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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to Western civ Episode five hundred and fifteen,

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<v Speaker 1>The Liberator. When we talk about independence in Central and

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<v Speaker 1>South America, it's tempting to imagine a clean break, a

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<v Speaker 1>triumph movement, when colonial rule collapsed and free nations rose

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<v Speaker 1>in its place. And the changes that are going to

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<v Speaker 1>grip Central and South America. Don't get me wrong, they're momentous,

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<v Speaker 1>and the consequences for Spain in the long run are devastating.

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<v Speaker 1>But the important thing to recognize is that between eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>ten roughly and eighteen thirty independence was not a moment,

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<v Speaker 1>and it was honestly a never ending, grinding, continent wide

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<v Speaker 1>civil war followed by an uneasy piece that few truly

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<v Speaker 1>understood how to keep. And no one's life captures that reality,

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<v Speaker 1>of course, more than the man who is one hundred

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<v Speaker 1>percent associated with these independence movements, the Liberator himself, Simon Bolivar.

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<v Speaker 1>This is the story of how an empire fell, and

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<v Speaker 1>honestly also how the men who tore it down struggled

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<v Speaker 1>mightily to build something lasting from the ruins. Then we'll

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<v Speaker 1>get to Bolivar and Moore in a second. Don't worry

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<v Speaker 1>about that, but let's start to set the stage on

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<v Speaker 1>the eve of the revolution. Spanish America was vast, it

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<v Speaker 1>was wealthy, and it was profoundly unequal. I mean, if

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<v Speaker 1>we're going to count Spanish territory, because we're pre Mexican independence,

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<v Speaker 1>you're talking about a territory that stretches really from the

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<v Speaker 1>northern boundaries of California, cutting down diagonally through today what

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<v Speaker 1>is Utah, parts of Colorado, New Mexico, so on and

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<v Speaker 1>so forth. We'll throw Texas in there for right now,

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<v Speaker 1>for the sake of argument. Then cut down through Mexico,

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<v Speaker 1>Central America, and then excluding Brazil, of course, which was

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<v Speaker 1>under the purview of the Portuguese, you're talking about all

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<v Speaker 1>of South America. So I'm absolutely huge swathen By the way,

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<v Speaker 1>I'm not counting the islands in the Caribbean, or of

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<v Speaker 1>course territories in the Asia Pacific, like the Philippines. I'm

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<v Speaker 1>not counting those. But the Spanish crown governed all of

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<v Speaker 1>this really with a smash and grab colonial extraction method.

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<v Speaker 1>The idea was to govern through viceroys, audiencias and military

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<v Speaker 1>governor and it was a mismatch of those different ruling

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<v Speaker 1>styles to extract silver predominantly agricultural wealth kind of and

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<v Speaker 1>customs revenue a lot less, while tightly controlling political power.

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<v Speaker 1>Now at the top, as we discussed in our last

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<v Speaker 1>episode of this social pyramid, you have in all of

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<v Speaker 1>these territories Spaniards born in Europe. Those are the peninsularees.

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<v Speaker 1>They monopolized basically all of the high offices beneath those

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<v Speaker 1>with the creoles the American and I don't mean United States,

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<v Speaker 1>I mean born in the Americas. American born Spaniards like Bolivar,

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<v Speaker 1>wealthy and educated, but politically excluded because of their place

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<v Speaker 1>of birth. And then, of course, below these two tip

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<v Speaker 1>points on the pyramid, you have a massive population of

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<v Speaker 1>indigenous peoples, free people of color, and enslaved Africans, more

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<v Speaker 1>or less those depending upon where you are. Almost none

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<v Speaker 1>in California, quite a few in South America. Now, the

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<v Speaker 1>system depended on obedience and legitimacy, because this is a

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<v Speaker 1>centrist rule system. It's all governed ultimately from Madrid, from

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<v Speaker 1>the Spanish crown and the bureaucrats that surround that crown.

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<v Speaker 1>But when Napoleon invades Spain in eighteen o eight and

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<v Speaker 1>deposed King Ferdinand, the seventh, that legitimacy collapsed literally overnight.

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<v Speaker 1>Suddenly there was no unquestioned sovereign across the empire. Elites

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<v Speaker 1>started to ask a dangerous question, if the king is gone, well,

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<v Speaker 1>then why bother obeying anyone? Huntas quickly emerged across the

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<v Speaker 1>America's initi claiming loyalty to Ferdinand. But their existence alone

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<v Speaker 1>was revolutionary. Howard had very rapidly, almost overnight, shifted from

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<v Speaker 1>obedience to Spain to local administration. So we went really

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<v Speaker 1>from a centrist system to a federal system without anybody

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<v Speaker 1>deciding that that's what we were going to do. And

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<v Speaker 1>once power shifts locally, it just doesn't go back, at

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<v Speaker 1>least not easily or quietly. And between the American Revolution

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<v Speaker 1>and particularly this time period eighteen thirty and then we're

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<v Speaker 1>going to get to some of the revolutions in Europe

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<v Speaker 1>that failed ones. Of course, we're going to be talking

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<v Speaker 1>about a period of time in which you really feel

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<v Speaker 1>like the ideals that were planted in the American and

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<v Speaker 1>French revolutions are driving the boat to a large extent,

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<v Speaker 1>not for everyone, of course, no, because those indigenous peoples,

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<v Speaker 1>those enslaved Africans, they're not going to get political power.

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<v Speaker 1>But it's very similar to what we see in the

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<v Speaker 1>United States, where it's not necessarily that we're going to

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<v Speaker 1>get rid of slavery, but we want our elites to

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<v Speaker 1>be in charge. And that's so much of what you

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<v Speaker 1>have going on in South and Central America at the

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<v Speaker 1>same time. So in a lot of ways, it really

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<v Speaker 1>is the true ideals of the American Revolution, a transfer

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<v Speaker 1>of sovereignty and power from the elites back in Spain,

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<v Speaker 1>I'll just say Europe, so we can capture them all,

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<v Speaker 1>and then the elites who are local. But let's talk

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<v Speaker 1>about Simon Bolivar before we go any further, because he's

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<v Speaker 1>the George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, He's all those

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<v Speaker 1>people in Central and South America just kind of like

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<v Speaker 1>wrapped into one. Although I think you could argue if

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<v Speaker 1>you wanted to, that he was a significantly better general

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<v Speaker 1>than George Washington. I'm not going to make that argument,

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<v Speaker 1>but I've certainly seen it made. Now. Bolivar's early life

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<v Speaker 1>mattered enormously. He was orphaned young like Alexander Hamilton, but

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<v Speaker 1>fabulously wealthy like Alexander Hamilton, and educated by enlightened minded tutors.

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<v Speaker 1>He had already by mid teens, traveled extensively in Europe.

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<v Speaker 1>He had witnessed personally Napoleon's rise. He admired him, particularly

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<v Speaker 1>his energy, but he didn't like his tyranny in Rome.

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<v Speaker 1>According to later accounts, Bolivar swore an oath at the

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<v Speaker 1>Vatican to liberate his homeland. Now what the Pope would

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<v Speaker 1>have thought of that at the time is probably something

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<v Speaker 1>we will never know, but my guess is they wouldn't

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<v Speaker 1>have been particularly favorable. But Bolivar, of course, wasn't a

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<v Speaker 1>pure democrat. He distrusted mass politics, he feared social upheaval,

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<v Speaker 1>and he believed that strong leadership was essential, especially in

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<v Speaker 1>a society emerging from colonial rule. I don't think he's

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<v Speaker 1>necessarily wrong about that. By the way, if you're trying

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<v Speaker 1>to transition out of a period of direct colonial rule

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<v Speaker 1>into home rule, you really do need someone Anna Mtill

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<v Speaker 1>who has that power, who has that authority, and who

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<v Speaker 1>has that legitimacy, and I guess critically isn't afraid necessarily

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<v Speaker 1>to use it. I mean, George Washington put down revolts

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<v Speaker 1>in western Massachusetts quite successfully, and they needed his legitimacy

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<v Speaker 1>in the United States. Of course, there's a huge difference

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<v Speaker 1>in the economy and the society of the thirteen original

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<v Speaker 1>colonies that become the Young Republic and what we're dealing

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<v Speaker 1>with in Mexico and what's going to become Columbia, Bolivia

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<v Speaker 1>and Venezuela, so on and so forth, And that's worth noting,

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<v Speaker 1>and we can get into all of that, but the

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<v Speaker 1>principle is the same, so that it's really, really, really

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<v Speaker 1>hard to go from colonial rule directly to a democracy,

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<v Speaker 1>particularly a peer one, and this tension between liberty and

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<v Speaker 1>authority would come to define every single constitution that Bolivar

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<v Speaker 1>later wrote. Now, Bolivar really gets into the game in

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<v Speaker 1>the year eighteen ten, which is why we start this

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<v Speaker 1>episode talking about eighteen ten, because that's when Caracas, which

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<v Speaker 1>is one of the provincial capitals at the time of

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<v Speaker 1>Venezuela today we all know because it's in the news

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<v Speaker 1>a lot is the capital of Venezuela. When Caracas announces

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<v Speaker 1>that it will form a junta, it's going to essentially

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<v Speaker 1>separate at least its ruling elite from Spain Spanish domination.

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<v Speaker 1>Bolivar announced that he would join the movement with enthusiasm,

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<v Speaker 1>and it didn't take long for officials in Caracas to

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<v Speaker 1>realize that you can't go halfway on this stuff, right

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<v Speaker 1>if you're going to declare that you are ruling elite

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<v Speaker 1>and that you're separating yourself from Spain, I mean, honestly,

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<v Speaker 1>what is the difference between that and a declaration of independence?

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<v Speaker 1>And recognizing that there really wasn't a difference in dependence

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<v Speaker 1>in Venezuela was declared in eighteen eleven. But to be clear,

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<v Speaker 1>the experiment, like it had been in the United States,

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<v Speaker 1>like it had been in Mexico, was a bit fragile

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<v Speaker 1>from the very beginning. The First Venezuelan Republic was destroyed

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<v Speaker 1>not only by Spanish arms but by internal weakness. Federalism

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<v Speaker 1>quickly fragmented authority the economy such that it was collapsed,

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<v Speaker 1>and then there was an unfortunate circumstance. In eighteen twelve,

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<v Speaker 1>a massive earthquake hit Caracas. It killed thousands of people

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<v Speaker 1>and was widely interpreted by a population that was overwhelmingly

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<v Speaker 1>Roman Catholic as divine punishment for the rebellion. Royalist forces

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<v Speaker 1>surged throughout Venezuela, and Bolivar was forced to flee. An

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<v Speaker 1>exile to a large extent radicalized him. Moving to Cartagena

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<v Speaker 1>in modern day Columbia, he wrote with brutal clarity. He

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<v Speaker 1>wrote that Venezuela had failed because it mistook theory for reality.

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<v Speaker 1>Liberty without discipline, he argued, invited disaster. Yes, there needed

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<v Speaker 1>to be some sort of representation in government, but the

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<v Speaker 1>republic also needed above all, unity, authority, and force. Returning

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<v Speaker 1>in eighteen thirteen, Bolivar launched the admirable campaign reclaiming western

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<v Speaker 1>Venezuela and briefly restoring Republican rule. But this second Republic

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<v Speaker 1>collapsed even more violently than the first. The royalist leader

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<v Speaker 1>Jose Tomas Boyes mobilized the rural poor, especially Janeros and

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<v Speaker 1>formally enslaved men, against creole elites and turned the war

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<v Speaker 1>from something that was political and this thing that was social,

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<v Speaker 1>and as a consequence, he turned it into a literal bloodbath.

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<v Speaker 1>Independence itself now meant survival. By eighteen fifteen, Simon Bolivar

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<v Speaker 1>was again in exile, this time in Jamaica. His famous

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<v Speaker 1>letter from Kingston is one of the greatest documents of

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<v Speaker 1>Atlantic revolutionary thought. He predicted that Spanish America would fragment,

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<v Speaker 1>suffer civil wars, and struggle with Republican government, and he

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<v Speaker 1>was right on basically every single count. Salvation came from

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<v Speaker 1>an unlikely place. Haiti, the world's first black republic born

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<v Speaker 1>of a successful slave revolution, offered Bolivar, arms, ships and sanctuary.

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<v Speaker 1>President Alexandre Petien asked only one thing in return, the

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<v Speaker 1>abolition of slavery. Bulivar was only too quick to agree,

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<v Speaker 1>and this decision transformed the war for independence in Central

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<v Speaker 1>and South America. Independence was no longer merely a creole

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<v Speaker 1>political project. It was no longer just about switching who

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<v Speaker 1>the political elites were going to be. This was now

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<v Speaker 1>a social revolution, drawing thousands of enslaved and marginalized men

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<v Speaker 1>into patriot armies. It also deepened elite fears of chaos,

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<v Speaker 1>contradiction that Bolivar will never fully resolve. Between eighteen sixteen

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<v Speaker 1>and eighteen twenty four, Bolivar didn't fight for a country.

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<v Speaker 1>He fought for a continant. His most audacious gamble came

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<v Speaker 1>in eighteen nineteen, when he led an army across the

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<v Speaker 1>flooded plains and frozen andes into New Grenada. Men died

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<v Speaker 1>of cold disease and exhaustion. But as we have seen

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<v Speaker 1>so many times throughout history, whether we're talking about Hannibal

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<v Speaker 1>or where we're talking about Napoleon, the element of speed

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<v Speaker 1>and surprise was decisive. Bolivar crossed into what is today

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<v Speaker 1>Colombia and fought really the largest pitched battle of the

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<v Speaker 1>entire war for independence at a place called Boyaca. Bolivar

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<v Speaker 1>scored an enormous victory at Boyaca and marched triumphantly into

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<v Speaker 1>the capital city of Bogota in a moment that shattered

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<v Speaker 1>Spanish power in the northern part of Central and South America.

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<v Speaker 1>By eighteen twenty one, after another battle, Venezuela was effectively

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<v Speaker 1>independent and Bolivar found himself hailed as a liberator the liberator,

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<v Speaker 1>but the war, of course, wasn't finished. While Bolivar pushed

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<v Speaker 1>into Ecuador and Peru, one of his subordinates, Jose de

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<v Speaker 1>San Martin Kin, liberated all of southern South America. They

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<v Speaker 1>had a brief meeting in Guyaquiel in eighteen twenty two

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<v Speaker 1>and then ended with Bolivar assuming overall command of the

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<v Speaker 1>final phase of liberation, and the decisive blow finally came

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<v Speaker 1>in eighteen twenty four when Patriot forces crushed Spanish armies

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<v Speaker 1>at Juien and Ajuco. Three centuries of imperial rule ended,

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<v Speaker 1>in this case, not with negotiation, but with pure annihilation.

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<v Speaker 1>Now the reality is is that Spain and the Spanish

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<v Speaker 1>Empire was coming to an end of its own accord.

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<v Speaker 1>Spain had never really moved away from the model that

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<v Speaker 1>it established after Columbus's expedition to the New World. That

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<v Speaker 1>is sort of a wealth extrapolation model. Spain had never

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<v Speaker 1>done an effective job of establishing an independent industry for

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<v Speaker 1>all of its colonies. All of them were still run

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<v Speaker 1>on essentially the old mercantile model, and that was a

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<v Speaker 1>model that just didn't work anymore in the nineteenth century.

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<v Speaker 1>As a consequence, and as a consequence of European affairs,

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<v Speaker 1>Spain found itself weak, disorganized, and unable, frankly, to respond

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<v Speaker 1>to these attacks. Now, Bolivar's victory did create nations, but

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<v Speaker 1>it didn't create states. The Spanish Empire had centralized authority

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<v Speaker 1>in Madrid. When it vanished, local institutions were weak, economies

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<v Speaker 1>were shattered, and armies accustomed to power. Bolivar attempted to

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<v Speaker 1>impose order through a new country that he called Grand

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<v Speaker 1>Columbia a vast republic, stretching from Panama all the way

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<v Speaker 1>to Ecuador, and it failed almost immediately. Regional elites resisted

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<v Speaker 1>in central authority. Federalists clashed with centralists, elections bread factionalism.

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<v Speaker 1>Bolivar increasingly relied on emergency powers, convinced that democracy without

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<v Speaker 1>discipline would destroy independence itself. Elsewhere, the pattern found itself repeating.

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<v Speaker 1>Central America fractured into rival states within a decade, Peru

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<v Speaker 1>oscillated between military strongmen, and Argentina descended into Koidillo warfare. Chile,

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<v Speaker 1>of course, achieved stability, but at the cost of restricted

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<v Speaker 1>political participation. Yes, the war for independence had removed Spain,

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<v Speaker 1>but it had not removed or resolved inequality, racial hierarchy,

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<v Speaker 1>or economic dependency. Power flowed through armies and not through ballots.

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<v Speaker 1>By the late eighteen twenties, Simon Bolivar was exhausted and

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<v Speaker 1>he was ill. Grand Columbia had long ago disintegrated. Former

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<v Speaker 1>allies now denounced him as a dictator. Assassination attempts stalked him,

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<v Speaker 1>and in despair, he resigned power and prepared for an

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<v Speaker 1>exile that he ever made it to. And eighteen thirty

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<v Speaker 1>Bolivar died poor, bitter, and convinced that his life work

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<v Speaker 1>had failed America. He wrote, is ungovernable, and yet without

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<v Speaker 1>him there would have been no independence. Between eighteen ten

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<v Speaker 1>and eighteen thirty, Central and South America achieved political freedom,

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<v Speaker 1>but they inherited instability. Their revolutions destroyed empire, but they

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<v Speaker 1>couldn't instantly create citizenship. Bolivar understood this better than anyone,

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<v Speaker 1>and it haunted him until the end of his life.

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<v Speaker 1>And honestly, his life reminds us that independence and this

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<v Speaker 1>is key, is not an ending. It's a beginning and

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<v Speaker 1>is often violent, uncertain, and unfinished. When Simon Bolivar died

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<v Speaker 1>in December eighteen thirty, he did not leave behind a

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<v Speaker 1>continent at peace. He left behind a power vacuum. Bolivar

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<v Speaker 1>had dreamed of unity, a single strong republic stretching from

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<v Speaker 1>the Caribbean to the Andes, looking a lot like the

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<v Speaker 1>United States, capable of resisting European imperialism and internal decay.

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<v Speaker 1>But by the time that his body was carried from

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<v Speaker 1>Santa Marta, his dream was already in ruins. The great

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<v Speaker 1>experiment of Grand Colombia had collapsed, and South America entered

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<v Speaker 1>a turbulent decade defined not my liberation but my fragmentation.

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<v Speaker 1>The continent was newly freed, but deeply divided and struggled

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<v Speaker 1>to govern itself. Between eighteen thirty and eighteen forty, the

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<v Speaker 1>Grand Colombia, comprising modern day Colombia, Venezuela, and Ecuador, had

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<v Speaker 1>been Bolivar's greatest political project, but it collapsed under the

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<v Speaker 1>weight of regional rivalries, weak institutions, and bitter disputes over

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<v Speaker 1>federalism versus central authority. By eighteen thirty, Venezuela had seceded

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<v Speaker 1>under Jose Antonio Paez, E declared independence under Juan Jose Flores,

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<v Speaker 1>and Bolivar had resigned, exiled from the political system that

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<v Speaker 1>he had created. He wrote, those who served the revolution

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<v Speaker 1>plow the sea, and his death marked not an ending,

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<v Speaker 1>but a beginning, a new era dominated by strongmen who

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<v Speaker 1>ruled through political loyalty called cadillos. They ruled through military

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<v Speaker 1>power and fear. The rump state of Colombia, oftentimes called

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<v Speaker 1>New Granada, struggled to define itself after Bolivar. The eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>thirties were consumed by constitutional experiments and civil unrests. Liberals

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<v Speaker 1>and Conservatives in Colombia fought over the power of the

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<v Speaker 1>Catholic Church, federalism versus central authority, and the role of

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<v Speaker 1>military and politics. Presidents often came and went ruling weekly

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<v Speaker 1>from Bogata, while regional elites governed their own territories as

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<v Speaker 1>they saw fit. Elections existed, but violence was never far behind.

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<v Speaker 1>The state survived, but barely. Now Colombia did not collapse

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<v Speaker 1>like Grand Colombia had, but it entered a long pattern

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<v Speaker 1>that would define much of South American politics. Formal republicanism

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<v Speaker 1>layered over informal oligarchy. In Venezuela, independence brought not unity

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<v Speaker 1>but exhaustion. Years of brutal warfare had devastated the countryside.

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<v Speaker 1>Slavery remained in place, the economy had been shattered. Juan

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<v Speaker 1>Antonio Paiez ruled as a president and strong man, representing

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<v Speaker 1>only the interest of landowners and cattle elites. Venezuela became

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<v Speaker 1>nominally constitutional, but in practice power flowed through personal patron

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<v Speaker 1>client networks, and military loyalty. The irony, of course, was bitter.

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<v Speaker 1>Venezuela had been liberated predominantly by mass mobilization of enslaved

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<v Speaker 1>people and rural fighters, yet the republic that emerge entrenched

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<v Speaker 1>inequality rather than dismantling it. Ecuador entered the eighteen thirties

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<v Speaker 1>as a state with little national cohesion. The coastal elites

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<v Speaker 1>of Guadalakielle and the highland elites of Quito mistrusted each

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<v Speaker 1>other completely. President Juan Jose Flores governed through force patronage.

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<v Speaker 1>Indigenous populations, who formed the majority, remained excluded from citizenship

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<v Speaker 1>in any meaningful sense. Ecuador survived the decade, but as

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<v Speaker 1>a fragile creation, held together less by institutions than by

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<v Speaker 1>exhaustion and fear of chaos. And further south, the world

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<v Speaker 1>of the Andes descended into rivalry. In Peru, the military

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<v Speaker 1>totally dominated politics. Governments came and went through coups rather

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<v Speaker 1>than elections. Economic instability and debt haunted the republic. In Bolivia,

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<v Speaker 1>named after all, after Bolivar himself, the instability was even worse.

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<v Speaker 1>Bolivia went through multiple presidents in rapid succession, many of

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<v Speaker 1>the military generals. In eighteen thirty six, the two countries

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<v Speaker 1>were actually briefly united in the Peru Bolivian Confederation, an

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<v Speaker 1>ambitious attempt to restore power throughout the Andes, but the

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<v Speaker 1>experiment alarmed neighboring Chile, which feared regional domination, and so

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<v Speaker 1>Chile invaded, and by eighteen thirty nine Chilean armies had

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<v Speaker 1>destroyed the confederation. The message was now clear. Unity in

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<v Speaker 1>South America would be punished, not rewarded. And nowhere in

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<v Speaker 1>post Believiar politics take a darker turn than in Argentina.

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<v Speaker 1>The country was torn between unitarians who wanted centralized authority

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<v Speaker 1>in Buenos Aires and federalists who defended provincial autonomy. And

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<v Speaker 1>out of this chaos rose Juan Manuel. They were by

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<v Speaker 1>the late eighteen thirties. The euros us ruled Buenos Aires

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<v Speaker 1>and effectively the country through censorship, secret police, and political violence.

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<v Speaker 1>His regime enforced loyalty through fear, while claiming to defend tradition,

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<v Speaker 1>order and national sovereignty. Argentina did not stabilize. Instead, it

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<v Speaker 1>hardened amid the chaos of Spanish America. Brazil followed a

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<v Speaker 1>strikingly different course. Brazil had achieved its independence in eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>twenty two, but actually, interestingly enough, remained a monarchy. When

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<v Speaker 1>Emperor Pedro the First abdicated in eighteen thirty one, Brazil

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<v Speaker 1>entered a regency period marked by revolts, but the imperial

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<v Speaker 1>framework endured. Brazil's actually the only South American country to

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<v Speaker 1>continue to try to work on monarchy after independence. Brazil's

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<v Speaker 1>monarchy paradoxically provided, interestingly enough, more continuity than republicanism did.

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<v Speaker 1>Throughout the rest of South and Central America. Slavery continued

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<v Speaker 1>in Brazil. Elites remained powerful, but there was no fragmentation

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<v Speaker 1>in the Brazilian state. It was a reminder, though, that

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<v Speaker 1>independence didn't dictate political reform at all. Change had to

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<v Speaker 1>come from within, and normally it had to come from

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<v Speaker 1>the bottom. The elites were only interested in securing their

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<v Speaker 1>own power, and so by eighteen forty, which is where

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<v Speaker 1>we're going to leave South America for now, the continent

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<v Speaker 1>was free from Spanish domination, but it was really unsettled.

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<v Speaker 1>Bolivar's dream of unity lay shattered, and in its place

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<v Speaker 1>were weak republics with strong men, constitutions overshadowed by the

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<v Speaker 1>power of bayonets and social hierarchies inherited from empire and

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<v Speaker 1>never erased by revolution. Independence had ended colonial rule, but

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<v Speaker 1>it had never those deeper questions who should rule, who

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<v Speaker 1>counted as a citizen, and how could power be restrained

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<v Speaker 1>once gained by force? Those questions would haunt South America

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<v Speaker 1>for the rest of the nineteenth century and beyond. And

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<v Speaker 1>in that sense, Bolivar's death didn't close a chapter, it

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<v Speaker 1>opened a long and uncertain aftermath. Now that's a lot,

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<v Speaker 1>but it sets the stage for where we're going from

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<v Speaker 1>here to understand how Central and South America are now

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<v Speaker 1>free from Spanish domination and how eventually the Spanish Empire

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<v Speaker 1>will come to its final denouncement in the Spanish American War.

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<v Speaker 1>But that's a little bit away for now. We do

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<v Speaker 1>now need to rotate back to Europe and begin to

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<v Speaker 1>talk about really what the post Napoleonic world looked like

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<v Speaker 1>in Europe and how the economic and social changes that

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<v Speaker 1>are moving through your predominantly economic and industrial changes are

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<v Speaker 1>going to now catapult this post Napoleonic Europe out of chaos,

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<v Speaker 1>out of constant warfare, and into a position where Europeans,

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<v Speaker 1>for a period of time up until World War One,

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<v Speaker 1>are going to completely dominate the globe.
