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Speaker 1: Welcome to the Deep Dive, the knowledge shortcut that turns

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massive stacks of historical files, congressional hearings, and a cutting

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edge research into the essential insights you need fast. Today

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we are opening a set of files that, well, they

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confirm one of the most persistent and unsettling rumors of

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the Cold War era. We're talking about the deep secret

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relationship between US intelligence and the news media. And we're

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going to track this story right up to the present day,

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where the fight isn't about human spies and newsrooms anymore,

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but something else entirely. It's about algorithmic warfare am squarely

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at your perception. I want you to just think about

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this for a second. Imagine you're a foreign correspondent operating

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in say Beirut or Moscow or Tehran. Your ultimate professional

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fear it's not necessarily being killed in a crossfire, it's

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being mistakenly labeled a spy. That suspicion alone is a

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death sentence in so many parts of the world. What

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we're looking at today is the documented kind of frightening

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reality that for two whole decades during the Cold War,

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major US media organizations they didn't just passively tolerate intelligence contact.

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They systematically cooperated with the CIA. It was an institutional

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policy of collusion. That I mean. It fundamentally blurred the

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lines between gathering news and gathering intelligence.

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Speaker 2: And that systematic collusion is really the anchor for this

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whole deep dive. Our goal here is to synthesize three

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very different eras of these influence operations. We're going to

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start with the institutional history in the nineteen fifties, the

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documented arrangement between the fledgling CIA or even its predecessor

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of the Central Intelligence Group, the CIG, and media titans

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like Time Ink, the parent company of Time and Life magazines,

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and the New York Times. This is basically Operation Mockingbird,

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but confirmed by the records, not.

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Speaker 1: Just a conspiracy theory anymore.

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Speaker 2: Not at all. Then we jump forward to the high

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stakes public accountability hearings of the nineteen nineties. This was

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the moment of reckoning, a real debate over ethical boundaries,

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and it featured powerful, just heart wrenching testimony from former

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hostages about the real world danger when journalists get associated

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with intelligence work. The whole debate centered on whether the

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CIA could ever legally keep a waiver authority to use reporters.

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Speaker 1: And then the third part.

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Speaker 2: Finally we accelerate to the present. We connect this historical

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legacy to the rise of what's now being called cognitive warfare.

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This is where the target is no longer the editor

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in the newsroom, but the very way you process information online.

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We're talking about state actors leveraging digital platforms in AI

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to fundamentally manipulate well the cognitive domain, and.

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Speaker 1: The clarity of the evidence on that Cold War illusion

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is genuinely startling. I mean, we are not discussing some

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isolated instance of a journalist who occasionally reported back to

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the agency. We have documentation revealing a structural operational arrangement

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between time Ink and the CIA that was established in

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the very first decade of the Cold War and lasted

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well into the late nineteen sixties. This wasn't a rogue operation.

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This was strategic policy executed at the highest levels of

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both organizations.

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Speaker 2: So when we really start to dissect the CIA's access

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to these media empires, we see right away that the

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relationship with time Ink wasn't just transactional, it was symbiotic.

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It began around nineteen forty nine, not long after the

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CIA was even formed, taking over from the CIG to

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Central Intelligence Group. The key thing to remember is that

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time Ink had this massive, irreplaceable global presence.

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Speaker 1: The CIA was new, but time Inc. Was already everywhere.

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Speaker 2: Exactly, and what time Ink offered the CIA was something

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no amount of government funding could just create.

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Speaker 1: Overnight, which was what exactly. The people on the ground.

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Speaker 2: The unfiltered eyes and ears of experienced correspondence on the

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ground in every single strategically important corner of the globe.

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So the agency gained systematic, continuous access to time Inc's

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most valuable assets, their foreign correspondence, their confidential dispatches, and

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their massive research and photographic files.

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Speaker 1: These were resources the fledgling CIA just desperately needed to

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map the post war world and I guess track all

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these rising threats quickly. Let's talk about the gold standard

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of intelligence. They receive this fyi material for your information.

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This wasn't the polished, vetted stuff that you or I

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would read in Time magazine, not even close.

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Speaker 2: The published articles were just the tip of the iceberg.

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The real intelligence, the real value, came from the private reports,

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the cables, the personal letters the correspondents were sending back

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to their editors. This fyi material was pure raw intelligence.

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We're talking spicy corridor gossip, unverified but highly illuminating background

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on political.

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Speaker 1: Crises, post mortems on major events.

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Speaker 2: And crucially private guidance for editors writing local stories that

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had nuance only available to people on the inside.

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Speaker 1: So okay, this is where the historian and make us fascinated.

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Why would gossip and background speculation be considered priceless intelligence

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that sounds so informal?

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Speaker 2: Well, because it provided context, motive, personality assessments. It's the

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human layer that hard military intelligence so often misses. For

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young intelligence organization trying to understand closes societies like the

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entire Soviet bloc, where press censorship was absolute. This material

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was revolutionary.

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Speaker 1: So they were getting a picture they couldn't get anywhere else.

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Speaker 2: Nowhere else. In fact, experienced CIA officers admitted openly that

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many US journalists were and I'm quoting here, presenting a

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more accurate and informed picture of conditions in Eastern Europe

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than the agency's own spy networks. Wow, it was faster,

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it was broader, and often more insightful because journalists had

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access to circles that diplomats or traditional spies just couldn't touch.

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Speaker 1: And that dependency is why they formalized this.

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Speaker 2: That's exactly why this is why the CIA formalized this

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system with major publishers. It was a necessity for them.

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Speaker 1: And we know this wasn't just a one off thing

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with Time Inc. Because the structure was well, it was

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basically copied elsewhere.

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Speaker 2: Absolutely, the evidence we have suggest the arrangement between the

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CIA and the New York Times was almost identical to

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the one with Time Inc. And that tells you this

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was a common CIA policy of systemic press engagement, established

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right when the agency was transitioning from the CIG to

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the CIA in the late nineteen forties. It was viewed

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as a necessary, if a controversial, tool for intelligence collection

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in a rapidly changing world.

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Speaker 1: Okay, so let's move from the written word to the

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visual because the CIA's intense interest in the Life magazine

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photo archive that gives us a really fascinating look into

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their collection methods. Before we had sophisticated spyplanes or satellites,

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this was basically photographic intelligence gathering using a commercial library.

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Speaker 2: It was a crucial partnership. The CIA was intensely interested

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in the Life magazine photo archive, which had what fourteen

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years worth of images going all the way back to

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nineteen thirty six. They were essentially backfilling their strategic intelligence

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databases using commercial photography. This was before the U two flights,

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before high resolution spy satellites. Their main visual intelligence was

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often what they could manually pull from sources like life.

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Speaker 1: And we have some incredible specific on the operational scale

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of this. This wasn't a one off request. We're talking

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about CIA officers making weekly visits to the archives for

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almost two decades.

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Speaker 2: Correct. The sheer volume is what really shows how systematic

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this was. Yeah, when they started reviewing the historical files

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back in nineteen forty nine, CIA officers were copying an

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average of three to five hundred photographs per week, per week,

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per week. I mean, just think about that logistical operation.

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And even after they finished that big historical review, they

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kept going. They continued to pull an average of eighty

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nine photos per week from the current.

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Speaker 1: Files, every single week, year after year, year after year.

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So what were they looking for? Was it just you know,

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war photos or something more tactical.

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Speaker 2: The material fell into two really critical buckets. About three

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quarters of it was classified as geographic.

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Speaker 1: Okay, what does that mean?

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Speaker 2: Coastline mapping of Europe, detailed topography of sensitive areas like Iran,

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or infrastructure details. This was hard foundational intelligence, the kind

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of stuff you use for mapping and visualizing targets for

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future military or intelligence planning.

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Speaker 1: And the other quarter.

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Speaker 2: That remaining quarter focused almost exclusively on identifying and tracking

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personalities from behind the Iron Curtain, key leaders, potential assets,

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targets within the Soviet sphere of influence.

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Speaker 1: So you have this top secret, critical operation for national security,

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but the human element inside time inc soughw it very

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very differently. The photo overseer a woman named Susie Eggleston.

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She didn't see this as some patriotic service to her.

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It was a massive bureaucratic headache.

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Speaker 2: It is the classic collision of espionage in publishing. Right.

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Eggleston complained in nineteen fifty two that the CIA visits

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were a huge nuisance. I mean, imagine you're the photo

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editor for a global magazine like.

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Speaker 1: Life, right. Your whole job is that library.

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Speaker 2: Your most important asset is your image library. And every

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single week the CIA takes hundreds of images out of

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circulation for copying, even if it's just for a few days.

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This handicapped the magazine's own editorial skit. She concluded, and

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this is a quote. Possibly they are building up a

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Peachey strategic file, but I take a dim view of

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the whole thing at.

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Speaker 1: This point, a Peachey strategic file. She just saw it

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as annoying, tedious work, no matter the national security rationale

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behind it. Exactly so, to keep this whole arrangement going,

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the CIA had to pull strings at the corporate level.

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They couldn't just deal with the annoyed archivist.

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Speaker 2: Oh, they absolutely needed high level reassurance. James M. Andrews,

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who was the CIA's Assistant director for Intelligence Collection, he

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personally intervened. He gave a tour of the CIA to

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Bernard Barnes, Egleston's direct supervisor, just to impress upon him

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the gravity of the mission. And then Andrews wrote directly

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to Time Ink president roy E Larson, assuring him that

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the life photographs were quote extremely valuable for a variety

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of intelligence purposes and were directly serving national security.

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Speaker 1: So this was a high level corporate to spymaster relationship.

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Speaker 2: Absolutely, which just demonstrates how much the CIA valued this act.

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Speaker 1: But despite all that high level management, we know the

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arrangement sparked some really serious internal dissent among the senior

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editorial staff. The patriotic consensus wasn't, you know, absolute.

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Speaker 2: No, it wasn't, and the dissent was powerful, even though

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it was kept internal and strictly confidential. He kept to consider.

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Manfred Gottfried, a senior editor at Time, Inc. He did

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not mince words. He argued fiercely, saying, CIA is still

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the top us spy ring. As long as we pretend

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to be honest journalists, we had not to be mixed

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up in it. He questioned the entire premise. He pointed

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out the irony that Congress would never allow the CIA

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to tap a US news organization's communication wires. Yet here

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the organization was just willingly handing over its confidential files.

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Speaker 1: So did that internal critique actually have any effect?

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Speaker 2: It did. It had a limited but really important effect.

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Henry LUs, the powerful founder of Time, Inc. He partially

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conceded to the concerns of his senior editors. He ended

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the practice of sharing the foreign dispatches directly with the CIA.

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Speaker 1: Okay, so that's a big deal, it is.

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Speaker 2: But other collaborations, and crucially the photo archive access that

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continued for several more years. It just shows how difficult

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it was to sever such a valuable intelligence stream.

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Speaker 1: What stands out most to me about this whole period

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is the almost fanatical commitment to secrecy, even more intense

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than the agency's oone. And this leads us to this

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unwritten code that kept this whole thing secret even after

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all the intelligence abuses were exposed in the nineteen seventies

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by the Church Committee.

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Speaker 2: Yeah, that enduring secrecy. It boils down to multiple layers

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of loyalty. Senior staff were loyal to each other, and

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they preferred resolving internal disputes privately, not as they'd say,

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airing their grievances in print. They were loyal to this

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abstract concept of national security, and critically, they felt a

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responsibility to protect their government sources, you know, the people

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sharing sensitive confidential information with responsible journalists under the expectation

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of discretion.

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Speaker 1: And this commitment to secrecy is just beautifully illustrated by

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the security classification details. This is my favorite part.

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Speaker 2: It's the ultimate mic drop detail, isn't it. When the

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CIA proposed lowering the security classification of the copied photos

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from confidential to restricted, which would have made them much

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easier for the agency to share with the other government departments.

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Time Inc. President roy E Larson flatly refused.

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Speaker 1: Wait, so, let me get this straight. The private media

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company was more concerned about protecting the idea of secrecy

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than the intelligence agency was about easily sharing its own

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gathered data.

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Speaker 2: That's it. That shows you where the true loyalty lay.

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Speaker 1: Unbelievable.

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Speaker 2: Absolutely, Time Inc. Insisted on keeping the higher confidential classification,

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specifically to ensure that the existence of their relationship with

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the CIA would never be discovered publicly. They prioritized keeping

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the operational collaboration secret even more highly than the CIA

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prioritized the easy dissemination of the intelligence they gathered. This

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just reveals the immense institutional pressure and cultural imperative to

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protect the arrangement at all costs during that period.

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Speaker 1: So that deep systematic collusion, you know, the one relying

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on internal loyalty and discretion. It eventually crumbled under the

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weight of post Vietnam and Watergate public accountability. The revelations

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from the Church Committee investigations in the nineteen seventies, which

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exposed these widespread domestic intelligence abuses. They forced Congress to

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look very closely at the ethical lines between the CIA

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and civilian society, and this all came to a head

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in nineteen ninety six with the Senate hearing that was

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specifically focused on the CIA's use of journalists, clergy and

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Peace Corps personnel.

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Speaker 2: And the stakes in nineteen ninety six were just dramatically

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raised by the living cost of that past collusion, and

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it was all demonstrated through the testimony of one man,

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Terry Anderson. Anderson was the Associated Pressed euro chief in

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the Middle East, a very high profile figure who spent

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six agonizing years as a hostage from nineteen eighty five

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to nineteen ninety one, held by fundamentalist Sheites in Lebanon.

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Speaker 1: Anderson's testimony was just devastating because it personalized the threat completely.

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He recounted how his cats didn't just suspect you as

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a spy, they operated under the absolute assumption that he

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was one. He was interrogated repeatedly, constantly pressed to reveal

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the name of the CIA agent within the AP that

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you report to.

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Speaker 2: His experience was absolutely critical to the policy debate. Anderson

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argued that the mere suspicion that journalists are spies is

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already a global occupational hazard.

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Speaker 1: But any official US policy that provides a formal exception

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to a ban on using journalists, and no matter how

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narrow it is, it just validates that paranoia.

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Speaker 2: Exactly, it validates it and actively endangers the lives of

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every single non governmental American working in hostile territory. He

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advocated for a clear, absolute, public blanket ban on using

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journalists to cover or recruiting journalists as intelligence assets period.

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Speaker 1: He was basically arguing that giving the CIA an official loophole,

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even for the most extreme circumstances, effectively hands propaganda to

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those who want to kidnap or execute Americans abroad.

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Speaker 2: Yes, the point was that perception is reality and hostile zones.

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Anderson insisted that the agency's public insistence on keeping a

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formal exception to a rule. It's supposedly accepted that using

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journalists in dangers lives was creating immediate harm just by

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reinforcing this narrative of espionage, he asked Congress. He said,

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just because we can conceive of a scenario where speed

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limits must be broken for an emergency, do we legislate

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a formal exception for speeding for all citizens. No, the

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law has to stand absolute, even if it might be

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occasionally broken in an extreme emergency.

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Speaker 1: Okay, So let's pivot to the government's stance, which was

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articulated by the CIA director at the time, John Deutsch.

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He affirmed that the general policy was a ban, that

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the entire debate really hinged on his insistence on retaining

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this waiver authority. The director's option.

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Speaker 2: Deutsch's policy was essentially, we ban it, but we need

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an emergency escape clause. The Director of Central Intelligence, the DCI,

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must retain the waiver authority for truly exceptional circumstances that

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involve an extreme threat to the nation.

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Speaker 1: And he gave examples right he did.

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Speaker 2: He cited finding American hostages or deterring the use of

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a weapon of mass destruction in a densely populated urban

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area as scenarios where rapid unconventional action might be necessary.

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Speaker 1: And his rationale for keeping this ultimate power in the

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DCI's office rather than say, elevating it to the president,

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and that was purely about operational efficiency and chain of command,

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wasn't it it was?

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Speaker 2: Deutsch argued very strongly against involving the White House in

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day to day operational decisions, even these rare ones. He

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felt the DCI should be trusted with operational command. His

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ultimate accountability, he argued, was that the President could fire

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him if he made a poor judgment call.

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Speaker 1: But he did offer some oversight.

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Speaker 2: He did. He agreed that if a waiver were used,

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the decision would involve immediate notification of the Congressional oversight committees,

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setting a goal of about forty eight hours to inform

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the chairman in ranking members.

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Speaker 1: And this whole question of who holds the waiver power,

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the DCI or the President that became the focal point

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for the Congressional pushback. I'm thinking specifically of Senator Arline

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Inspector and previous legislative efforts like the House's Richardson Amendment

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that's right.

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Speaker 2: The push from Congress, which was fueled by this intense

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testimony from the press and clergy, was either for an

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absolute legally enshrined prohibition or at the very minimum, elevating

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the exception authority to the president. They felt that if

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a situation truly constituted an extreme threat to the nation,

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it deserved the highest level of executive approval possible, not

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just a director's signature.

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Speaker 1: And the House had already passed a bill on this right.

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Speaker 2: The House had yeah, they passed a bill supporting the

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need for this legislative solution by an overwhelming margin of

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four hundred and seventeen to six. This wasn't a partisan debate,

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it was a constitutional one about checks and balances on

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executive intelligence power.

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Speaker 1: So the press and clergy response was just absolute, and

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it was rooted in this idea that their work requires

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unimpeachable trust. Mortimer B. Zuckerman of US News and World Report,

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he made a powerful case based on the constitutional integrity

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of the press.

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Speaker 2: Zuckerman argued that untainted journalism is itself a precious national resource,

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and it does more long term good for the country

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than any short term intelligence gained from compromising a reporter.

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And he brought up the case of Nick Daniloff, who

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was the Moscow bureau chief for US News. He was

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falsely accused and arrested by the KGB in nineteen eighty six.

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And crucially, Daniloff was unwittingly involved in an intelligence drop.

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He had no idea he was being used.

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Speaker 1: And the implication there is if even unwitting involvement taints

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the entire profession, how can any official policy that supports

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witting involvement ever be justified precisely.

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Speaker 2: Zuckerman contended that the damage caused by the mere perception

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of a link spreads across the entire profession, endangering all

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journalists working overseas. The independence of the press, he argued,

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had to be protected by an absolute legal line.

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Speaker 1: Meanwhile, you had Ted Copple of ABC News, with his

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deep history of reporting from high conflict zones, and he

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took a different, almost cynical path to the exact same

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conclusion Bannett. Absolutely, even if you know the ban will

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be broken.

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Speaker 2: Copple was intensely pressed. He stated that foreign governments and

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intelligence agencies worldwide already assume American journalists are working for

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the CIA. He just acknowledged that reality. He also acknowledged

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that US intelligence agencies have historically circumvented laws when they

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perceived a dire national interest, and he assumed they would

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continue to do so in truly extreme emergencies.

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Speaker 1: So his argument was essentially, don't validate the necessary evil.

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Let the law stand as absolute, even if you suspect

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it might be violated in a crisis.

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Speaker 2: Yes, Copple's core point was this, if the CIA must,

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on occasion use the role of an American journalist to

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conceal one of its operatives, it will do so regardless

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of what is decided by Congress. But if they do,

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they should be acting in the full knowledge that they

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are endangering a free press and breaking at US law.

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Legislating an exception to him just sanctions the danger's behavior,

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where as an absolute ban preserves the legal and moral

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high ground that journalists need when they're defending their independence

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to skeptical foreign powers.

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Speaker 1: And the piece core and the clergy were similarly unified.

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They argued not from a constitutional position, but from one

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of trust and physical risk management.

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Speaker 2: Yeah leaders representing the National Association of Evangelicals, mari Andal Sisters,

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and Church Role Service they all emphasized that the roughly

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fifty thousand Americans working abroad in ministry and relief rely

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entirely on absolute, unquestioned trust. Any waiver, any loophole just

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destroys that confidence and jeopardizes personnel in politically sensitive areas.

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Speaker 1: And the most poignant example of that tangible cost came

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from Senator Paul Coverdelle, who was a former director of

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the Peace Corps.

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Speaker 2: Coverdell was crystal clear the Peace Corps was founded on

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a strict ethical separation. They maintained a ten year in

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eligibility rule for anyone with recent intelligence activity, and he

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recalled opening a program in Bolivia where a volunteer was

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tragically lost simply because she was mistaken for an agent

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of the DEA. It just highlights the brutal reality mistake

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and identity is a life or death matter.

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Speaker 1: So their policy is absolute.

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Speaker 2: Absolutely, the Peace Corps policy remains there shall not be

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any contact whatsoever between anyone in the intelligence community and

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any Peace Corps volunteer or trainee. That absolute line is

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a non negotiable insurance policy for their lives.

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Speaker 1: So the nineteen ninety six debate really shows this massive

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shift in consciousness. We're moving from the silent, institutionalized loyalty

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of the nineteen fifties toward an insistence on public, legally

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defined separation, all to protect American lives and the integrity

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of non governmental work abroad.

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Speaker 2: And that great fight of the nineteen nineties was all

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about protecting the body of the journalist, drawing a clear

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line in the sand to prevent physical risk and reputational harm.

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Today the battlefield has shifted entirely. The fight is about

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protecting the mind and judgment of the audience itself.

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Speaker 1: So if the strategic goal remains the same controlling narratives

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and influencing decision makers, just like the CIA wanted those

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time ink dispatches, the method is now algorithmic. We've transitioned

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from recruiting human spies to deploying automated systems, and the

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resulting phenomenon is what military strategists are now calling cognitive

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warfare or CW.

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Speaker 2: Cognitive warfare is the modern operational threat. It's defined explicitly

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as the application of information science and cognitive science to enhance,

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or more often, to degrade the decision making process and

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the resulting behavior of target populations that could be political leaders,

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military personnel, or just civilian society. It targets the cognitive domain,

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that intangible space where individuals form thoughts, process information, and

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ultimately decide how to act.

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Speaker 1: This sounds far more sophisticated than simply dropping leaflets or

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releasing standard propaganda. It feels like an attack on trust itself.

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Speaker 2: That's the key distinction. Its highly focused, personalized psychological manipulation.

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The strategic goal and this ECHOSANSU is winning without fighting.

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It's to gain a positional advantage dominate perceptions and shape

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the adversary's will to act without ever needing a physical conflict.

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Speaker 1: So influencing minds has always been part of warfare, but

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the technology of itailable today.

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Speaker 2: It exponentially enhances the reach and efficacy of these activities, and.

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Speaker 1: This brings us to the accelerators artificial intelligence and global

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digital platforms.

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Speaker 2: These technologies are the transformative forces enabling mass disruption AI.

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In advanced computational methods. They facilitate hyper specific, micro targeting

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and deep analysis of psychological profiles that are derived from

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massive data sets. This allows for the automation of influence

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campaigns on a scale and at a speed that was

439
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just unimaginable in the Cold War era. They are used

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to quote, assess access, and affect the cognitive space of

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millions of people simultaneously.

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Speaker 1: And the most disrupt development here seems to be generative AI,

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which raises some I don't know existential questions about the

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very concept of objective truth.

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Speaker 2: It really does. Generative AI, specifically large language models LMS

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and deep fake technology. It allows state actors to create

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mass disruption using low cost but incredibly impactful influence operations.

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The technology makes it increasingly difficult, if not impots, to

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reliably distinguish between real and manufactured media.

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Speaker 1: And we've seen this in the wild right we have.

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Speaker 2: For instance, so twenty twenty two pro Chinese influence operation

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was found to be using video content featuring hyperrealistic AI

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generated fictitious newscasters. The barrier to entry for producing high

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quality targeted disinformation has completely collapsed, and that fundamentally alters

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the strategic environment.

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Speaker 1: So let's examine how our major adversaries, Russia and China

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are structuring their approach to dominate this cognitive space. They

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don't just see this as a tactic for them, it's

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a doctrine.

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Speaker 2: China explicitly incorporates these concepts into its three warfarees doctrine.

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That's one public opinion warfare, two psychological warfare, and three

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legal warfare. Chinese analysts are focused on intelligentized warfare, meaning

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warfare heavily reliant on smart technologies, and they openly discussed

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the struggle for brain control. Brain control for them, public

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opinion warfare is controlling the global media narrative about China.

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It's an institutional attack on how the world perceives their

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intentions and their actions.

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Speaker 1: So when China talks about brain control, They're not really

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discussing science fiction. They're talking about using automated systems to

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flood media platforms with customized, realistic disinformation to erode trust

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and manipulate policymakers.

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Speaker 2: Precisely, they view the cognitive domain as the central battleground

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where political will and societal resilience are broken down long

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before any kinetic conflict even begins.

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Speaker 1: And Russia's methods, which are built on this long history

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00:25:32,240 --> 00:25:36,759
of active measures, also heavily emphasize information confrontation.

477
00:25:37,359 --> 00:25:41,200
Speaker 2: Russia's doctrine of new generation warfare is completely dominated by

478
00:25:41,200 --> 00:25:45,799
information and psychological operations. Influential Russian military authors stress the

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00:25:45,880 --> 00:25:49,640
role of non military means, things like military, economic and

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00:25:49,720 --> 00:25:54,039
IT measures, in combination with efficient psychological information campaigns. They

481
00:25:54,119 --> 00:25:56,519
argue that these non kinetic methods can actually exceed the

482
00:25:56,559 --> 00:25:58,759
power of conventional weapons and their effectiveness.

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00:25:58,799 --> 00:26:02,079
Speaker 1: And crucially, Russia's cognitive warfare is multimodal. It's not just

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00:26:02,119 --> 00:26:04,319
limited to spamming social media.

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00:26:04,359 --> 00:26:08,519
Speaker 2: That is a key analytical distinction. Russia's efforts use every

486
00:26:08,599 --> 00:26:14,079
possible platform for information transmission social media, yes, but also

487
00:26:14,119 --> 00:26:19,319
specialized conferences, official diplomatic channels and influential individuals, and furthermore,

488
00:26:19,640 --> 00:26:24,480
their cognitive operations often pair physical actions like military exercises,

489
00:26:24,559 --> 00:26:28,039
cyber attacks, or even minor acts of sabotage with psychological

490
00:26:28,119 --> 00:26:31,640
campaigns to shape adversaries decision making and weaken their collective

491
00:26:31,640 --> 00:26:32,279
will to act.

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00:26:32,599 --> 00:26:35,279
Speaker 1: The physical action is just a stage for the psychological

493
00:26:35,359 --> 00:26:37,359
message you got it. So this brings us back to

494
00:26:37,359 --> 00:26:39,759
the question of the US government. If the goal is

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00:26:39,799 --> 00:26:44,039
still clandestine influence, the modern parallel isn't the CIA recruiting

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00:26:44,079 --> 00:26:47,920
a journalist, it's running large scale automated influence operations across

497
00:26:47,920 --> 00:26:48,920
global platforms.

498
00:26:49,200 --> 00:26:53,319
Speaker 2: That is the modern continuum of influence. US government agencies

499
00:26:53,359 --> 00:26:56,720
today they address the threat from adversaries using terms like

500
00:26:56,960 --> 00:27:00,920
for norm align, influence, or influence operations, but the core

501
00:27:00,960 --> 00:27:04,880
activity shaping foreign narratives without attribution remains relevant for them

502
00:27:04,920 --> 00:27:07,559
as well. And the crucial data point here is the

503
00:27:07,599 --> 00:27:10,599
November twenty twenty two Meta report that detailed a pro

504
00:27:10,759 --> 00:27:14,519
US influence operation linked to the US military itself.

505
00:27:14,640 --> 00:27:16,039
Speaker 1: And this is where we see the echoes of the

506
00:27:16,079 --> 00:27:19,880
nineteen fifties collusion, but with modern tools, a US linked

507
00:27:19,920 --> 00:27:24,920
operation using the exact same coordinated inauthentic behavior methods that

508
00:27:24,960 --> 00:27:27,519
we routinely criticize Russia and China for using.

509
00:27:27,680 --> 00:27:31,319
Speaker 2: Yes, metafound links the individuals associated with the US military

510
00:27:31,359 --> 00:27:36,160
who created fake accounts on over seven Internet services, including Facebook, Instagram, YouTube,

511
00:27:36,400 --> 00:27:39,519
and even Russian platforms like v contact day. The campaign

512
00:27:39,519 --> 00:27:42,319
was highly targeted, primarily focused on Central Asia and the

513
00:27:42,319 --> 00:27:46,480
Middle East, including countries critical to US strategy like Iran, Afghanistan,

514
00:27:46,519 --> 00:27:47,160
and Russia.

515
00:27:47,200 --> 00:27:49,480
Speaker 1: And what was the content of these fake campaigns? What

516
00:27:49,519 --> 00:27:50,480
were they trying to push?

517
00:27:50,599 --> 00:27:55,440
Speaker 2: They employed coordinated memes, fake personas, and carefully curated content

518
00:27:55,880 --> 00:28:00,119
posting primarily in Arabic, Farsi and Russian, the message to

519
00:28:00,119 --> 00:28:03,920
emphasize cooperation with the US and often sharply criticize the

520
00:28:03,920 --> 00:28:06,119
governments of Iran, China, and Russia.

521
00:28:06,240 --> 00:28:08,599
Speaker 1: So this campaign was a clear example of the US

522
00:28:08,720 --> 00:28:13,759
military using these sophisticated influence operations coordinated inauthentic behavior to

523
00:28:13,920 --> 00:28:16,440
shape foreign narratives digitally exactly now.

524
00:28:16,640 --> 00:28:19,440
Speaker 2: Meta noted the overall impact was low because the networks

525
00:28:19,440 --> 00:28:22,519
were small, but the existence of a US linked operation

526
00:28:22,759 --> 00:28:27,000
using fake accounts mirrors the historical desire to control foreign narratives.

527
00:28:27,599 --> 00:28:31,279
It's just being executed through clandestine digital systems now instead

528
00:28:31,319 --> 00:28:33,680
of relying on compromise journalists.

529
00:28:33,599 --> 00:28:36,400
Speaker 1: So the infrastructure of influence has shifted from the publisher's

530
00:28:36,440 --> 00:28:39,880
annex where the CIA reviewed photos, to the algorithmic feed

531
00:28:39,880 --> 00:28:44,680
where fake newscasters just appear. The fundamental operational principle controlling

532
00:28:44,680 --> 00:28:47,880
the narrative without being discovered, that remains the driving force.

533
00:28:48,319 --> 00:28:52,400
Speaker 2: Absolutely. The Cold War desire to influence global opinion required

534
00:28:52,480 --> 00:28:57,160
secrecy protected by a confidential stamp. The modern imperative requires

535
00:28:57,200 --> 00:29:01,319
anonymity protected by VPNs, fake personas, and bought networks designed

536
00:29:01,359 --> 00:29:04,920
for coordinated inauthentic behavior. The threat today is not just

537
00:29:05,200 --> 00:29:08,400
what information you are receiving, but who controls the architecture

538
00:29:08,400 --> 00:29:11,680
of your perception. So, to synthesize this long journey, we've

539
00:29:11,680 --> 00:29:14,759
been on the thread connecting the CIA harvesting intelligence from

540
00:29:14,799 --> 00:29:18,000
time making the nineteen fifties and modern state actors using

541
00:29:18,039 --> 00:29:21,440
deep fakes. Is this consistent strategic effort to influence perception

542
00:29:21,480 --> 00:29:25,039
and control narratives for military or political gain. The nineteen

543
00:29:25,079 --> 00:29:27,759
fifties relied on the loyalty and discretion of elite journalists

544
00:29:27,799 --> 00:29:30,319
to build what they called a priceless intelligence.

545
00:29:29,839 --> 00:29:33,119
Speaker 1: Resource, and that historical collusion, even when it was hidden,

546
00:29:33,160 --> 00:29:37,039
had devastating real world consequences. It risked the lives of

547
00:29:37,079 --> 00:29:40,480
every honest journalist, missionary, and aid worker abroad, as we

548
00:29:40,519 --> 00:29:43,920
saw so powerfully illustrated by Terry Anderson's painful six Years

549
00:29:43,920 --> 00:29:47,920
of Captivity. The resulting nineteen ninety six policy debate really

550
00:29:47,960 --> 00:29:50,759
centered on whether to protect the constitutional integrity of the

551
00:29:50,799 --> 00:29:53,839
press with an absolute legal ban, or whether to permit

552
00:29:53,880 --> 00:29:56,799
a high level exception for extreme national security.

553
00:29:57,240 --> 00:29:59,839
Speaker 2: Today, the focus has entirely shifted away from regulating the

554
00:29:59,920 --> 00:30:03,839
u actions of individual human spies toward grappling with cognitive warfare,

555
00:30:04,279 --> 00:30:07,559
a challenge that exploits the very architecture of our digital lives.

556
00:30:08,039 --> 00:30:10,759
Global powers like China and Russia are investing heavily and

557
00:30:10,799 --> 00:30:14,599
algorithmic tools to target our decision making processes, leveraging AI,

558
00:30:15,039 --> 00:30:18,440
deep fakes and vast social media platforms, creating a systemic

559
00:30:18,480 --> 00:30:19,720
information vulnerability.

560
00:30:20,279 --> 00:30:24,759
Speaker 1: The ethical dimensions for democracy are just staggering. The historical

561
00:30:24,759 --> 00:30:28,839
infiltration was a betrayal of specific organizations and individuals, but

562
00:30:28,920 --> 00:30:32,240
the modern cognitive attack it threatens the entire mechanism of

563
00:30:32,279 --> 00:30:36,519
public discourse. The irony is profound in the nineteen fifties,

564
00:30:36,559 --> 00:30:38,880
the greatest fear was that your government was secretly lined

565
00:30:38,880 --> 00:30:41,400
to you by embedding spies in the media. Today, the

566
00:30:41,440 --> 00:30:45,160
fears that adversarial state actors and perhaps even domestic entities,

567
00:30:45,200 --> 00:30:48,920
as that meta report suggests, are using automated, untraceable methods

568
00:30:49,000 --> 00:30:51,680
to manipulate how you think, regardless of who the nominal

569
00:30:51,799 --> 00:30:57,039
source even is. The rise of cheap, hyperrealistic AI generated

570
00:30:57,119 --> 00:31:00,400
media means the integrity of our shared information of vironment

571
00:31:00,440 --> 00:31:04,000
is under constant, mass scale assault. When the Chinese talk

572
00:31:04,039 --> 00:31:07,920
about brain control, they're highlighting our unique vulnerability, our reliance

573
00:31:07,920 --> 00:31:11,599
on citizens being able to verify basic truth claims. So

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00:31:11,799 --> 00:31:14,799
I want you to consider this profound evolution. We've gone

575
00:31:14,839 --> 00:31:17,799
from the systemic but discrete infiltration of a few elite

576
00:31:17,799 --> 00:31:20,759
newsrooms in the nineteen fifties that risk individual lives to

577
00:31:20,880 --> 00:31:24,640
state sponsored entities using AI and automated systems today to

578
00:31:24,759 --> 00:31:29,640
manipulate your fundamental cognitive processes and perceptions online. So here's

579
00:31:29,640 --> 00:31:32,279
the question for you. Which threat, in your view, poses

580
00:31:32,319 --> 00:31:34,960
a greater long term danger to the integrity of public

581
00:31:35,000 --> 00:31:38,240
information and the functioning of democracy and why is it?

582
00:31:38,319 --> 00:31:41,440
The secret betrayal of press integrity? By human spies, or

583
00:31:41,480 --> 00:31:44,880
is it the overt systemic attack on truth itself by algorithms.

584
00:31:45,319 --> 00:31:47,079
Head over to our community page to leave a comment

585
00:31:47,079 --> 00:31:48,039
and let us know what you think.

