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<v Speaker 1>Welcome back everyone. Today we're going to be taking a

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<v Speaker 1>look at the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the code's forces.

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<v Speaker 1>So let's think about something. You're a dissident, you fled

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<v Speaker 1>Ran years ago. You're living in Berlin or London, you

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<v Speaker 1>have a job, maybe a family, You write, you speak,

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<v Speaker 1>criticize the regime publicly because you believe that is what

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<v Speaker 1>you're supposed to do when you have the freedom to

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<v Speaker 1>do it. You're not a spy, you're not a combatant.

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<v Speaker 1>You're a civilian with a keyboard in an opinion. And

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<v Speaker 1>there's a man Tehran who has your name on a list,

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<v Speaker 1>not a metaphorical list, a real tangible list, a list.

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<v Speaker 1>It moves to a bureaucratic apparatus, gets signed off by

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<v Speaker 1>people with titles, gets handed down to a unit that

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<v Speaker 1>has done this before, and results in a team showing

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<v Speaker 1>up somewhere near you, near where you live, with a

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<v Speaker 1>plan and a timeline. This isn't hypothetical, folks, This is documented.

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<v Speaker 1>It's happened in Germany, in France, in the US, in Albania, Lebanon,

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<v Speaker 1>you name it. It's happened on every continent where Iran

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<v Speaker 1>has decided it has enemies, and today we're going to

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<v Speaker 1>be talking about the Kutz Force, the external operation arm

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<v Speaker 1>of the IRGC Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. The organization has

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<v Speaker 1>been called Iran's tip of the spear, its most lethal

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<v Speaker 1>instrument of foreign policy, in the engine behind one of

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<v Speaker 1>the most sophisticated and persistent shadow war campaigns in modern

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<v Speaker 1>intelligence history. Let me give you the architecture first, because

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<v Speaker 1>you cannot understand what this organization does until you understand

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<v Speaker 1>what it is. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard was established in

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen seventy nine in the immediate aftermath of the Islamic Revolution.

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<v Speaker 1>It was built explicitly to protect the revolution, not just

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<v Speaker 1>the state, and that distinction matters. A conventional military protects

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<v Speaker 1>borders and national interests. The IRGC was assigned from the

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<v Speaker 1>beginning to protect in ideology. That ideological mandate gave it

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<v Speaker 1>a different kind of operational permission and that most military

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<v Speaker 1>organizations carry inside the RIGC. Because force is the External

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<v Speaker 1>Operations Directorate, Kutz is the Arabic, Arabic and Persian word

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<v Speaker 1>for Jerusalem. That naming is intentional. The force was built

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<v Speaker 1>around a revolutionary objective that extends far beyond Iran's borders.

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<v Speaker 1>Its mandate includes supporting, training, equipping, and directing proxy forces

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<v Speaker 1>throughout Middle East and beyond, conducting intelligence operations in foreign countries,

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<v Speaker 1>running assassination and kidnapping programs, targeting dissidents and perceived enemies

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<v Speaker 1>of the Islamic Republic, and projecting Iranian influence in ways

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<v Speaker 1>that give Tehran plausible deniability. At its peak, the Kutz

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<v Speaker 1>Forces operated with an estimated strength of somewhere between ten

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<v Speaker 1>thy twenty thousand, thought the actual numbers impossible to verify.

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<v Speaker 1>It ran operations through a network of embassies, front companies,

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<v Speaker 1>cultural organizations, and proxy militias spanning Lebanon, in Iraq, Syria, Yemen, Gaza,

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<v Speaker 1>Latin America, and for roughly two decades from approximately nineteen

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<v Speaker 1>ninety eight until twenty twenty, all of it ran through

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<v Speaker 1>one man, Solomone. If you have not read everything available

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<v Speaker 1>in Solomoni, stop after this episode and do that, because

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<v Speaker 1>he's one of the most consequential intelligence and military figures

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<v Speaker 1>of the post Cold War era, and he operated almost

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<v Speaker 1>entirely in the shadows until he didn't. Solomani joined the

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<v Speaker 1>IRGC in the late seventies, fought in the Iran Iraq War,

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<v Speaker 1>and by the late nineteen nineties had taken command of

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<v Speaker 1>the Kuds Force, where he built over the following two decades.

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<v Speaker 1>Was not just a military organization, it was a relationship network.

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<v Speaker 1>Solomonia understood a fundamental level the power projection at the

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<v Speaker 1>scale he was attempting require personal trust between him self

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<v Speaker 1>and the leaders of every proxy organization he supported. He

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<v Speaker 1>met with Hassan Nozraala of Hezbola personally and repeatedly. He

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<v Speaker 1>was embedded with Shia militia commanders, and he rocked during

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<v Speaker 1>the fight against License. He traveled constantly in and out

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<v Speaker 1>of conflict zones, off in a way that should have

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<v Speaker 1>gotten him killed. Because his physical presence was how he

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<v Speaker 1>maintained the web. American intelligence tracked him for years. There

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<v Speaker 1>were reportedly multiple instances where the decision was made not

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<v Speaker 1>to act against them because of concerns about escalation on

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<v Speaker 1>the downstream consequences for regional stability. That calculus held into

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<v Speaker 1>January twenty twenty, when a Reaper drone strike Baghdad International

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<v Speaker 1>Airport killed Solomoni along with Abu Mahdi al Muhandas, the

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<v Speaker 1>deputy commander of the Iranian backed popular mobilization forces. The

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<v Speaker 1>question of whether that strike was strategically correct, is legitimately

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<v Speaker 1>contested is not contested, is what Solomoni had spent two

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<v Speaker 1>decades building. Let me walk you through some of the

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<v Speaker 1>documented operations, because the scope of what the Cuds Force

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<v Speaker 1>and his proxies have carried out is not fully understood

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<v Speaker 1>by most. The nineteen ninety four bombing of the Amia

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<v Speaker 1>Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires killed eighty five people

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<v Speaker 1>in wounded hundreds. Argentine investigators and prosecutors spent decades building

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<v Speaker 1>a case that pointed to kods Force involvement in planning

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<v Speaker 1>and support with his Bull's operational unit executing the attack.

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<v Speaker 1>Iranian officials, including a former president and former intelligence minister,

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<v Speaker 1>were ultimately names of suspects in Argentine indictments. That operation

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<v Speaker 1>was not a military strike against the military target. It

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<v Speaker 1>was a mass casualty attack against civilians. In South America.

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<v Speaker 1>In twenty eleven, the US law enforcement disrupted an alleged

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<v Speaker 1>Coots Force plot to assassinate the Saudi ambassador to the

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<v Speaker 1>United States on American soil. The plan reportedly involved hiring

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<v Speaker 1>a member of a the Mexican drug cartel to carry

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<v Speaker 1>out the killing. The sophistication of the plan was debated

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<v Speaker 1>by analysts, but the intent was not because Force officer

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<v Speaker 1>had made direct contact with an individual he was believed

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<v Speaker 1>was a cartel operative and was willing to pay for

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<v Speaker 1>a political assassination inside d C. Germany expelled the Iranian

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<v Speaker 1>intelligence officers and documented the Iranian surveillance operations against Jewish

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<v Speaker 1>community organizations and Israeli diplomatic facilities in German soil. Multiple

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<v Speaker 1>European countries have intercepted CUTS Force linked operatives and disrupted

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<v Speaker 1>assassination plots against Iranian dissidents living in exile. In Albania,

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<v Speaker 1>the Albanian government expelled the Iranian ambassador and another diplomat

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<v Speaker 1>following intelligence that CUTS Force assets were planning attacks against

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<v Speaker 1>Israeli in Jewish targets during passover. Albania, a Muslim majority

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<v Speaker 1>NATO member with historically warm relations with Israel, made a

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<v Speaker 1>significant diplomatic decision based on what it's intelligence service uncovered.

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<v Speaker 1>The pattern is consistent across geography and across time. The

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<v Speaker 1>CUTS Force operates wherever Tehran perceives threats or opportunities, does

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<v Speaker 1>not stop at borders. It does not recognize as a

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<v Speaker 1>civilian or diplomatic startists status of targets. I want you

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<v Speaker 1>to understand something about this organization because this is where

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<v Speaker 1>the intelligence trade craft gets fascinating and disturbing. The cuts

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<v Speaker 1>Force does not only US Iranian nationals. In fact, using

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<v Speaker 1>Iranian nationals for sensitive operations in Western countries is exactly

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<v Speaker 1>what because people caught and they know that. The more

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<v Speaker 1>sophisticated approach involves recruiting from diaspora communities, from criminal networks

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<v Speaker 1>with no ideological connection to Iran who simply want money,

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<v Speaker 1>from foreign nationals who can be converced through family members

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<v Speaker 1>still inside Iran, and through front organizations that give operatives

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<v Speaker 1>legitimate cover. The use of criminal proxies is particularly significant.

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<v Speaker 1>When you outsource an assassination of someone with no Iranian passport,

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<v Speaker 1>no known connection to the IRGC, and no ideological profile

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<v Speaker 1>that would draw intelligence. You create a layer of deniability

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<v Speaker 1>that can hold up into public scrutiny even when the

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<v Speaker 1>intelligence community knows the truth. The gap between what intelligence

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<v Speaker 1>services know and what can be proven in open court

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<v Speaker 1>or acknowledge and diplomatic towns is exactly the space that

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<v Speaker 1>shadow war operators exploit. Defector accounts have described the Cuts

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<v Speaker 1>Force operational culture that is highly compartmented, deep patient, and

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<v Speaker 1>willing to run operations on timelines that stretch years. Similar

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<v Speaker 1>to the Russians, an asset may be cultivated, placed in

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<v Speaker 1>left dormant for a long time before being activated. The

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<v Speaker 1>Western intelligence community, which often operates in budget cycles and

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<v Speaker 1>shifting political priorities, forces a structural disadvantage against an organizations

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<v Speaker 1>playing a generational game. Solomonia is gone, what is Mael Khani,

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<v Speaker 1>who replaced them as Cuts Force commander, has continued the

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<v Speaker 1>operational posture. Iran has made explicit threats against former American officials,

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<v Speaker 1>including individuals who are involved in decision to authorize as

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<v Speaker 1>Solomoni strike. The Justice Department has publicly indicted Iranian nationals

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<v Speaker 1>for plots against Americans soil or disrupted up to twenty twenty.

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<v Speaker 1>What does all this mean? It means that Iran has

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<v Speaker 1>made a calculated decision sustained across multiple administrations multiple Supreme leaders,

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<v Speaker 1>at the cost of projecting power through covert and proxy

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<v Speaker 1>means is lower than the benefit. It means that the

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<v Speaker 1>international norms around assassination and extraterretorial territorial operations and have

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<v Speaker 1>not functioned as a sufficient deterrent, and it means that

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<v Speaker 1>for the dissonance on those lists, for the intelligence officers

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<v Speaker 1>who've been targeted, for the civilians who happened to be

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<v Speaker 1>near a target. The shadow war is not abstract. It

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<v Speaker 1>is very real. Understanding how this machine works. Who's not

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<v Speaker 1>optional if you want to understand the Middle East American

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<v Speaker 1>foreign policy. The Cuz Force is not a French story.

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<v Speaker 1>It is one of the defining co writ programs of

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<v Speaker 1>our era.
