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do it there. Thank you. I want to welcome everyone
back to part forty of our reading of two hundred
Years Together by Alexander Soshaniesen. How are you doing today,
doctor Johnson.
Speaker 2: I was up till three this morning putting together my
latest Daily Nationalists, should be posted by now on the
What's left of the tragedy, the farce of the Ukrainian
Air Force. It took me hours. It took me days
to get all this together. Drago Bosnich, who knows more
about the technical aspects of the various you know, the
white Russians are so superior to the West in so
many you know, weaponry and the planes themselves, reading him
a lot, and I put together.
Speaker 1: I'm going to.
Speaker 2: Publish it soon on my Patreon. It's probably the best
thing I've ever done, the best lecturer I ever put
out there. For some reason, there's a couple of them
that I'm really really proud of. And that's people to
underestimate how long it takes to put one of these
lectures together. For an hour now, usually I go for
an hour and a half or more on the Orthodox Nationalist.
The Daily Nationalists supposed to be a half. I end
up going like it usually at least an hour because
I can't do anything in under an hour. So but
this one, what's done in about fifty minutes. Very proud
of it. It's so tragic. They're sending these boys up
in death traps. They have no idea what they're doing.
They're only trained. It's it's so I don't know what
they tell these guys, but their survival rate is almost zero.
They can't even get off the ground. With that being
it's really it's a tragedy, and it's assows you the
nature of the regime, the nature of the ruling class,
and what they really think of Ukrainians in this absolutely,
at this point, absolutely ridiculous war.
Speaker 1: Yeah, yeah, we know who's behind it. So let's let's
talk a little bit about them, how about that.
Speaker 2: Okay, yeah, yeah, this is this is nothing compared to that,
I'm telling you.
Speaker 1: All Right, here we go, picking up from where we
were left off last time. So the Pogram against the
Jews began in the evening of the eighteenth of October.
At its initial stage, the program undoubtedly assumed the character
of retaliation against the offense to national sentiment. The assaults
against the Jews passed in the street, the destruction of
shops and the merchandise they contained, were accompanied by words
such as, here it is your liberty, Here it is
your constitution and your revolution. This this is for the
portraits of the Czar and the Crown. The next morning,
October nineteenth, a large crowd came from Duma to the
Cathedral of Saint Sophia bearing the empty frames of the
Tsar's portraits and the broken emblems of the imperial power.
It stopped at the university to have the damaged portraits restored.
A mass was celebrated and the Metropolitan Flevian exhorted the
people not to indulge in excesses and return home. But
while the people who formed the heart of the patriot
demonstration maintained an exemplary order, individuals who joined them along
the way allowed themselves to be subjected to all kinds
of violence against the Jewish passers by, as well as
high school pupils or students in uniform. They were then
joined by the workers the homeless of the flea market,
the bums. Groups of rioters sacked the houses and shops
of the Jews, threw into the street their goods and merchandise,
which were partly destroyed on the spot, partly plundered the
servants the guardians of the building. The little shopkeepers apparently
saw nothing wrong with taking advantage of the property of others. Others,
on the contrary, remained isolated to all interested goals until
the day of the disorders. They tore from the hands
of their companions to objects that they had stolen, and
without paying attention to their value, destroyed them on the spot.
The rioters did not touch the shops of the car writes,
nor the houses where they were present, where they were
presented portraits of the emperor.
Speaker 2: But on being interrupt right there, sure, let me interrupt
right there. I've said this before, but I think it's
very important that he points out that the car Writes
weren't touched the cartwrights. Of course, there's not that many
of them. The Talmudists tried to slaughter them all many
years ago. There's a few of them still around. And
this means that even even for the mob, the word
Jew was identical with Talmudist. That's what the car Writs
are known for. They have no They reject the talmut,
and they reject the rabbinical system. They would reject the
Cahal all that they're they're you know, you call them Jews,
but I don't even think that fits. And I think
it's very important he makes that distinction. And I don't
know how many of them homeless would know not to
touch the car wrights, so that means someone must have
told them. You know, these are not These are not
the problem. It's the talmutus that are the problem. Anyway,
go ahead, but on the whole. Only a few hours
after it had begun, the program took the form of
a pitiless rampage. On the eighteenth, it continued long into
the night, then stopped on its own, to resume on
the morning of the nineteenth, and to cease only on
the evening of the twentieth. There were no fires except
one in the Padal district. On the nineteenth, luxury shops
belonging to Jews were sacked as far as the city center.
On the Kresaichik Krechatik, the heavy metal curtains and locks
were forced after half an hour of hard work. Expensive
textiles velvet cloths were thrown into the street and spread
out in the mud in the rain like rags of
no value. In front of the shop of the jeweler
Markish on the Kreshatk, the pavement was littered with precious objects,
and the same for fashion shops, the dry goods stores,
the pavement was fraught with account books invoices. In Lipka,
the Sheik neighborhood, the private mansions of the Jews were sacked,
that of Baron Ginsburg of Halperin, of Alexander and leonbrod
Brodsky of Landau and many more. All the luxurious deb
decoration of those houses was destroyed, the furniture broken and
thrown into the street. Likewise, a model secondary school for
the Jews that the Broadsky School, was ravaged. There was
nothing left of the marble staircases and the wrought iron ramps.
In all it was nearly fifteen hundred apartments and commercial
premises belonging to Jews were plundered, starting from the fact
that nearly two thirds of the city's trade was in
the hands of the Jews. To so assess losses, including
the richest mansions to several million rubles, it had been
planned to ransack not only Jewish houses but also those
of the prominent liberal personalities. On the nineteenth Bishop.
Speaker 1: Plato led a procession through the streets of Padul, where
the pogram had been particularly violent, urging the people to
put an end to the abuses, imploring the crowds to
spare the lives and property of the Jews. The bishop
knelt several times before it. A broken man came out
of the crowd and shouted, threatening you two, you're for
the Jews.
Speaker 2: I think the issue, of course, they're worried about innocent
people at children when these things get out of control.
Yesterday we read a paragraph, you know, just a bit
before this one, where the Jews were doing the exact
same thing. If you go to the Jewish encyclopedia or
even just a history text this kid pogram, they'll describe
these outbursts, but with no context. Somehow, for these people,
context is the enemy. It's like their kryptonite. No one
wants innocent people being hurt. But if the state wasn't
going to do anything, the people took matters into their
own hands. It is impossible to condemn this kind of thing,
especially under these circumstances. These Jews and the very fact
that they were well, that they were educated enough not
to touch the Karrite holmes. And it's a miracle that
the Talmutus would even let them live. You know. Usually
I thought they would just be wiped out on the spot.
But like it used to be in Spain, but but
this is something that I've been coming for a very
long time. The state was at least in in Kiev,
of course, a heavily Jewish area, very wealthy, uh city.
You know, Jews have been particularly obnoxious. We've been reading
about the abuses of the Jews, but what do they
expect And when they write about this, they'll say that
this was just Jewish you know, mindless hatred for no
reason except maybe for jealousy. So Bishop Playton, you know,
he's he realized that these things can get very much
out of control and that there needs to be organization,
you know, which is where the Black Hundreds came in.
Can't just be a mob. A mob can't do it.
I mean, if they could, they could destroy things. That's
pretty much about it. They go home afterwards. If it's organized,
it's but it was organized enough again to make sure
that the the homes of the of the of certain
people weren't touched. Where there was a portrait of the
Emperor Jews who didn't follow the Talmud. This was an
anti tom Woodick outburst against the abuses of the Jews
that have been going on for decades. And uh, it's
not a pogram at all. I mean, I guess you
could call it that, but it's it's a simple matter
of a very crude form of justice because the state,
you know, wasn't doing much about this, was favoring them
in a lot of different ways. No one likes these outbursts,
No one likes violence, no one likes them to hurt anybody.
But under the circumstances, and we also we also see
how the Jews responded to weakness. The minute the Czar
gave in instituted the you know, so called constitution and
the and the Duma, they went crazy. This this pogram
was in response to them sacking the Duma and and
and just absolutely acting like lunatic children after the uh
after the Duma was was granted. This doesn't show this,
you know this, this at least is a response, Okay,
we have to be we have to be more careful
here in the future. Of course they weren't, but you
would think that that would be their their response. It's
very crude. No one likes it. I don't. I don't
believe in this, in this kind of violence. But of
course I also wasn't there. I wasn't there when the
Jews were on a rampage, and we know what the
Jews were going to do to a lot of these
same people in just a few years. There's a certain,
very crude justice to this.
Speaker 1: We have already seen the carelessness that prevailed among the authorities.
General Drake did not take appropriate measures to ensure the
proper organization of security. The troops should not have been
scattered in small detachments. There were too many patrols, and
the men often stayed idle. And here we are What
struck everyone during the pogrom was the obvious inaction close
to complacency, which was shown by both the army and
the police. The latter was virtually absent, and the troops
moved slowly, merely replying to the shots fired from certain houses,
while on either side of the street, the shops and
apartments of the Jews were sacked with impunity. A prosecutor
asked a patrol of Cossacks to intervene or protect stores
that were looted nearby. The Cossacks replied that they would
not go, that it was not their sector.
Speaker 2: I don't know how you don't laugh when you read that.
I remember the first time I read it, I did.
I smiled Cossacks. Their whole world was protecting Christians from
the Jews. To now ask them to protect these exploiters
from the mob, of course they're going to say, you know,
they're they're being very nice about it. It's not our sector.
We're on coffee break. I don't know, I lost my sword,
you know, my horse was sick. I'm sure they came
up with all of these to avoid it. Now things
went too far, that would be a different story. But
so long as it was confined to you know, you know,
a couple of punches or someone or their their stuff
being thrown out into the street, they didn't have a
whole lot of incentive to chop off arms in the
protection of a group of people that they were sworn
as Cossacks to do battle with.
Speaker 1: More serious still, a whole series of witnesses had the
impression that the police in the army had been dispatched
not to just burst of breakers, but to protect them here.
The soldiers declared that they had been ordered to ensure
that there were no clashes and the Russians were not
attacked elsewhere. They said that if they had taken an
oath to God into the Tsar, it was not to
protect those who had lacerated and jeered at the portraits
of the Tsar. As for the officers, they considered themselves
powerless to prevent disorders, and felt themselves entitled to use
force only in cases where the violence was directed against
their men. Example of a house ran out a jew
covered with blood, pursued by the crowd. An infantry company
was right there, but it paid no attention to what
was going on and quietly went up the street. Elsewhere
the plunderers were massacring two Jews with table legs. A
detachment of cavalry, stationed ten paces awake, contemplated placidly the scene.
It is not surprising that the man in the street
could have understood things like this. The Tsar graciously granted
us the right to beat the kikes for six days.
The soldier and the soldiers, you see, is all this
conceivable without the approval of the authorities. For their part,
the police officers, when they were demanded to put an
end to the disorders, objected that they could do nothing
to the extent that the full powers had been transferred
to the military command. But there was also a large
crowd of thugs that took flight due to a police
commissioner who brandished his revolver, assisted by only one peace
keeper and police officer, Oustromensky, with three patrolmen and some soldiers,
succeeded in preventing acts of looting in his neighborhood without
even resorting to force.
Speaker 2: The concept of variot has always interested me, you know,
as a scholar, I got into it with Northern Ireland
and it's definitely South Korea. Lebon's the crowd. There's a
whole sociology of this here. You know, a riot is
a very crude response. Sometimes you could fully understand, but
who were the people who are taking part and what's
their mentality? When I see a riot, I remember the
riots against the There was some austerity in Britain a
few years ago and there was a riode in London.
I see these punks with mohawks. I guarantee you if
you ask them what it specifically you're rioting about, they
they couldn't explain that cuts the social security or whatever
it was. That's not what they're there for. They're there
because that's who they are. So you have people who
took action on principle and just sheer anger and thugs
people who just do this. They're looking for any excuse.
It's really hard to tell the difference. But now the
problems between the Cossack command, military command and local police
in Kiev, that was a legitimate issue. No one was
quite sure who had the right to do what. This
had nothing to do, you know with the state had
nothing to do with this, This wasn't permitted. But a
Russian policeman is not going to put his life on
the line when he probably is very much on the
side of the rioters, so long as people aren't being
killed and innocent people aren't being hurt, you know, But
how do you avoid that at some point and this
people will be hurt, you know. But they specifically seemed
to go to places that there was a lot of money,
not just because they could take things, but they were
the exploiters. So this was something of a principled a riot.
But the minute you start talking about thugs or the homeless,
as we've already mentioned, the minute they get someone who's drunk,
then it's not legitimate anymore. It's not crue justice anymore.
Now it's just antisocial people. Oh, we finally have an
excuse to show how anti solcial we are to take
out our anger on other things on this, pretending that
we have these principles. So there was a legitimate problem
in terms of law enforcement, not something that the Russians
particularly good at at the time. But again, as everyone
who's been following this knows, if there was ever a
riot that was provoked by its victims, it's this one.
Speaker 1: The looterers did not have firearms, while the young Jews
they had some. However, unlike what happened in Gamel, here,
the Jews had not organized their self defense. Even though
shots were fired from many houses by members of self
defense groups who included in their ranks both Jews and
Russians who had taken their part. It is undeniable that
in some cases these shots were directed against the troops
and constituted acts of retaliation for the shots fired on
the crowd during the demonstrations of the previous days. Sometimes
Jews fired on the patriotic parades organized response to the
revolutionary demonstrations that had taken place before, but these shots
had deplorable consequences without producing any effects on the rioters.
They gave the troops a pretext to apply their instructions
to the letter. As soon as shots came from a
house to troops who were there, without even inquiring whether
they were directed against them or against the rioters, sent
a salvo into its windows, after which the crowd rushed
in and ransacked it. We saw cases where we were
firing at a house solely because someone had claimed the
shots had gone. It also happened that the looters claimed
the stairs of a house and fired shots toward the
street to provoke the troops retaliation and then engage in plundering.
Speaker 2: We've spoken about this before too. The Jews were armed.
The Jews didn't have self defense groups. Now you see
that first couple of sentences. Unlike in Gomel, the Jews
hadn't organized their self defense in Kiev, even though shots
were fired from many homes by members of self defense groups.
And then they say by members of who included in
their ranks both Jews and Russians who had taken their part.
I think I know what they're talking about there. There
had to have been something, given the hyper organization of
Jews everywhere, especially in Russia at the time. There certainly
were militias here. I think this whole thing took them
by surprise, and especially since you had three law enforcement organizations. Cossacks,
you know, this is a kid, this is Ukraine, Cossacks, soldiers,
and local police. Again, these police forces were not very
large and not trained for crowd control, and they were
they were quite confused because of all of that. You know,
they didn't expect anything like this to happen. So but
minute shots rang out. It's pretty certain that these were
Jewish groups because as far as anyone can tell, this
is the and he's this is quoting, by the way,
this isn't Soultian Eastern writing. Most of this. This is
from the report after the after the event, translated by him.
You know, these soldiers were largely defending themselves. It was
pretty certain that the Jews worth the armed ones. And
it really depends on where these bullets were landing, you know.
And it clearly had no effect on the writers, which
is interesting. But yeah, you know, the soldiers will defend
themselves here regardless of who's shooting. But there were no firearms,
as this says on the Russian side. It's also interesting
to note that from here on end, although this happened
before anyway, but especially in this era, any pro Russian
pro royalist demonstration and there were many. You know, again,
Black Hundreds were mostly Ukrainian organization. It was the Jews
who provoked the riot. It was the Jews who shot
them with Jews who attacked them. Those very same attacks
then today are called programs against the Jews because their
fight broke broke out. Obviously, to to the extent of
my knowledge, the Black Hunters were not armed with firearms
and any of their demonstrations. That was a leftist thing
to do at the time. But like everything else that's
happened up until this point, the Jewish media, the media
in the West, created this fantasy story of the government
organizing these programs against the Jews for no reason, and
that means that Russians are animals. They have no right
to exist, they have no right to rule anything, and
they need to be disciplined. And it was so it
was obsessive when when during the Russian Civil War there
was one offer made to Danique, and I think where
we may we may think about giving you assistance if
you purge any anti Semite from your organization, which meant
there would be like three guys left. They would do
this all the time, they would they would have there
they wouldn't have given the man anyway. They never got
a penny from from the West. But this, this obsession
with Jews in London and Washington, is one of the
reasons that they backed the Bolsheviks and the Reds during
the during the Civil War, then invested heavily in the
US s R from its foundation, uh almost to its
very end. So clearly this is a how the Jews
behaves before this and what we talked about, their childish
jeering and attacking and physical violence and ripping up pictures
of of the Czar, although the Czar had done nothing
to them. It just shows a level of contempt that
these same Jews are going to show when they take over.
In late nineteen seventeen.
Speaker 1: And things got worse. Some of the policemen and soldiers
did not sustain the goods thrown into the street by
the vandals, picked them up and hit them in their
pockets or under their hoods. And although these cases were
exceptional and punctual, one still saw a police officer dismantling
the door of a shop himself a corporal and a
corporal imitating him. The false rumors of looting by the
army began to circulate when General Everett ordered in his
area to confiscate goods taken by the looters and stolen goods,
and to transport them to warehouses of the army for
subsequent restitution to their owners on presentation of a receipt,
thus saving property worth several tens of thousands of roubles.
It is hardly surprising that this scoundrel of Sakotski, seeing
his his career broken, not only did not take any
action concerning the action of the police, having learned at
the beginning of the pogram on the evening of the eighteenth,
he did not communicate by telegram any information to the
neighborhood police stations. Before late in the evening of the nineteenth,
not only did he not transmit any information to generals
and military security, but he himself, passing through the city,
had considered what was going on with calm and indifference,
contenting himself to say to the plunderers, move along, gentlemen,
and those few encouraged other one another, don't be afraid
he's joking. And when from the balcony of the Duma
they began to shout, pound the kikes, plunder break, and
the crowd then carried the Chief of Police in triumph.
The latter addressed greetings in response to the cheering of
the demonstrators. It was not until the twentieth after General
Carras had sent him a severe warning. As to the
Director of the Governor General Chancery, he declared that Sarkotski
would not escape the penal colony, that he ordered the
police to take all measures to put an end to
the pogram. Senator Torrou effectively had to bring him to justice.
Speaker 2: I mean, in a sense I could understand. I mean
this kind of like they were. They were dousing him
with gatorade after a winning game. You know, That's what
the first thing I thought of when I you know,
they were carrying him like like like a hero, because
he wasn't going to do anything. But although it's understandable,
the violence is understandable, the targets were clearly picked out,
which is saying something, if it's left unchecked, innocent people
are going to be hurt or killed. So at some
point there does have to be action taken. But uh,
and that's why that's why these people were getting very
upset with him. Now I don't know why he did this,
Clearly he didn't want his career destroyed. I think he
simply didn't understand the severity of the problem, or that
this is not really that big of a deal, or
it's going to be over soon, or you know, he
convinced himself of something. But the Jews to this day
will say that this proves the government was in on
this program, and it's not. It's not true. You had
confusion at the top. That's true. In Kiev, very far
from Saint Petersburg, you had a lot of confusion. But
that doesn't prove it. It doesn't prove anything. This was
not in the interests of the state. But it shows
that at some point Russians were that they had had enough,
they were sick of this, and if the state wasn't
going to take action, they had no choice. But unfortunately
it was this, It was crude, it was unwieldy, and
eventually it has to be stopped.
Speaker 1: Another security official, disgruntled with his career, General Bezenoff, was
in the midst the crowd of rioters and was peacefully
parleying with them. We have the right to demolish, but
it is not the right to steal. The crowd shotted
hooray at another moment, he behaved as an indifferent witness
to the plunder, and when one of the breakers shouted
slammed the kikes, Bezenoff reacted with an approving laugh. He
reportedly told the doctor that if he had wanted to,
he could put He could have put an end to
the pogram in half an hour, but the Jews participation
in the revolutionary movement had been too great. They had
to pay the price after the Pogram. Summoned by the
military authorities to explain himself, he denied having spoken favorably
of the pogram, and declared, on the contrary, to have
exhorted people to return to calm, quoting have mercy on us,
do not force the troops to use their weapons to
shed Russian blood, our own blood.
Speaker 2: If I was General son Off, what I have done
any differently? You know, he's not seeing in his people
being killed. He's seeing a very crude justice by the
by the the a huge portion of the Russian population revolutionaries,
as far as he knew, were the ones paying the
price here. And if that so far as that's true,
there was no way he was going to stop it.
They of course eventually petered out. Uh but as far
as Pisanov and all these other people were concerned, innocent
people were not being hurt. These people lived on plunder,
These people lived on exploitation and usury and and manipulation.
They were essentially a mafia clan in Russia and a
huge portion of the Kievan Kievan population. It's really hard
to blame the guy uh and and people like Pisanov
had had dealt with how many how many of his
friends were murdered by the revolutionary movement. The assassinations were
constant at this point. Policemen, level bureaucrats, pencil pushers were
shot on a regular basis by the Revolutionary But with
how many corpses do you have to see before you say?
Speaker 1: What?
Speaker 2: You know, I'm not going to do anything here. They've
made their bed, and as far as I'm concerned, no
innocent people are being harmed.
Speaker 1: Delegations went one after the other to General Carras, some
requesting that some of them take troops out of the city,
others for the use of force, and others for taking
measure to protect their property. However, throughout the day of
the nineteenth the police did nothing. In the military executed
orders badly on the twentieth of October, Carras ordered to
encircle and apprehend the hooligans. Many arrests were made once
the army opened fire on the rioters, killing five and
wounding several others. By the evening of the twentieth, the
program was definitely over, but late in the evening the
rumor that the Jews murdered Russians sowed dismay among the population.
Retaliation was feared during the program, according to police estimates,
but a number of victims were taken by the crowd.
There were a total of forty seven debts, including twelve Jews,
and two hundred and five wounded, one third of them Jews.
Speaker 2: Okay, that last sentence completely destroys the Jewish view of things.
This was a pogram against Jews. So far, what we've
read says that's exactly what it is. Legitimate or illegitimate,
doesn't matter. Forty seven people allegedly were killed as a
result of this, and twelve of them were Jews. That
means the rest of them were Russians. That means the
Jews were shooting Russians. That means they were armed. This
was more of a battle than if that's true, than
a riot, and we see in almost all of these
programs or so cold programs, both Russians and Jews were killed.
These were battles, These were battles. They were pitched battles
in the streets, kind of like late Weimar Germany. Something
had to be done. But of the forty seven, and I,
you know, I don't know how they know that all
the forty seven were killed as a director result of
the riot, although I'm going to believe them. Here forty seven,
only twelve were Jews. That means the majority of them
were Russians. Now, the police may have at some point
been responsible for shooting near the end of the riot.
Here again the army, their job isn't isn't law enforcement.
They're not trained for this. You know, today would be
a different story, but back then they're not. They're not
law enforcers. But this last sentence tells you everything you
need to know. And the Jews, being as neurotica as
they are, only will tell you that only Jews were
killed and it was done for no reason. And here
we see that the majority of those we're we're Russians.
Speaker 1: Turo concludes his report by explaining that the root cause
of the Kiev Pogram lies in the traditional enmity between
the population of Little Russia and the Jewish population, motivated
by differences of opinion.
Speaker 2: As that's that's what he said. Differences of opinion. That's
what's what that's what he Okay, keep going, difference of opinion,
all right. Let me give the people Russians were sent
to Gulag because there was a difference of opinion.
Speaker 1: As for its immediate cause, it resides in the outrage
of national sentiment caused by the revolutionary manifestations to which
the Jewish Jewish youth had taken an active part. The
working class imputed to the Jews only the responsibility for
the blasphemes uttered against what was most sacred to them.
They could not understand, after the grace granted by the Emperor,
the very existence of the revolutionary movement, and explained it
by the desire of the Jews to obtain their own liberties.
The flip side of the war, in which Jewish youth
had always openly express its deepest satisfaction, its refusal to
fulfill its military obligations, its participation in the revolutionary movement,
acts of violence and killings of agents of the state,
its insulting attitude towards the armed forces. All this incontestably
provoked exasperation towards the Jews among the working class. And
this is why in Kiev there have been several cases
where many Russians gave open shelter to unfortunate Jews who
fled from the violence, but categorically refused Jewish youth.
Speaker 2: That's very important. It shows that Russians in the cities
were aware of the distinction between Jews were kind of
normal and young revolutionaries. They're clearly making a distinction. I've
read a lot about that too, and I would have
done the same thing. If you have someone who's not involved,
a decent one and Jew, you don't want them to
be hurt. But these young people who are are involved,
and that was a very specific way that they dressed.
They loved the sunglasses that had that purple tint to them.
That was like the revolutionary fashion at the time. They
were very easy to pick out. You know, uh, they're
they're clearly making a distinction. And this this paragraph here,
other than the difference of opinion thing, you know, what's
laid out after it shows you that it's not a
difference of opinion. This is about stopping a violent and
yet pampered revolutionary group, especially from young people who want
Russians dead, who want this czar dead. It shows you
how popular the monarchy was. The economy was doing well
other than the Jews. Society was fairly healthy. Trade was
was very brisk in Kiev at the time, money was
being made. It's only Jewish neurosis that led to any
revolutionary movement whatsoever. And this is after Zar Nicholas granted
the Duma. But they took that as a sign of
weakness and they created their own riot. They created a
riot because the monarchy gave them sort of what they wanted.
You know, who are these people? You know, that's that's
that's what would cause is exasperation and frustration. We've been
talking about it since we started this. No one can
blame them. So here you have situations where they're making
the distant official to be seen and making a distinction
between the writes and antomadus, which is very important, targeting
specific places rather than others, and now giving shelter to
those who were not involved, maybe old people, maybe younger,
but youth people in the twenties or thirties, maybe they
were recognized as as violent agitators. They're making diffinite distains.
This isn't typical of a riot. This is very different.
Rioters don't seem to care. But in this case, this
was a very specific, directed battle against Jewish communists, and
all of these Jewish Communists wanted these Russians dead, including
the Russians who gave shelter to the innocent ones.
Speaker 1: As for the newspaper, The Kievian, it wrote, poor Jews,
where is the faults of these thousands of families for
their misfortune? These poor Jews coundnot control their brainless youngsters.
But brainless youngsters are also among us the Russians, and
we could not control them either. The revolutionary you'd scoured
the countryside, but it was the peaceful adult Jews who
had to pay the piper. Thus, on both sides we
have dug a bottomless abyss. As for the Odessa program,
we have a similar and equally detailed report that of
Senator Kozminsky. In Odessa, where a lively revolutionary sentiment had
always existed, The tremors had started since January. The blast
took place on the thirteenth of June, independently thereof the
arrival of the Potemkin battleship in the harbor of Odessa
on the fourteenth. The entire day of the fourteenth of
June passed in turmoil, especially amongst a young but this
time also among the workers, whose numerous crowds began to
impose by force the cessation of work in plants and factories.
A crowd of about three hundred people attempted to break
into a tea parlor. Several shots were fired at the
head of the local police station, who was preventing the
crowd from entering, but the latter was dispersed by a
salvo shot by a detachment of policemen. However, the crowd
soon reformed and proceeded to the police station. Some shots
were fired from the dunk's house from the windows in
the balcony. Several shots were fired at the police officers.
Another group erected a barricade with building material in the
street and then began shooting at a police detachment. In
another street, A crowd of the same kind overturned several
tramway wagons and horses. A fairly large group of Jews
broke into a tin factory through tobacco in the eyes
of a police officer, scattered at the appearance of a
police detachment while opening fire with revolvers. Among them, four
Jews were arrested on the spot. At a crossroads, a
gathering of Jews formed, two of them fired revolvers, shots
and a mounted guard. In general, throughout the day of
June fourteenth, almost all the streets of the city were
the scenes of clashes between Jews and the security forces,
during which they used firearms and projectiles, wounding several police officers.
A dozen Jews were also wounded, which the crowd took
to hide, which the crowd took to hide them. As
he tried to escape, A certain Sipken through a bomb,
causing his own death as well as that of the
police officer. Pavlovski.
Speaker 2: Well, I should note Odessa then and up until fairly recently,
Odessa is the capital of Ukrainian Jewry. It's the largest percentage.
I think it may even be half, maybe it's a
little less. Of the population were Jews. It was a
you know, they took over everything. It was difficult for
a Russian to live there. The red flag went up
over to me. The mayor was a revolutionary and before
the before the civil war even started, the red flag
was hoisted above above their their capital. They were violent revolutionaries.
There could be no such thing as a pogram where
you have armed detachments of Jewish revolutionaries, a fairly small
police force. And this is a one time. You know,
where's the mob there? There has to be uh a
popular participation here. The cops can't do everything. There weren't
that many of them, and the Jews stop at nothing
to kill as many of these William as they can.
This is this is a little different, not much, a
little different from from Kiev. Odessa was the Jewish was
the Jewish capital of Ukraine.
Speaker 1: It was at this time that the Potempkin entered the
Odessa harbor, a crowded nearly five thousand people assembled. Many
men and women gave speeches calling the people for an
uprising against the government. Among the students who got aboard
the battleship were Constantin Feldman, who urged to support the
movement in town by canon canoning it. But the majority
of the crew opposed it, and the authorities in all this,
the governor of Odessa, in other words, the head of
the police, Nudehart was already completely distraught on the day
of the arrival of the Potempkin He felt, as in Kiev,
that civil the civil authorities were unable to restore order.
And this is why, and that is why he handed
over all subsequent decisions aimed at the cessation of disorder
to the military command, that is to say, the commander
of the Odessa the Odessa Garrison, General Kakanov. Did there
exist a superior authority to that one in Odessa, Yes,
of course, and it was Governor General Karazov, who, as
the reader will have guessed, was acting on a temporary
basis and felt hardly at ease. General Kazanov found nothing
better than to have the port sealed by the army
and to enclose the thousands of unsafe elements who had
gathered there, to cut them off, not yet contaminated, from
the city. On June fifteenth, the uprising in Odessa and
the Potempkin mutiny collapsed into one movement. The inhabitants of
the city, among whom many students and workers, boarded the battleship,
exhorting the crew to common actions. The crowd in the
harbor rushed to plunder the goods that were stored there,
beginning with boxes of wine, then stormed the warehouses, to
which it's at fire more than eight million rubles of losses.
The fire threatened the quarantine port, where foreign vessels were
anchored and import goods were stored. Kakanoff still could not
resolve to put an end to the disorder by force,
fearing that the Potempkin would reply by bombarding the city.
The situation remained equally explosive on the fifteenth. The next day,
the Potempkin drew five salvos on the town, three of
them blank, and called on the commander of the armed
forces to board the ship to demand the withdrawal of
the troops from the city and to release all the
political prisoners. On the same day, June sixteenth, at the
funeral of the only sailor killed, scarcely had the procession
entered the town than it was joined by all kinds
of individuals, who soon performed a crowd of several thousand persons,
principally young Jews and on the grave and orator, after
shouting down with the autocracy, called on his comrades to
act with determination, without fear of the police.
Speaker 2: You know how bad a riot has to be, you know,
how out of control civic unrest has to be for
you to ask battleship to fire on the city Odessa,
being in kind of city it was. These are armed, trained,
semi trained, young revolutionaries, ideologically motivated, extremely violent. The police
were overwhelmed from from day one. The only way you
could do anything is by shooting them. But you know,
there were no political prisoners in Czaris, Russia. There were
violent revolutionaries, very sick people who were imprisoned, and those
who helped them, they weren't political prisoners. That only happens
in the EU and the Soviet Union. You didn't have
that in Russia in nineteen oh five.
Speaker 1: By that very day and for a long time, the
state of siege was proclaimed in the city. The Potempkin
had to take off to escape the squadron that had
come to capture it. And although the four days it
had been anchored in the port Odessa and to many
contacts which had been established between the people and had
substantially raised a morale of revolutionaries and gave rise to
the hope of a possible future support of the armed forces.
Despite of that summer, Despite of that, the summer was
going to end calmly, perhaps even no upset which had
occurred in Odessa, if on the twenty seventh of August
had been promulgated the incomparable Law on the Autonomy of
Higher education institutions. Immediately a Soviet coalition was formed by
the students, which, by the determination and audacity, succeeded in
bringing under its influence not only the student community but
also the teaching force. Professors feared unpleasant confrontations with the students,
such as the Boycotta classes, the ec bulsion of such
and such professor from the Amphi, etc. Large gatherings took
place at the university, fundraising to arm the workers in
the proletariat for the military insurrection, for the purchase of
weapons with a view to forming militias and self defense groups.
Discussions were held about the course of actions to be
taken at the time of the insurrection. At these meetings,
the faculty of professors took an active part, sometimes with
with the Rector Zanchewski at its head, who promised to
make available to the students all the means at their
disposal to facilitate their participation in the liberation movement.
Speaker 2: You imagine this complete perversion of the university. The only
reason that they were demanding autonomies so that they could
take them over. These were no longer places of learning.
These became armed camps of the revolutionary They were able
to take over a battleship. And that which suggests it
implies that there were huge numbers, very well armed revolutionaries,
overwhelmingly Jews, because this is the Jewish city in Kiev,
this is the Jewish city of the Russian Empire. These
aren't self defense groups. That's propaganda. They were the aggressors,
they were the attackers, and that's you know, the Jews.
This is why they were Jews were kept away from
higher education because they were Jews, because they would they
would do this immediately taking them over and making them
into a fourth and a pillar for the revolution. And
if you were against them, and there were plenty that were,
you were in a lot of trouble. You simply couldn't
teach there anymore, You couldn't go there anymore.
Speaker 1: And edis throughout our history since then, especially in the
United States, whenever any kind of university revolutionary action happens,
it's Jews leading it until they start protesting against Israel.
That's when that's when Jewish, when Jewish elites all of
a sudden become right wing like they have now since
October seventh, and said that in order these universities have
to be stopped and defunded and we have to take
away their endowments. And you know, yeah, that's the big
neo cons.
Speaker 2: Neocons want that. I mean, you have a lot of
fake protests against Israel from Jews who never seemed to
notice Israel's You know, this is this is really nothing
special is what has been doing this since thineteen forty eight.
It's only now because it's in the press, which they
were not expecting, it became mainstream to attack at least
attack Nen Yahoo and they're trying to localize it just
to him. There were a lot of what I think
are completely fake Jewish organization or we were against this
all along. They don't want to be implicated in it.
Your neo kon Jews again, another Jewish movement. They're not
right wing by any means, but they become right wing
only when they're seeing their sacred cow's gord on campus.
All of a sudden, now they want law and order.
You know, they have no they have no principles, and
you really can't take them seriously when they when they
know they don't believe in, you know, freedom of expression.
Well when it comes to pornography, yes, they love freedom,
freedom of expression, as if that's what the First Amendment
was about. But when we start talking, all of a sudden,
it doesn't matter anymore. They have no principles. This is
about power, this is about control. The Jews created this
whole notion of a revolutionary university here. They turned them
into armed camps.
Speaker 1: And remember we must remember our history too, that prior
to nineteen sixty seven. In nineteen sixty eight, Jews, Jews
and Blacks work side by side of Jews, basically using
blacks as a battering ram against white America until Blacks
decided that part of their revolutionary movement was going to
be pro Palestine, and then they were They were immediately
cut off in nineteen sixty eight. In nineteen sixty.
Speaker 2: Eight, svartzes, now it's true.
Speaker 1: On the seventeenth September, the first meeting at the university
took place in the presence of an outside public so
numerous that it had to be split into two groups,
the sr Tepper and two Jewish students made speeches calling
on the public to lead the struggle to free the
country from political oppression and a deleterious autocracy. On the
thirtieth of October, the state of siege was lifted in
Odessa and henceforth rush to these meetings students of all
educationational establishments, some of whom were not more than fourteen
years old. The Jews were the principal orators calling for
open insurrection and arms struggle.
Speaker 2: Political oppression are they talking about? What are they talking about?
That was no censorship as are was very far away.
He had no direct relevance to their lives, their their
movement unless they got violent, occurred without interruption. They were
a wealthy group of people. All of these kids came
from the upper classes. Jewish revolutionaries were all from almost
all from the upper classes. What oppressure are they talking about?
We spent a lot of time talking about how difficult
it is for Saint Petersburg to enforce laws far away,
and it was an issue because all politics was local
in the rosst Empire. What political oppression are they talking about?
The only thing that they could be talking about is
that the Goiam are running the country and the chief
boys are Nicholas exists. That's what has to be destroyed
so our friends can take over their very existence. Is
what oppression meant to them.
Speaker 1: I think we're going to end it right there and
we'll pick up on the next episode. I wanted to mention,
have you ever watched the nineteen twenty six Soviet movie
Battleship Potempkin.
Speaker 2: I have not, but I have heard about it.
Speaker 1: You must watch it, you must. I actually found it
on Amazon Prime when I watched it like six seven
years ago. It basically blames it blames all of the Odessa,
what happened in Odessa on the Bizarre and the Cossacks,
and no mention of Jews, except for one person who
just randomly just screams kill the Jews, and then that yeah,
no way is yeah, and that person is just like
shut that person shut down. So the he shouted down
and beaten by the people, and yeah, it's it is
an amazing piece of propaganda to watch. If you get
a chance to watch it, definitely watch it. It's called
for everyone listening. It's called Battleship Potempkin nineteen twenty six,
directed by Sergei Eisenstein.
Speaker 2: Oh yeah, yeah, he was a big name. The last
Soviet made movie I watched was Alexander Nevsky, which actually
wasn't bad because of course this is you know, the
Middle Ages, except there was no The Orthodox Church wasn't present,
which is absurd, and what little Orthodox presence there was
was negative, even though he was fighting for them. It
was kind of absurd to do that. But otherwise it
wasn't a bad movie. They didn't have that. They had
a pretty good It was all propaganda and nonsense, but
they're actors and actresses were were very solid. Now, the
Battleship Attemption is a is a famous movie. It's been
remade a million times. And now that you mentioned it,
I guess I have to I have to watch it
again or watch it for the first time. I may
have watched it before, but it was it must have
been a million years ago. But Eisenstein was one of
the biggest names in that in that universe.
Speaker 1: Yeah, yeah, very good, A very good piece of propaganda.
Speaker 2: Good.
Speaker 1: Yeah. Yeah. Well it's one of those ones that if
you're studying, if you're in the process of studying, Berne's
is one of those ones that you definitely want to
watch because the if you know what really happened, and
then you watch this and you're like, oh, this just
makes perfect sense when you know who made it, and
when you know who's in charge in Russia at the time,
you know, in the Soviet Union at the time.
Speaker 2: Right of course, And and it's really more or less
the same as far as movies today, they just have
a lot better special effects.
Speaker 1: Yeah, yeah, all right, Well, we'll pick up on episode
forty one in a couple of days. As always, go
to the show notes, go to the notes in the videos,
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As a matter of fact, everyone who's listening to this
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Thank you, doctor Johnson.
Speaker 2: Oh, I absolutely agree. And you know, not everyone can
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Speaker 1: U.
Speaker 2: That's how you now can get involved. That's your contribution,
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But by supporting those who can, you're just as much
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Speaker 1: One hundred percent. Thank you. So I'll see in a
couple of days, all right, my friend, Bye bye h