people fuckers like my age and older. Like
when the COVID thing was everything, We've never faced a
threat like this. I'm like, what the fuck are you
talking about? Are you insane? You know, like I, I
and every other kid in America grew up with the
reality you might become counter value attrician, you know. I mean,
like it was the seasonal flu is like an existential menace,
unlike anything really like it's but that's that's a digression.
Speaker 2: Well it is I think a good illustration of just
how fundamentally unserious are our elite have become, Right, Like
I've talked about on Peacha before and everyone should check out,
like his series is Doctor Johnson on Twitter years together.
But like, fundamentally, this whole Ukraine thing is just because
like a bunch of American neocons are still salty about
the Hammannitsky program program from sixteen forty eight. I mean,
That's that's why the war in Ukraine is a thing, right.
Speaker 3: And I mean the tribe absolutely hates Russia. Like the
degree to which they hate Russia like can't be overstated,
like just anecdotally. I kind of like Ralph Bakshi, even
though he's like a huge fucking Jew, like you know,
the animator. He made this really interesting movie called American Pop,
and I really like that movie, and it's basically about
this family. It follows these four generations of these guys.
Like one of them is like this vaudeville performer, Like
one of them is just like piano prodigy gets killed
in World War two. One of them is like this
songwriter's kind of like a cross between like Louied and
did Ramone who becomes like this huge heroin addict and
his son then becomes this like like uh, this like
huge rock star, you know, like in the nineteen eighties.
It's it's a cool movie, but it opens up where
the Cossacks are like programming like the Russian Jews, because
like even Ba actually used like this like New York
City guy. He's like, oh, you know, the Russians are
like you know, they're doesn't have the Semitic bastards like that,
that's literally like their number one enemy. They fucking hate
the Russians and the Russians have no love for them.
But the Ukraine Wars complicated, it's it's in large measure
where it was returning the serve for the Russians and
Assad's forces, uh, levying a huge defeat against id F
and there and their tech fery proxies in Syria. Yeah, yeah,
but I mean it so yeah, like anybody, anybody doesn't
understand like the dynamic between the Russians and the Jews
as of people, like it's not in the game, right, Yeah, absolutely.
Speaker 2: But but we're you know, we're dealing with right, both
both world wars start over like border disputes in Eastern
Europe that heavily involved Jews, right, and we're supposed to
just sit here and like be like this is fine
and and get more involved in like wait a minute,
didn't World War One start over a border dispute with Slavs?
Speaker 3: And well, just this idea too, I mean, just like
the monumental ignorance like it made the point of people before,
you know, like the American left, like guys like Peter
Arnett and and the like, and in media especially. I mean,
I thought those guys were terrible people, but there was
like a consistency to them, and you know they they
there there, there wasn't internal logic to like their perspective
like the American left now like they want to like
they they're basic a chewleading section for uh, for like
the warfare state. Like it's bizarre. These people are totally illerate,
you know, like uh like if the uh if you know,
it's like that scene in the movie Caligula, which is
probably apocryphal, where it's like Caligula he he orders the
roleman Allegiance to like assault the seed, to like conquer
like Poseidon's kingdom or like Neptune, I guess his kingdom. Okay,
Like if Joe Biden had like ordered like the US
Marines wottack the Atlantic Ocean, like these fagats would have
been like, yeah, we hate the Atlantic Ocean. They're like
racist and stuff like like they're they're literally retarded, you know,
like they they couldn't find Ukraine on a map, but
they you know, it's like if you're gonna pretend to
like care about some other country, Ukraine is literally it's
it's a failed state in order of Somalia, like run
by a literal like homicidal criminal mafia. It's like sitting
around saying you love like Edia means Uganda, Like you know,
it's like you really you love Ukraine, like you think
like the Zelenski mafia is awesome, and it's like your
idea of like a good government that then needs to
be defended, like it's you can't, you can't make this
ship off. These people are they're literally insane and they're
literally retarded.
Speaker 2: Well, and I mean, of course you're right, but this
this notion that like individual rights or that a society
where you're like weird devotion to transsexualism as a religious value,
absolute personal autonomy to the point of of you know,
like shedding male and female and you know, total liberation
from any kind of that that's possible in any kind
of society that actually functions, right. You know, these people
will talk about like, well, you're a gender fascist, but
because I think boys are boys and girls are girls,
Like if if egalitarian rousey and liberalism leads you to
the point where you think, like cross dressing is a
major political issue as opposed to like a very weird,
very niche fetish that should be you.
Speaker 3: Know, yeah, that's why you're like people I make that
point of feel all the time. It's like, don't. It's
like what the fuck you're doing, Like arguing with like
sexual paraphilias. It's like there's all these people are insane,
and those times that aren't insane, it's like they're they're
basically like they're a making fun of you, and there
be like running up you sabotage. You don't like engage
people who like say crazy things. That's like arguing with
some hobo on the subway with like shit in his pants,
you know, like you don't. It's like I'm not gonna
argue with these fucking people. You're like not just because
I don't argue with my people's enemies. But it's like, yeah,
it's like you just said, it's like if you're if
if if what you believe is politics is like talking
about like parrot sexual paraphilias, like uh, like I you know,
traditionally like the remedy that would would would be a
heavy shot.
Speaker 2: Right and with good reason, right, like and this is
this is why, this is why like you've seen.
Speaker 3: Yeah, we're I'm not going to advocate murdering people, but
I'm also not going to argue with them and pretend
like they have some position that deserves being heard.
Speaker 2: Yeah, I'm just enough younger than you. I think that
like everyone, like I'm in my mid forties, so everyone
younger than me, like has no coherent memory of like
a coherent society. And why they're constantly talking about fascism
and why the research engine interest today. And I think
one of the great services you provide, Thomas, and I
kudos and plaudits for this. You know, in the dark
years in the seventies, eighties and nineties, when all the
men who'd actually been there were dying of old age
and they're or a few people like yourself, Mark Webber,
a couple others who kept the light alive. Around twenty
thirteen or so, it was the twenty twelve election where
you know, you had like literally movie star, a handsome
like Graying Temple's Mitt Romney, right, like you know, he's
like the central casting Republican.
Speaker 3: No, yeah, he had great here, yeah, you know, like
you know, well yeah.
Speaker 2: Right, but but you know, Conservatism like they saw that
like it had failed, like like we lost to Obama again.
You know, like this guy obvious lightweight, probably a homosexual,
like yeah, just an empty suit. And you know the
O eight crisis he'd done nothing about, you know, done
nothing with that, and you just give a tool of
the banks.
Speaker 3: And it was just also like this random guy like
it didn't his cannas, he didn't make any sense. It's
like if you were going to like if you're gonna
take I'm dating myself as reference. But people remember J. C. Watts.
He was this He was a Canadian football league jock,
and he was kind of the Republican's token like black guy.
He was just kind of like slick black dude who
always like wore really nice suits, and he came up
as kind of carnye you know, like oh I'm J. C.
Speaker 2: Watts.
Speaker 3: I'm like I'm like I'm like hands on him in
like Hollywood terms, like polite black man. It's like, okay,
if're gonna draft a guy like that and like make
him and like install him as president, like okay, get it,
or if you're gonna draft some like Spanish guy is
like you know, this is like mister immigrant, like Spanish
guy who like bootstrapped himself into success and like basically
make his candidacy like a reality TV show. How are fake?
Speaker 2: That was?
Speaker 3: It's like, okay, get that. It's like Obama. It's like,
here's this random guy who's like from Hawaii. You know,
we're gonna pretend he's from Chicago, and then we're gonna
pretend he's black. Like the whole thing was like very random,
straight and pretend he's right. Like yeah, but it made
but it's like why. It's like, why are you gonna
pretend he's black? Like why if you're gonna like, yeah,
it's like either draft an actual black guy or make
the narrative. He's just like, say, it's another world colored person.
Like why it made no fucking sense. And that's also
why the guy's like totally forgotten now because they had
no context. You know.
Speaker 2: It's yeah, he has he has CIA connections. That's why
they ended up. But anyway, the thing that thing to
think about, right is and this is where I came in.
I came in and came into the movement about twenty
years ago and after the failure of the Ron Paul Revolution,
and you know, you really only are given these three alternatives, right,
how do you deal with this? Mass society where millions
of people are you know, turning wrenches in a car factory,
or millions of people are you know, driving to and
from work every day. Millions of people are you know,
logging into the computers. Millions of people are doing all
these things, and you know, the coherent alternatives are like
capitalism as we know it, which is which has failed
people my age and younger, like spectacularly. They can't afford houses,
they can't get married, they can't save, they can't they
can't afford to live anywhere safe. They have to live
in vans, like you know, that was a joke when
we were a kid, you know, Chris Frowley and then
you live in a right, Yeah, well now that's like
that's like aspirational, like oh you live in a really
nice van down by the river. You know, Like wait
a second, Like when I was a kid, this was
like not a good thing, and now like it's all
that you know, younger like older zoolers younger but literis
can afford.
Speaker 3: And so it's going on for a minute. I mean
absolutely right when I was uh, when I was home
was I mean like much of that was like my
own fault. I'm not not saying that like conditions like
mac or economic conditions made me homeless, but I'd meet
like other homeless people and a lot of them were, Yeah,
they were like young guys and girls where they couldn't
they literally couldn't afford rent or whatever or like I'm
certainly not a mortgage, and they had like fucked up
parents who basically threw them out. They were like or
were like shitheads who like wouldn't let them stay with
them while they got on their feet, and it was
like eye opening. I'm like, wow, that's terrible, but uh right,
I'm gonna I'm gonna raise up and I'm gonna I
don't want to be abrupt, but I figure I've been
going for an hour and I'm still kind of not
feeling great. We can take this up again sometime and
in the next few days or like in a week,
if you guys want to make this. And I'm going thin,
I think, I think.
Speaker 2: It's been really great. But I just and I'm happy
to hear to listen to you talk anytime, but I
think it's important for the listener to realize, like, you know,
there's a reason like hardcore Bolsheviks. After the two thousand
and eight crisis, like did the Occupy Wall Street thing
and then it failed because they were obsessioned with like
DEI stuff. And why the resurgence of influence, our interest
in in you know, fascist alternatives. Why why there's a
bunch of guys who are thirty years old and who
Stan Hitler is Because you've seen the same kind of
conditions that you know created the revolution in the first
place in Wymar, Like you know, there's hyperinflation and trainees
and like Jews are in charge.
Speaker 3: And like, no, I think young people are awesome, Like
not just because I mean, young people are the future.
I mean that's who we should be focused on anyway.
But young guys and girls generally, they're shit together. That's
why I like, I don't like when people trash zoomers
because I mean, that's that's stupid anyway, and like a
shitty way to be. But zoomers have a lot of
they got a lot of uh dynamic energy and and
even like a lot of the zoomers on the left,
Like I was talking to some of these kids that
I ran across at the at the DNC protest and
like other places, and like a lot of them uh
they're kind of naive and in terms of their utopian concepts,
but a lot of them are are kind of they
read you guys like a manual Vollerstein and they read
uh like they read serious left wing stuff and they
realize that, they realize that like pro regime like perverts,
like our pieces of shit and like they're their enemy.
Speaker 2: Yeah them.
Speaker 3: Yeah, I'm not saying it's great if kids read Marks
and Lenin, but I they're at least that's serious stuff.
It's not it's not it's not like regime pornography and
like bougie fucking garbage.
Speaker 2: No, that's true. And I was talking with a friend today,
like the most depressed people in the world right now
and for probably the last fifty years at least, have
been like indigenous Christians in Israel, in West Bank and Gaza, Palestine. Yeah,
and like to give those guys in the left at
least credit, they're they're at least serious about like these
people are oppressed and they're being murdered by the thousands
by this regime. They might call a fascists, I might
call it. And there's some truth that because Jabatanski was
a fascist. Right Lil Coup found of the Lil Coup Party,
Like it's basically just stole Stoll Mussolini's notes and so.
Speaker 3: We know leecudism is like it's like a prestiche of
of of of all kinds of things that don't really
make sense and in the context is implemented. But yeah,
it's no, there's uh, these are these are amazing times
and and things are incredibly I'm incredibly optimistic. And anybody
who's not doesn't anybody's not said they're like, uh, addicted
to their own addicted to like the stink of their
own failure and misery, or they're just like not engaged
with you know, what's what's happening around them.
Speaker 1: No, I think a lot of yeah, i'll help us,
I'll help us close out here. I think I think
just a lot of people too are their whole stick
is nothing is going to ever get better, and that's
and they're just selling it and the other monetizing that.
So all right, let me let you guys, Let me
let you guys get out of here. Thomas, two plugs
and then d you can promote whatever you want.
Speaker 3: Yeah, the best place to find me is on my substick.
That's where all kinds of good stuff happens. It's a
real Thomas seven seven seven. That's substick dot com. That's
I mean, that's the place to go. You can find
everything I do there, just hyperlinks and stuff to what
else they do. My social media is all is at
Capital R E A L underscore number seven h O
M A S H seven seven seven And yeah, well
we well we convene wherever you guys want and just
give me a couple of times.
Speaker 2: Notice cool, d you got something, thank you for uh yeah,
thanks for having me. Pete. I just have you know,
the fundamental principle on substack Fundamental Principles dot substack dot
com and uh you know dumb Road of FP podcast
at dutgun road dot com. So people are interested in
my religious project, that's what there you can find me.
And then of course you know, I'm privileged to be
here once a month with Pete with the Hot Crime Syndicate,
So please give that a listen and I'll do my
standard design off of like you know, go to Freeman
and on the wall slash support kick Pete a few bucks.
It's you know, he does so much work behind the scenes, folks,
like he helps so many people, you know, not just me,
not just Thomas, but but dozens of people all the time.
And so please support the people that don't lie to you.
You know, all of us work pretty hard at this
and you know, a couple of bucks if you can
spare it helps a lot. So thank you.
Speaker 1: All right, thanks lot, guys, have a good night. I
want to welcome everyone back to the Peking Jona Show.
So the interesting thing about this episode is this episode
is a year late. We had this episode planned for
July thirteenth of last year, and then something really weird
happened in Pennsylvania, Butler, Pennsylvania, and we ended up talking
about that, and well, what better time than on the
year anniversary to revisit the subject of the infrastructure of
the NSDAP and Germany of nineteen thirty of the nineteen thirties,
and yeah, especially as our infrastructure is crumbling around us. So, Thomas,
how are you doing today?
Speaker 3: Yeah, I'm doing pretty well. Man. Thanks for including me.
Speaker 1: Coolde, how are you?
Speaker 2: I'm great, man. It's always a pleasure to beyond with you,
and always a pleasure to beyond with Tom. I've learned
with some guys. Man, the college classes every single one
of your guys, the series or a series of college lectures.
It really is fantastic.
Speaker 3: And that's a great problem. And thank you.
Speaker 1: See this is this is your subject, man, this is
your idea. I'm just getting interject to ask questions. Why
don't you take off and go where you want to go?
Speaker 2: All right, well, I'll try to try to keep the
autism to a minimum here. But just as a brief aside,
I'll give you a brief sketch. The road network in
Europe wasn't as good as it was in the time
of the Five Good Emperors again until like the late
nineteenth century and McAdam invented his mcadamization asphalt paving process.
And I want to say, like eighteen thirty. So a
man like a road network where nothing is paved or
hardly anything is paved, and only like cities might have cobblestones,
and maybe maybe maybe like major highways between say like
Rome and Ostia might be paved. But that's not normal now.
I mean, like you can get like lightly laden carts
and stuff, you know, to and front places, but really
like in order to keep the road from training into
like a mud bog, you gotta pave it to keep
the water off. And the most efficient way to transport
to anything is of course via water, which is why
Germany is richer than Italy, because Italy has one real
river valley, the po in the north and it and
it outflows into Venice, which is you know, a decent
port only because of the heroic efforts of the Venetians themselves. Right,
it's normally very swampy and not a difficult or a
very difficult place to make it a living. Only the
heroic efforts of the Venetians have made it someplace prosperous
and liveable. And you know, France has got six huge
river valleys. Basically, nowhere in the UK or nowhere in
England itself is more than twenty five miles from water
from from like a port that'll get to get to water.
So that's why those two countries were in Germany were
the most prosperous countries in Europe. You know, Spain only
has the Ebro. So in a world where like heavy
transport has to be done via water basically because the
roads aren't up to it, Like how do you develop internally? Right,
in Germany, it'd only been united since what eighteen seventy one,
was that I want to say seventy nine, right, okay,
eighteen seven, So like like four years after uncle is born,
is you know, like you know is or four years before? Right?
Speaker 3: Like this is not all right?
Speaker 2: I'm sorry I was thinking Musolini? Right? So yeah, So
you know Musolini's born in eighteen eighty three, right, he's
only thirteen years before is when Italy was was was
again a whole political entity. And you know Hitler was
only like ten years before Hitler was born was when
Germany became a whole nation again. So you have these
what had been you know, how do you how do
you integrate like the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies road
network into the Papal States road network, into the City
states and the North road network. You know, do you
have the same standards in Bavaria and Pomerania? How does
that work? So you've got this huge coordination problem that
takes forever to figure out. And at least in the
Holy Roman Empire, a big part of what made like
little baronies economically viable was their traditional right to tax.
So you'd have these locks all along this river network
in Germany where you know, this barren of this one
little spot would charge a toll. There's this massive increase
in internal costs, you know, just shipping something down the rhine,
there'd be a stop here, and a stop here and
a stop here. So improving the transportation network and essentially
internal free trade right like what List says, right, internally
free trade and development allows you to greatly decrease your
transportation costs, your friction right and allows you to ship
things over land between rail which is ten times more
efficient than roads. That's why the nineteenth century was the
century of just railroad mania, right the United States, Germany, France,
the UK, all over the place. Rail was the name
of the game. But that rail network that built out
of the rail network allowed you to build out the
road network because your transportation costs for things like I
don't know, gravel all of a sudden drop by fifty
sixty seventy eighty percent when you can throw it on
a train, and just.
Speaker 3: As the quick aside.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: One of the things that the British wanted to do
when they when they roprat about purposes, won the Scramble
for Africa. They wanted to build a railroad that started
in North Africa and ended at the cap. So basically,
like they wanted to have like a trans Siberian railroad
that like spanned Africa, which is totally insane, but it
would have been it probably would have been viable, man,
if they could have held it, you know, and if
they hadn't detonated their own orcus. Yeah, go ahead, I'm sorry.
Speaker 2: Well, and that's actually part of the you bring it up.
But like there was a conflict with the Portuguese because
the Portuguese had Angola and Mozambique, right, and they wanted it.
They wanted a trans African railway to control their they're
holdings on the east and west coast and the British
one of theirs going north south. And they almost got it.
I mean, I can't remember they actually finished the African railroad.
Speaker 3: Or not, but yeah, that was that was Cecil Roads big.
That was his big ambition, you know. And in some
ways Roads Roads kinda reminds me of Blackjack Pershing in
some ways, I mean, I I think, I mean, obviously
roads is more roads at a certain time. If he
was one of these he was one of these kinds
of imperialist characters that came up through the Crown charter
system of wealth management and adventurism. I mean, person was
very much you know, like kind of a a logistics
and engineering genius and a very effective combat commander. But yeah,
these guys are really extraordinary in terms of their in
terms of their intellect.
Speaker 2: Well, and that that leads us to if he hadn't
had died in an untimely fashion. I don't know what
your personal opinion of Fritz tot is, Thomas, but I
am a massive admirer of total personally.
Speaker 3: Doctor and he and Helmar Shocked. Helmar Shocked is a
reason why the UK delegation to the Internetional Military Treatbunal
basically intervened and said, you know, you're you're gonna cut
this man loose because we need him. You know, Toad
was much more a patriot than Shocked was. But Toad
and Helmer Shocked were responsible for the uh, the economy
of the German Reich becoming what it was, and in
terms of such that such that centrally planned efforts. I mean,
all banking systems are gonna be somewhat centralized, Okay, I
mean like that that's not an ethical question, it's a
it's just reality. But yeah, I think they're they're they're
both personages who are essential understanding the uh the economics
of the German Reich. And they were both you know,
towering intellects and in different aspects of macroeconomic praxie definitely.
Speaker 2: So for those of you who don't know, doctor Fritz
Tote was the head of organization Tote, which was the
police Thomas correct my pronunciation because I'm terribout this sort
of thing. And he was succeeded by Albert Speer, who
is the guy who uh designed the Volkshall but ultimately
turned trader and after the war and and a low
opinion of that anyway, doctor Tote goes to uh, you
know technically University of Munich and gets gets a pH
d in uh civil engineering on on effectively paving roads.
And he is the one who's responsible for the audubon
for the Atlantic Wall from for for honestly most of
you know, the Third Reich's construction projects. He was the inspector.
Jennifer watered End is the right a minister for armaments munitions.
Speaker 3: I mean, yeah, that was the key. That's what I mean.
The key really played was as armaments minister, you know,
in terms of the war effort and and some of
these projects that were essential to national defense. To be
clear about the Autobon too, this kind of mass highway
system I raised Pershing because you know, Pershing was Eisenhower
was a disciple of Pershing, and that's basically where he
inherited the idea for what became the interstate system, and
like a mass highway system, among other things, on a
continent sized scale, you needed to be able to deploy
forces and being an event of general war, and that
was one of the reasons for the you know, the
Eisenhower Expressway system. You know, it's that you can deploy
east and west rapidly. And the Autobon obviously when Rice
Commissary at Moscow then was realized, you know it had
the Soviet Union been defeated and assimilated into the Greater
German Reich, you know, the the the Autobahn was going
to go from Spain to the Earls.
Speaker 2: You know, probably even by call really, I mean, why not?
Why not? No? I think it's it's important to realize that,
like the the US interstate system is directly Eisenhower got
to Europe, got to Germany and was like, wow, these
roads are fantastic and basically just stole the plans.
Speaker 3: And the.
Speaker 2: Early the early days of World War One, with all
the mobilizations and all the difficulties and the logistical problems
right of feeding people were so ingrained in the German
people that they just didn't want that sort of thing
to happen again. And by building this network of really
good highways, you could distribute the food. You know, if
one section is bombed out, you could rebuild that and
have and route the food around. So the problem with
the rail is it's way more efficient in terms of
how much energies needed to move you know, a ton
of stuff from point A to point B, but you
messed that one switching yard or that one track up,
and you know the line is cut. Whereas a road.
Speaker 3: Compatibility too of the rail gauge and stuff causes issues.
I just wanted to see you real quick too. I've
got almost nothing nice to say as much Spear, but
some of his design concepts, I think we're pretty brilliant.
And one of the things he insisted upon and that
the Fear very much approved of locally. Spears said that,
you know, we need to source materials locally as much
as possible in building the Autobond, you know, so we
need to incorporate natural features into things like bridges, so
you know, like in a section of the Autobond that
you know, like stretches through the Ryan Land or whatever is,
you know, gonna gonna reflect the natural environment there and
like the local ecology, you know, like ditto for you know,
East Prussia and what have you, and a lot of
these this had really great optics, you know, and that
that can't really as an imperative priority to the German
roy get you know, the highest levels that can't be
over sedated. I mean, Hitler was an artist. That's one
of the things he had in common with Spear. I mean,
you know, Hitler's primary interest was architecture and things, you know,
in Spear obviously was kind of a pure architect. I
mean he had he had keep I mean I stipulated,
he had capabilities you know that were remarkable.
Speaker 2: As an architect, he was a genius.
Speaker 3: Yeah. Yeah.
Speaker 2: As a political soldier, he left a fair even.
Speaker 3: It's a cynic. I mean I think he Spears the
kind of guy who you know, he he finds a
way to win, insinuate himself around powerful men and impressed them,
and he doesn't care about the politics, and he will
do it about face as soon as it becomes expedient
to do.
Speaker 2: So, you know which, which, Yeah, so doctor Tutt, right,
he dies in a plane crash. He himself won the
Iron Cross under the German Empire in the First World War. So,
but the internal road network of Germany, I mean they're
still using the same autobahn that Fritz Todt built in
like nineteen thirty eight, right, And not only was it
a massive internal improvement project, but it's one of the
ways that you know that the Reike was able to
to kill unemployment in the Reike was just they didn't
have trucks, you know. I mean the SS was invading Germany,
or not invading Germany, invading invading Russia with mules and
stuff because they didn't have enough trucks, well, because they
didn't have the earth moving equipment. Because they didn't have
enough trucks. A lot of this construction got done by hand, right,
and you had large gangs of laborers that were relatively
low skilled, but they get told like dig this out
till it you know this, this slope matches here, and
you could you can have lots of guys using picks
and shovels and stuff, and you can build this road
network internally. That enabled you know, the Germans to shift
entire divisions from east to west relatively quickly. And in
terms of you know, building the German economy, right, if
you're if you're shipping costs go down by I saw
something by the time they were done taking something from
the port at Hamburg to Munich, the cost to drop
by like something like twenty five percent. I want to say,
but that that could just be so that's tickling the
back of my brain. But if you're if your costs
going from Hamburg to Munic go that far down, right,
that's that's obviously a massive Just go to the internal economy, right,
there's gonna be more jobs once you're if you're no
longer working on like the Tuck Gang, right, or you
maybe you take those construction skills you learned building they
the uh building the roads to other projects, which is
what how they ended up with the Atlantic Wall and
you know like the Channel Islands forts and all of
these other Internet line Yeah, the six Freed line right
like much later. Yeah, but right, you have all these
experienced personnel and you know, before they call we were
talking right the notion that like, oh you know, it's socialism.
They're they're using the government to build all these projects.
Does anybody really think that like a Bechtel or a
Conico Phillips or a GM or really a private company.
Speaker 3: Let's also the whole point. I mean, the reason why,
the reason why the one thing that the Warsaw Pact
excel at was in military hardware, you know, and things
like space fearing vehicles is because obviously, like the spontaneous
ordering of the price mechanism isn't essential to like building
a good tank, and you don't require I mean, I
don't even know what those inputs would be. Like we're gonna,
you know, we're gon, we're gonna but we're gonna accept
bids on who can like build the best auto bond,
and then we're gonna take a hands off approach however
they want to devise it. I mean, like, I yeah,
that doesn't make any sense. And all uh, all capitalism
and the industrial era is state capitalism. So yeah, it's
neither here nor there to suggest that there's this like
public private distinction. We're talking about fixed capital definitely.
Speaker 2: I think that as you built, you can completely crazy.
There is no such thing as like particularly things like
roads or canals or anything like that, right, Like the
notion that like, oh, this is a private enterprise, Like.
Speaker 3: No, it's not, it's not.
Speaker 2: It's one of those things that the libertarians get completely,
completely wrong. The free market is going to build you know, this,
this highway system. Something you talked about earlier, Thomas, is
the aesthetics. Right. I have a quote from from Hitler
somewhere from I think it's from the book Hitler's Engineers,
But he said, you know, our roads have to be
beautiful and as they reflect us as a people. And
I'm paraphrasing here, the the Autobahn as envisioned by Hitler
and Tote reflects that German artistic soul that's very ordered
but also has this kind of longing for beautiful things
and harmony. Yeah. Yeah, but the interstate highway system in America,
particularly as you get west of the Mississippi, is the
most brutal, utilitarian like just like massive project you've ever
seen in your life, right, And.
Speaker 3: Yeah, yeah, we're out ninety four through town is not beautiful.
Speaker 2: Right, Well, And the reason it's not right is because
the Reich was using mostly hand labor and what what lecurists.
Explosives they did have had to be saved either for
wartime or for something where like you're a whole a
tunnel or something right, or clearing canal. So they just
didn't have the you know, the massive amount of explosive
and the personnel to use it. It just willing nearly
the way.
Speaker 3: They're really fancyated me. There's this book called Hitler in
the Power of Aesthetics by this guy named Frederick Spots
and Spear designed and built a lot of these projects
with an eye for what was called ruined value, you know,
and that's that's why the Germans had certain ideas about
you know, discrete building materials like feral concrete, because the
ethos was, we've got to think about three thousand years
from now, you know, we we've got we've got to
have our great works leave ruins, you know, like that
of the Valley the Kings in Cairo, or like the Parthenon,
or like the Aliseum. You know, this is a deliberately
historical enterprise that spams millennium, you know, and that's that
underlies you know, very much like the ethos of the right,
and I find that very compellent.
Speaker 2: Yeah, it does. And just to give you an idea
of why that's actually better to elaborate here for a second.
So the United States after nineteen forty seven, right has
effectively what is unlimited manpower, unlimited expertise, unlimited resources. And
so they build out the federal highway system and they
just make it straight because that's the most efficient. And
if there's a little hill in the way, they'll just
throw a bunch of dynamite. They've got a bunch of
guys who did demo.
Speaker 3: In the war.
Speaker 2: They can absolutely, you know, just just blast. So you'll have,
you know, sections of road in the United States that
are five, ten, fifteen, twenty miles long, just in a
straight line. And as you're driving across like North Dakota,
dear listener, no offense intended to any of our listeners
in North Dakota, it gets really hard to pay attention
when you're like just going twenty miles straight, right, even
at eighty.
Speaker 3: Miles tailored for a highway hypnosis exactly right.
Speaker 2: So, because the Germans didn't have all that access to
easy blasting paths, they had to, you know, roads have
to follow the path that is most flat relatively speaking.
And so if you've got to go like and make
a slight curve to the left or you know, gently
kind of rise and follow the terrain a little bit more,
that's actually makes a better drive. You don't you don't
do things like fall asleep the way you can, like
you know, if you're driving from I ninety from Liken
to you know, Seattle, right, there's places where you're just
gonna fall asleep because there's nothing.
Speaker 3: We realized too, Like if you like automobiles, and you know,
I always I mean I don't drive these days, but
you know I was really like I always really like
driving in cars and stuff when I was young, you know,
like driving them and working on them and the you know,
the all these Carol Shelby designs, you know that were
Grand Touring designated vehicles, you know, like a touring vehicle.
I realized, like Ford and all kinds of other American
companies took on that designation. But it doesn't make any
sense in America. Maybe it doesn't like Redwood Country somewhat,
but you know, driving driving a Porsche like around these
like winding roads through Bavaria, like through the elks. You know,
it's a totally different experience.
Speaker 2: Right, Yeah, and like like the only places in America
where like a GT type car makes sense is like
on the Pacific Coast Highway or something like that.
Speaker 3: Yeah, and then yeah, and I've driven not just one
O one, but I've driven these mountain roads through like Oregon,
you know, which are like incredible. So then to know
me wrong, like America and being at the wheel of
a you know, like a like a comfortable like big
block you know, Cadillac or something is uh it's dope,
but uh it but it's not at all the same
thing as you know, the the European experience. And even
there's ah this footage like over Salzburg, you know, eagles
nests and stuff. You know, like that's a perfect example,
and there's uh, there's footage of uh what amounts to
you know, the kind of work what became kind of
the war console vud Browschich was had been sacked. But
this just had to be like at the latest like
great early ninety forty two, you know, like convening it
over Salzburg and you see like these uh you know,
you see these like stately vehicles like pulling off and
it just looks like an incredible drive, Like looks like
something from another planet or something.
Speaker 2: Oh yeah, could you can you even imagine like in
a like the Mercedes s K and you're driving from
Frankfort am Main up to Vienna and like one of
those bad boys, you know, that just the just the
aesthetic experience. But because because they didn't have that ability
to just blast straight through right, the road actually doesn't
do the role road his notices thing where you're gonna
fall asleep because there's just nothing to do and nothing
to I've driven through like South Dakota, and you know,
like you gotta have you gotta have somebody like sitting
with you to like punch you in the arm so
that you don't end up driving off the road.
Speaker 3: You know, No, it's crazy, you know. I take the
greyund so much. I see a lot of like American highways,
you know, and uh yeah, they're very flat. It's crazy
too when you get out west, like the hills, the
foothills and some of the smaller mountains, they just like
I asked, these huge tunnels through them and when as
a little kid, that really like blowing me out because
they don't have that here in Chicago, but I'd be
out in California and it's like, yeah, you're just like
driving through this like mountain tunnel for like freaking you know.
Speaker 2: Like yeah, or you know, driving through this tunnel in
the Rockies right that that is two miles long, you know.
But but that's that's something that is I think bye.
By caring about the aesthetics, by making sure that everyone
had to have something beautiful to be able to look
at something that they could be proud of, it really
uh you know, you can not only not only people
more likely to maintain it, but it ultimately ends up
being easier to maintain because you're not fighting nature all
the time. You know, you can drive nature out with
the pitchfork because the saying goes, but it always comes back.
So how do you if the ah, If the road
itself like is part of the nature, it's not as
difficult to a constantly be fighting nature to get the
road accomplished.
Speaker 3: Oh yeah, yeah, I mean I'm.
Speaker 2: Expressing myself poorly because I'm retarded. But and and by
making that something that is the most important thing as
you're doing it, do those beautiful roads not only become
more likely to be maintained and more likely to function longer.
They they also become an advertisement. And this is this
is this is why I mean all only this is
this is why the right got to be destroyed. Right,
Is that just allowing them to be free was was
an advertisement against a capitalist system?
Speaker 3: Well, yeah, totally. It was a totally different ethos on potentialities,
and it transcended conventional politics, you know, I mean and
like like in some ways, like the Schnalinists did too.
And I mean, I think Soviet cosmism is sort of
a callback to that sort of transcendental mysticism of of
Byzantium stuff. But no, I mean, but that that was
somewhat incidental, obviously, and it was the result of a
dialectical process that very much sort of deviated from the
core ethos of Marcist Leninism. But no, the something that
the fascists, the National Socialist access Europe was disposed towards
as an essential aspect of the politics of the era,
and specifically the revolutionary mandate that they were abiding, was
you know, something that was epochal in nature and purely
historical almost and was you know, partook of the highest
possible forms of human action and cultural productivity absolutely well that.
Speaker 2: I think that something else that needs to be I
think I've talked about this, Like the entire world changed
like in you know, in the realm of like commtists,
right like after the period of five good Emperors, you know,
Marcus Aurelius. Even then most of the population was agricultural peasants.
And you could take an agricultural peasant from the time
of Marcus Aurelius, and there's been some very very good
alternative history time you know, time travel type stuff, like
you could take someone like that and take them to
the world of say, I don't know what point the
break would be, like the eighteen sixties, and aside from
like firearms, like most of everything is like readily apparent.
And still even in the eighteen sixties of the war
between the States, most of the people in the world
are agricultural peasants. But you know, in the Psalm in
nineteen nineteen fifteen and the you know Waterloo in eighteen fifteen,
like the world changed so completely in that one hundred
years that nothing was the same afterwards. And the National Socialists,
the fascist whatever like that, that organization, those that aesthetic
idea like those were the of the three choices or
three ways to confront that massive change. Where there was Bolsheviks,
there is judaeo Masonic capitalism, and then there was this
this national you know, organic aesthetic romantic nationalism. I don't
know how else to describe it. But of all those three,
no one is going to care about. Like if you know,
the United States government falls apart, no one's gonna care
about like I ninety one hundred dollars.
Speaker 3: Or or yeah, exactly, or like some morandom federal building,
you know, downtown. The a film that I like, you know,
this seems crazy now, but HBO actually used to make
really good original movies, Like they made this film about
Andrei Chikatola, the Soviet serial killer, called Citizen X, with
don On Sutherland in this. Yeah. Still, they made did
this biopic of Stalin and Robert Duvall. They did a
film version of Fatherland, the alternative history counterfectual, where the
German Reich is victorious in World War Two, and uh,
you know there's in the film it's uh the German
Reichs preparing for Hitler's seventy fifth birthday celebrations. Joe Kennedy
is the President Joe Kennedy is trying to end the
Cold War that exists between America and the Reich. But
it opens in the year ninety sixty four, and this
American delegation is touring Berlin, which is now, you know,
the European like the capital of nation Europa called Germania,
and it's it's a combination of early CGI and Matt paintings,
but it looks really cool. And the centerpiece is the Folkshall,
which would have held one hundred and eighty thousand people.
Hitler would have been able to access it from what
would have been the Fure's Palace by way of an
underground access road and he would emerge by elevator behind
the podium. And the folks Hall would have been so
massive that it would have had its own weather inside.
The clouds would have formed, and it speculated that it
would have occasionally rained within the dome like stuff like that.
Speaker 2: Is the best thing Amazon has ever done is they
did the Philip K. Dick Man in a High Castle. Right.
Speaker 3: Yeah, the show is silly, even the optics are brilliant.
Speaker 2: Yeah.
Speaker 3: Yeah, Like I've appropriated the flag that they utilize for
some of my own purposes because it's that good.
Speaker 2: Oh, the aesthetics were on point. But to give you
just a here's here's a quote from that the book
I mentioned Hitler's. Hitler's engineers Fritz Todd and Albert Spear,
master builders of the third Reich Todt started developing detailed
plans in July nineteen thirty three, keeping Hitler clostly apprested
the developments and then inner quote. Although the entire road
plan was Hitler's, and although he took the first step
in the organization of the plan, he allowed the General
Inspector and his staff that is tout to make all decisions.
He considered a good policy to be in agreement with
those in daily contact with the problems of highway construction.
He did, however, offer suggestions when the problems were brought
to him. The bridge simbolized. As approach to construction, he
was concerned with beauty and appearance, but the primary goal
is durability, as he has often stated, quote, we must build.
What we build must stand long after we're no longer
here unquote. So you know, do you build a society
that is concerned with the future and with esthetics, and
you know, Tucker Carlson has talked about this a little bit, like,
but but the people who build ugly stuff in America
cities hate you. They don't care about you. You know,
if they build you know, people who build ugly stuff
for you, they're telling you they don't care about you.
They're telling you that your kids don't deserve to have
beautiful things in their lives.
Speaker 3: It's also the yeah, and I the concept of the
geography of nowhere, you know, and because I'm not because
I because I don't drive, I'm always on foot. And thankfully,
you know, Chicago is one of the few places you
can live and not have a car because this public
transportation everywhere. And one of the reasons I like it
here is because there's a lot of dedicated nature preserves
and things. But like most of this country, it's just
built up ugly and like, you can't you can't be
a pedestrian a lot of places because there's nowhere for
you to walk. And you know, architecture and the design
of living spaces, it physically dictates your movements. Yes, you know,
because there's that, And yeah, if you live amissed totally
ugly surroundings, you know, it's it beats you down psychologically,
you know, Like I when I get out West and
I'm not trashing people live in the west suburbs like
west of Olk Park and stuff. You start when you
get far enough away from like Cook County, it becomes
like geography and nowhere it's like it's like endless flat
highways and you've just passed like Buffalo wild Wings and
like Target and.
Speaker 2: These like dis yeah old Camarts.
Speaker 3: Yeah no, I mean yeah, it's awful man.
Speaker 2: Yeah. I've talked about Jim Cuntzer's you know, geography nowhere
a ton because it's it's really important actually that you know,
Chicago's the the last city, like the furthest west city
where you could actually live like a European style city.
Speaker 3: Mm hm.
Speaker 2: There's a really good book William ey cronin Nature's Metropolis
about Chicago. You should check it out if you get
a chance, about the development of Chicago. But if a
society that cares about itself and cares about its future
is going to build things that make that society stronger
internally and a better place to be. And I think
that you know, what have we built?
Speaker 3: Uh?
Speaker 2: You know, I've been a political adult basically since nine
to eleven. What is the United States built in the
last twenty five years that you can say that that's
gonna that's gonna matter in fifty years. Yeah, it's I
can't think of a thing. I can't I literally cannot
think of a single thing in the United States.
Speaker 3: No, and even even these like dedicated monuments where you
have you know, people who at least have some rudimentary
idea of esthetical sophistication and you know, how things should
be harmoniously devised, you know, to kind of comport with
the natural features of the setting in which it's situated.
Like a lot of the stuff just looks bad, you know,
Like I the when when I was in d C.
Last you know, I went by the World War Two memorial,
which I thought was kind of tacky anyway, because the
Evilshman Memorial is the World War two memorial if there
is one, and there's nothing like apparently offensive about it.
But it just looks bad, you know, it's something just
like tacky about it.
Speaker 2: It's like it's just esthetically not well done.
Speaker 3: Yeah, and it's just like totally unremarkable. Yeah, it's you know, no,
the only this beautiful architecture here and that's kind of
my reference point for America. I mean, stuff like Mount
Rushmore is fascinating, you know, but yeah, you'd think that,
especially because you think that, especially in the years immediately
after the Cold War, that would have been like a priority,
you know, not not in some crude triumphilist way, but
you know, kind of America saying, you know, we defeated
the communist enemy. You know, now sort of culture can
reign of an elevated sword that where the standard bearer up.
Like whether that's true or not is the point. You
think there'd be that impetus and that sort of desire,
even if it's exploited for reasons of political expediency in
ways that are somewhat impere of motive. But there was
none of that.
Speaker 2: Where was like the Great Symphony to celebrate like the
end of the Cold War and like the triumph him
like yeah, or a great a great opera or something
like that.
Speaker 3: You know that, Yeah, there's nothing, there's there's only there
was only like an a particularly good song by the Scorpions,
and I mean obviously they were like from the Blo Republic.
Speaker 2: Yeah, I mean winds It Change is a banger like
I'm not gonna not gonna knock it, you know, in
terms of what it is, it's great, but like, yeah,
there's no and you know, Hitler, it was a pretty
talented draftsman himself, but yeah, he was great the built environment.
Like if if if you build a beautiful built environment,
it's it's no, it's no coincidence that like Mozart and
the Strauss family and like how many great composers like
spent all their their great time in Vienna.
Speaker 3: No, and yeah, that's why, and that's why people gravitate
towards Prague these days, because Prague partakes that same sort
of Habsburg Baroque beauty. Like I'm always telling people one
of my destinations if I happened upon a time machine,
would be Habsburg Vienna, because i mean I'm very very Protestant,
you know, like, uh, but uh, I find myself taken
in by that kind of Baroque grandiosity, you know, as
much as uh, as much as a Roman Catholic person
would be man like, it's just incredible, right But yeah.
Speaker 2: But but but the reason the reason Vienna pretty so
many including you know all right Chancellor, right, like all
of these people were inspired by the beauty that was
everywhere around them in Vienna.
Speaker 3: Ye Schumpeter, Joseph Schumpeter made that point too, and I
mean he was you know, uh, you don't associate economists
with the same sort of creative aesthetical endeavors, but you
know it, it's but it's every everybody who came out
of that mil LOEU was, you know, shaped by it
in terms of their you know, habits and the conventions
they gravitated to and you know, the things that you're
inspiration from, sure, you know. And yeah, that's that's what
great civilizations are made of, is those sorts of those
sorts of you know, aspects.
Speaker 2: And it's funny because I like, in preparation for this
episode and just in general, right, you know, I've tried
to find everything I can in English about this pro
this movement of construction and infrastructure and right, and I
can't find anything in English that doesn't just attack, right,
attack the third Like there's nothing out there. I mean,
maybe you know, Thomas maybe's got like a book from
nineteen forty six or something that that might happen if
you do like DM me later, But well, yeah.
Speaker 3: You can't. You can't take this up seriously. It's the
same as there'll be something like middling college professor from
some fourth rae university like talking about how Hitler was
a loser. It's the same thing. It's like, it's like, okay, bro,
Like I the guy conquered the Europe from France to
the Gates of Moscow, defeated the British army, defeated the
French army, conquered Poland, conquered Czechoslovakia, conquered the low countries,
stop the American army dead in its tracks. But he's
like a loser compared He's a quot unquote loser compared
to some middling college professor. Okay, Like you can't, you can't.
I mean, it's so preposterous that it's it's it's like
some hobo maybe a curtain a rod declaring he's the
emperor of the universe, expecting to take it seriously, or
something like.
Speaker 2: Beneath me well and and and Joseph Stalin right, Like,
I don't think people, I mean, I've talked about this
enough so that people would know or certainly this audience
as well educated have to know this. But the Iranians
are not pro American because American trucks and American bullets
were given to British and Soviet soldiers in nineteen forty
one to invade their country from four different places. Yeah, right,
so that they could secure the Persian supplier out which
supplied forty five divisions worth of troops to the Soviet Union.
The United States sent ten thousand aircraft from like Montana
up through Canada, through Alaska all the way across Siberia.
We're talking like ten We're talking like a third of
the way around the world.
Speaker 3: Yeah, it's insane.
Speaker 2: And in addition to like, you know, constant convoys over
the North Atlantic to like the White Sea and the
worst ocean in the world, and we just lost tons
of shipping and you know that, right, And if it
hadn't been for that kind of hero look effort, you know,
the Serbiance would have lost a war. They say themselves
that that that's why they would have lost the war.
Speaker 3: Well, yeah, that's why, you know, I mean, I it, uh,
I'm supposed to listen to some I'm supposed to listen
to some fourth rate self style propagandists tell me that
I'm a bad person because I won't accept it was
an absolute moral imperative to exterminate Western civilization and alliance
with the Communists. You know, I mean, like I I
I these people are beneath.
Speaker 2: Me, Thomas. You don't support supporting the Communists? You hate freedom?
Speaker 3: Yeah, and like I if I don't go if I
don't hate Moslims for no reason, if I don't hate
my fellow Christians in Palestine, yeah, and go on pretending
that I'm Jewish, I'm a bad person.
Speaker 2: Yeah, that's like I was a.
Speaker 3: I was always on the impression people acted that way,
we're mentally ill. But I apparently like no, they're they're
they're they're just really really bursting with with moral integrity.
And I'm I'm like a, I'm just like a bad person.
Speaker 2: Yeah. No, that's that's absolutely true, right. And I mean
we can talk about.
Speaker 3: I don't go to parades either, were guys like pee
on each other and stuff like apparently I'm supposed to
do in June, you know, like that that, you know,
and I do things like honoring like, you know, the
heroes of my own race instead of like going to
like Pea parades.
Speaker 2: How dare you, Thomas? How dare you? You know? The
the I suppose we can talk about this just a
little bit. You know, a year later, right, the Trump
skeptical anti Jewish people have been completely vindicated, you know,
like that there's I only want to bring this up
because the the only salient and this is something I
got from Utah, so I'm gonna just steal it, right,
The only salient political conflict in the world today is
Zionis versus everybody else. Like, those are the those are
your options. You're either on team Zionist, you're on team
like Civilization. And it's the same conflict in nineteen forty one.
It's the same conflict today, Like you're on team Zionist
or you're on team Civilization. Those are your those are
your teams, you know, like Charles and I always used
to tell each other like it's always January nineteen thirty
six in Spain, like you got two teams, You got teams.
Speaker 3: Yeah. The fan surprising about Trump. I mean I never
had any illusions about Trump or I thought he was
a good guy. The way in which he crashed out
kind of surprised me because it was really really stupid.
And he continues to kind of cook himself in the
court of public opinion when he doesn't have to. Yeah,
he's become I think he's slipping mentally.
Speaker 2: Yeah, you'd think a Narsiss would have more self respect.
You know.
Speaker 3: Well he also Trump's a master of manipulating the psychological environment.
I mean that's really that that that that's really how
he's gotten to where he is. And it's like he
totally took leave of you know, his his his Machiavelian
sensibilities as well as his instincts for how to proceed
an index with the media cycle. It's he's been doing
incredibly dumb things. And I mean, not to derail us.
I got to raise up in a minute too, start
to be abrupt, I got like ten minutes. But the
you know, the way you handle this Epstein matter is
just incredibly stupid. You know, it's not like he got
it's not like he got merked because he got put
on the spot and you know, didn't really see a
way out. So you know, he kind of he kind
of issued some he kind of made a declaration he
couldn't deliver on to get you know, a hostile interrogative
media off his back. And then he came back to
bite and was like nothing like that just he's just
doing dumb shit it, you know, and the way he's responded,
you know, he could have he could have basically playcated
his masters. Well at the same time, put on airs
like he was, you know, demanding that you know, us sovereign,
he be respective visa the Israel, and he did the opposite.
You know, It's like, what the hell's wrong with you?
Like you, especially considering the current environment conceptually and the
way people feel about Israel, that that was about the
dumbest possible thing you could do. But that's the subject
for another day. Forgive me, and yeah, forgive me for
be an abrupt I I we can. We can reconvene
and continue this subject matter if you guys want to.
I mean, obviously, I'm sure you guys are going to
continue with it, but I'll rejoin you guys at a
later date if you want to continue.
Speaker 2: This anytime you want to talk about whatever you want
to talk about, Thomas, I'm always happy to to you know,
if you.
Speaker 3: Go now, you should. I'm doing this series now with
the world at war guys, Nick and Adam, which is great.
I'm very blessed they wanted to include me. But I
you know, I also we put like Pete and I
with a couple other guys. You know, we we do
the inquisition had Oh you should you should? Yeah, you should,
you should. You should dip in there sometime, man, anytime.
Speaker 2: I'm I'm I'm a big fan of Astrals and Nick
and I've been an old friends of mine for years,
you know.
Speaker 3: Yeah, I know he's a great dude. Okay, Yeah, you're
you're aware of it. Oh yeah, but uh yeah, I'll
be in touch and I'm always at long last. I'm
gonna start, uh, I'm gonna start live streaming on the regular.
And if it would help, if you'd be willing to
collab with me on that sometimes too.
Speaker 2: But you call it, you call and I'll jump on man, Like.
Speaker 3: Get my phone number from Pete, man, and like shoot
me at text, okay in the next couple of days,
and just like identify yourself when you do, and yeah,
we'll talk about it over text if that's cool.
Speaker 2: That's fine. Yeah, let's uh, let's close, let's close this
one down. Then. Yeah, that sounds all right. So Thomas
get plugs.
Speaker 3: Yeah, you can find me. I run a charity for
autistic l g b t Q children that now I
don't do that.
Speaker 2: Stream.
Speaker 3: You can find me at Thomas seven seven seven dot com.
It's number seven h on me s seven seven seven
dot com. And uh, my sub stack is where I
direct people too as well, because that's what my podcast
is a lot of my long form writing. And we
got a very active chat there. It's real Thomas seven
seven So then that's substack dot com. And as I
kind of restructure my content, I know I'm active on
those two platforms every day. So go there and you
shall find thee.
Speaker 2: Well, I have my own show fundamental principle, it's also
on substack.
Speaker 3: Uh.
Speaker 2: I gotta give a strong recommend to following Thomas's telegram
and is sub stack. I followed both of them, and
of course everything everything Pete can on is uh. You know,
give give Pete money, listen to his shows, do his
live streams, you know, get your out through o GC,
support the people to support you. You know that you're giving,
You're given. You know what amounts to do three hundred
oro hundred level college lectures by Thomas and Pete or
by you know doctor Johnson and Pete or you know Pete.
Pete enabled so much stuff to good things to happen,
and he works really hard behind the scenes that you
don't see, and he helps people all the time. So
you know, the stuff that Pete does in front of
the camera's only a portion of the of the hardware
he puts in. And on top of all that, he's
like a really great friend. So please, you know, support
the people that don't hate you.
Speaker 3: Yeah, well said, I appreciate that.
Speaker 2: All right, gentlemen, have a good evening. Thank you.