Speaker 1: What's going on?
Speaker 2: Thank you so much for listening to this podcast. It
is heard live every day from noon to three on
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smartphone or tablet, and again, thank you so much for
your support. Early this morning, the Senate approved the recision
as it's called that included a billion dollars over like
two years of cuts to NPR and PBS, finally making
good on promises that Republicans have been making to their
voters for darn near three decades. Okay, and I'm happy
about it. That's not to say that I want an
PR or PBS to fail. It's not to say that
you know, the cuts aren't going to hurt them in
some way. They will, but they will have to adapt
to that because that's the right thing to do. It
is ethically wrong to take money from me to pay
for my competitor.
Speaker 1: That's wrong.
Speaker 2: And their are arguments in defense of their taxpayer subsidies.
Don't hold water. They are unpersuasive to me. Now you
are free to disagree. You are free to disagree that
their programming is biased. I disagree with that. I believe
their programming is biased. I listen to their programming. I've
heard it. I used to work for an NPR affiliate.
As I said last hour and have said repeatedly throughout
my career, I will quote their work, particularly the local
affiliate WFA. I quote their work. Steve Harrison does good
work on transit related issues. And when I worked there,
I liked everybody that I worked with, very nice people.
They liked me, they gave me a full time job.
I mailed coffee mugs and stuff to people. So I
don't have any ill will towards NPR or their affiliates
or any of the people that work there. I do
take umbridge at the subsidies the taxpayers use or have
taken from them, the subsidies the taxpayers are forced to
pay to support these outlets when I don't believe it
to be necessary or ethical.
Speaker 1: That's my position.
Speaker 2: I got a bunch of emails here we were talking
about at last hour, so we'll keep going here because
I've got a lot of people weighing in on this.
This is from Ron. It's a peat meal, and he says,
in the nineteen eighties and early nineteen nineties, I traveled
for work nearly every week, and I religiously listened to
Radio Reader in the morning and All Things Considered in
the afternoon. Though NPR has always leaned left, they did
not inject a political component into every single segment back then.
I agree with that. I grew up listening to NPR. Literally,
Dad listened to it on his commute from Long Island
into the city, fifty miles each way, so he was
listening to NPR morning and afternoons. We would listen on
weekends with the car guys and stuff Lake Woebegone Days
and all of that. Yeah, I grew up listening to
this station, or to the NPR station in New York.
Speaker 1: It has shifted.
Speaker 2: A lot of people that work over there have had
their brains broken by particularly Trump most recently. And that's
what Uri Berliner said, longtime business editor at NPR who
wrote the piece about how like everybody that works there
is of the left, there's nobody on the right over
at NPR. None of the editors out of like eighty
seven editors. They're all liberals. So again, don't tell me
that that doesn't affect their coverage. I've worked in this
industry long enough to know it absolutely does affect your
coverage because you have blind spots for certain stories that
don't break through your bubble.
Speaker 1: You aren't even aware of the stories.
Speaker 2: And then if you do become aware of a story
that maybe started in conservative media, you tell it a
different way. You interview different people about what the crux.
Speaker 1: Of the story is.
Speaker 2: And don't even get me started on the COVID stuff
or the Hunter Biden laptop stuff. They refuse to cover it,
saying it's not news. They said, this is not news,
it's not true. They just they shut down everybody. They said, oh,
the lablique theory was debunked, It wasn't. They flat out
made coverage decisions based on political philosophy. And again, you
are free to do that, but you are not free
to take my taxpayer money to do it.
Speaker 1: That's all.
Speaker 2: Back to this email from Ronnie says, now nearly every
single or set, now nearly every single segment or darn
near every one of them, goes almost immediately off on
some woke political tangent. In their defense, they don't consider
it to be biased because they assume that their positions
are just statements of fact.
Speaker 1: Yes they do. Oh my gosh, everything.
Speaker 2: Is j six the democracy right, everything is filtered through
these prisms and the intersectionality, the gender queer stuff. It's
you know, it's all through that prism, Tim says, regarding NPR, PBS,
USAID and all the other cuts. Oh the humanity. Let's
protest mostly by old white farts and awfuls awfls are
affluent white female liberals. I told my wife that I'm
tempted to stage a counter protest by putting on an
adult diaper and baby bonnet, then handing out pacifiers at
one of their protests. Uh, if you do, I want pictures, Tim,
Let me see here. This is from Eric Pete. If
you have never seen the show Parks and rec Representing
Public Radio, you have to check it out. Look for
a clip called Leslie sends out a bat signal on YouTube. Okay,
I will have to look. It's one of those shows
I do want to watch, I just have never gotten
around to.
Speaker 1: Doing so.
Speaker 2: I don't know who this is, but it's an eight
oh three number I'm so glad you have a text line.
Now I can participate without having to wait on the
phone line. Yes, well you're welcome, and thank you to
Liberty Buke, Liberty Buick GMC as well. So, Nick, who
do we have on line one?
Speaker 1: On hold?
Speaker 2: Okay, see our phone lines. This is what happens when
you don't get the taxpayer subsidies. Our callscreen program is
blanking on the names we have.
Speaker 1: Harry who wants to discuss the Epstein witch hunt? Harry,
we're not talking about Epstein. I mean right now.
Speaker 2: I talked about it the day. I'm busy dragging NPR. Here,
come on, let me see here. This is from This
is from the text line from Rich. NPR is using
the same argument as Planned Parenthood. If you cut our funding,
people will suffer. Yeah, it's always the same arguments, right.
The last great NPR program was car Talk co Talk. Yeah,
it was excellent, pure crap since then. That's from Nikki.
The money component of this is interesting, and I'm going
to go into some of this because a lot of
people don't realize how the funding actually works, which is
why you hear these confusing messages coming out of the NPR.
People and the PBS people, mainly the NPR folks, And
that's really where most of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting
where that funding goes, Like seventy percent of the CBP
money goes to or CPB money goes to NPR. So
I will go through that mechanism. This is from David
Strawm at hot air dot com. He says, NPR is
where you go to see why making kids transgender is
the only way to prevent a suicide epidemic, And NPR
is where you go when you need to be told
that you are a very good person because you hate Republicans.
If you are under the illusion that there's no partisan
bent to NPR and PBS's coverage, feel free to turn
yourself into a pretzel explaining why Democrats are so eager
to save it and Republicans have been trying to defund
it for years. As I mentioned, you're a berliner. He
worked there twenty five years and he wrote a piece
explaining that NPR is biased, and they forced him out
after he said so. Unfortunately, there is actually a cohort
of over educated liberals who honestly believe that NPR and
PBS are the gold standard of reporting and that making
cartoons about the wonders of drag and top surgery, that
this is a great leap forward in edge hating our kids.
They are welcome to believe that, but not to our
tax dollars to push that crap onto the airwaves. These
quote unquote nonprofits claim that they get almost no money
from the government, but then they tell us they cannot
function without government subsidies. And I mentioned this in the
last hour. I'm going to pick this back up also
because I've got a couple of sound bites they've now
that they started taking to the airwaves to make these
arguments that rural America depends on their weather forecasts, that
rural Americans rely on NPR for their emergency alerts, which
is an unconscious admission that they don't have a clue
about rural America.
Speaker 3: Right.
Speaker 2: I don't think I've ever heard rural Americans dialing into NPR. Okay,
like they're not dialing up Morning Edition to get the
like the latest soybean prices. Come on the fact that
you think that rural Americans are listening to NPR in
any sort of large numbers, and that they don't have
any coverage for any other radio stations that provide them
alternative content or to give them the eas alerts proves
you don't know what you're talking about. You don't know
this population that you claim to be servicing, all right,
if you're listening to this show, you know I try
to keep up with all sorts of current events, and
I know you do too. And you've probably heard me
say get your news from multiple sources. Why well, because
it's how you detect media bias, which is why I've
been so impressed with ground News. It's an app, and
it's a website, and it combines news from around the
world in one place so you can compare coverage and
verify information. You can check it out at check dot ground,
dot news slash pete. I put the link in the
podcast description too. I started using ground News a few
months ago and more recently chose to work with them
as an affiliate because it lets me see clearly how
stories get covered and by whom. The blind spot shows
you which stories get ignored by the left and the right.
See for yourself check dot ground, dot news slash pete.
Subscribe through that link and you'll get fifteen percent off
any subscription I use the vantage plan to get unlimited
access to every feature. Your subscription then not only helps
my podcast, but it also supports ground news as they
make the media landscape more transparent. All right, so, as
I understand it, Harry is now called back on topic.
Speaker 1: Well we shall see. Hello Harry, Welcome to the show.
Speaker 4: Hello, pleite, Harry?
Speaker 1: Do I'm doing all right? What's up?
Speaker 3: I don't think they should cut the phone, NPR and
and PBS because PBS, I mean I think they should
because PBS is kind of like Beestme Street. The used
to me Sesme Street was really education. That's kind of
It's kind of for funny people.
Speaker 2: It's what for for for the funny people, like.
Speaker 1: For the for the funny people. Madam Got Sugar and
the Tight Got Sugar?
Speaker 2: Are you trying to say that it appeals to gay people?
Is that what you're trying to do? You watch a
lot of Wait, do you watch a lot of Sesame
Street nowadays? Yes?
Speaker 4: Wa Ait?
Speaker 1: Wait what's the last episode of Sesame Street that you watched?
Speaker 3: When the garbage?
Speaker 2: I don't believe, Harry, I don't believe you actually watch
a lot of Sesame Street. I think you wanted to
call about Epstein and then you just try to backfill
this so you could get on to make some other
point or about whatever. I'm not really sure, but I
just did. I don't feel comfortable where that was going.
I don't like I got the sense my radar was
tripped that you may not be completely on the up
and up. I may be wrong, but feel free to
text seven four five, seven eleven ten. Like this person
did very upset when I said, I'm not talking about Epstein,
I'm talking about NPR. I think I actually said that
I'm I'm dragging in PR and this person, are you
not talking about Epstein because you got your orders from Trump?
Oh and that's from the fella or gal who is
the avid NPR listener. Yes, I'm on a group chat
with Donald Trump, and so he texts me directly because
he knows that I've been such a huge supporter of
his from the very moment he wrote down the escalator. Yeah,
that's it, you got me. I guess he'd be a
little upset that I did a whole hour on the
Epstein thing on like Monday, I think it was Monday,
third Hour, did a whole hour on it. So, yeah,
that's me. Studiously avoiding the Epstein story. Goodness anyway, No,
I try to talk about things that are topical, and
we try to mix up the topics as well. And
so this is me mixing up the topics, and I'm
following along with the developments in the Epstein stuff. And
when there's some new development, I will I will talk
about it. I've talked about the schism and the fighting
between the Magalan people over it, but that's neither here
nor there today. Today, today we celebrate a victory, a
victory in defunding NPR and PBS because our tax dollars
should not be used to pay for programming that is
widely available on all sorts of platforms. This is from
an op ed at The Hill dot com and this
was written in twenty twenty three. Okay, so this is
two years old, two plus years old. It's written by
Howard Huesock. He's a senior fellow and domestic policy at
the American Enterprise Institute. He served as a member of
the Corporation for Public Broadcasting Board of Directors for five years,
and he was appointed to that post by that right
winger Barack Obama. Okay, here's what he wrote in twenty
twenty three. It is misleading for NPR to assert that
it receives just one percent of its funding from the
federal government. The reality is more complex and should raise
questions for those who care about the future of quote
unquote public media. NPR may receive little direct federal funding,
but a good deal of its budget comprises federal funds
that flow to it indirectly based on federal law. So
here's how it works. Under the terms of the nineteen
sixty seven Public Broadcasting Act, funds are allocated annually to
a non governmental agency, the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, overseen
by a board of presidential appointees. That corporation CPB, in turn,
can choose to support original programming that's produced by public
TV or public radio, but by law, it has to
direct much of its annual funding, which is more than
half a billion at this point, They have to direct
most of their funds to local public TV and public
radio stations across the country. They do this via community
service grants, right, So this is grant money from the
CPB that goes to the local station. Those local stations
then if they want to broadcast things like all things
considered fresh air this American life, whatever it is. If
they want to air those shows, any programming that is
produced by NPR or its competitor, the American Public Radio
Network APR, those local stations then have to pay NPR
for those shows. The local stations are actually required by
law to have a certain amount of national programming. The
nineteen sixty seven Acts specifies that of the funds they
receive from the CPB, twenty three percent of the funds
shall be available for distribution among the licensees and permittees
of public radio stations, solely to be used for acquiring
or producing programming that is to be distributed nationally and
is designed to serve the needs of a national audience.
So if you are a local station and you want
to air morning edition, you have to pay for it
with the money that the FEDS just gave you from
the taxpayers, which then flows to NPR. Or you can
make your own programming that's of a national appeal has
to be distributed nationally, And if you don't make national programming,
then you don't get the money get you don't get
those funds, So it's a pass through. It's it's almost
like a money laundering kind of a deal. For NPR
because the grants come down to the local stations. Local
stations then have to kick it up to NPR. That's
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make memories that'll last a lifetime. Barry texts in So
I just learned something, Pete. If somebody runs a nonprofit
and accepts federal money, the federal government controls the nonprofit. Yep, Yeah,
that that's basically how that works. You have to keep
following their rules. You know, there are rules for NPR
and how they can advertise things. Unless this has changed,
But when I was working at an affiliate, there were
specific rules like you couldn't do prices. You couldn't talk
about the price of your thing, couldn't compare it to
another product, you couldn't say, oh, we're better than them,
and you couldn't do calls to action. Come on down
and take advantage of this. You can't do those things.
I don't know why, I'm just saying there are restrictions,
and if you take the government money.
Speaker 1: You got to play by their rules.
Speaker 2: It controls you, and then that obviously puts you in
a different kind of a position.
Speaker 1: Barry says, thanks so much for what you're doing. Keep
it coming.
Speaker 2: Okay, here's the last bit from again. This is Howard Huesock,
who was formerly on the Corporation for Public Broadcasting put
there by Barack Obama. Back in twenty twenty three, he
wrote an op ed at The Hill talking about NPR's funding.
And he's writing this from a position of trying to
find a way to preserve the funding. But he's quibbling,
if you will, with the argument that NPR just gets
a tiny little bit of federal money. It's so little
actually that if you cut it, they will die. Anyway,
he says, it has become possible. Indeed, it is commonplace
to access NPR programming directly from NPR itself on a smartphone.
This sort of access, known as over the top, means
listeners can bypass local stations altogether. See he's complaining about
the law that requires the funding to go to the
local stations first and then them having to pay NPR
to get.
Speaker 1: The national programming.
Speaker 2: He says, the question then arises as to the future
of local NPR affiliates. There can be an important role
for them, notably in establishing or expanding local newsrooms, partnering
with struggling local newspapers, or otherwise filling the voices of
so called news deserts. Yeah, that's another line that's become
in vogue. Remember food deserts. Remember when we started hearing
that term about ten years ago or so. Now they're
talking about news deserts. And look, the local NPR affiliate
here has a partnership with I believe the Charlotte Observer.
I know they have one with the Charlotte Ledger. So yeah,
you can do partnerships like this to increase your reach
beyond just your your radio station. Also, I mentioned this
last hour. They get grants from various foundations that pay
for a reporter position to focus on the types of
you know, liberal causes that the foundation wants to amplify.
There are positions funded at and this is not just
at the NPR affiliate, but also at the Charlotte Observer.
Speaker 1: And they disclose it as they should, but they put
it in the at the bottom of the article.
Speaker 2: There was there was also this ridiculous argument that everybody
in rural America is relying on NPR affiliates for emergency
weather alerts, right yeah, and that if they don't get
this funding, then people are going to lose access to
these weather alerts. As if everybody doesn't have a smartphone,
like there are more people of smartphones then listen to
NPR stations. Okay, that's just a fact. There's greater coverage
with smartphones than there is with the radio sticks operated
by NPR affiliates. So here's Senator Eric Schmidt speaking on
the floor of the Senate yesterday and about the you know,
the calls to keep the funding in place to preserve
the emergency alert system. He calls this, this whole narrative
a lie.
Speaker 4: Basis saying that the funding CPB will somehow prevent Americans
from receiving emergency alerts is demonstrably not only fear monitoring,
but not true emergency alerts the kind you see on
your cell phone and that air on TV and radio
stations are sent out via system funded and operated by
FEMA called the Integrated Public Alert and Warning System, or IPAUSE.
If we were send cbb's annual funding, IPAUSE will continue
to operate as usual sending emergency alerts to cell phones,
public broadcasters and commercial broadcasters alike. Simply put, we don't
need to subsidize left wing propaganda in order to keep
Americans safe.
Speaker 2: Now, you can disagree with his characterization of NPR as
left wing propaganda if you wish.
Speaker 1: That's not the point.
Speaker 2: The point is these concerns are simply fear mongering. But
that's what we have been treated to. And again, like
I've been in this industry a long time, I've complained
about taxpayer funding going to my competitors, and I look
at it strictly from that perspective.
Speaker 1: They may be.
Speaker 2: Filling a niche for for liberal listeners, but I don't
care about that. Fill the niche, go for it, you know,
like Air America did, and you know, we know how
that turned out for them. Like they are still on
the air someplace, I think, aren't. They are free to
run whatever programming they want, construct whatever model they wish,
just you can't use taxpayer money for it.
Speaker 1: That's it.
Speaker 2: And this argument that it's going to jeopardize rural americans
lives because they won't be able to get the eas
on an NPR station is ridiculous improves you don't know
the audience that you're serving. Well, here's the thing, I
have no doubt they do know the audience they are serving.
I know that firsthand.
Speaker 1: I know they know.
Speaker 2: Okay, So that tells me they're just saying it in
order to get rural Americans to feel afraid. Why would
they do that. Well, I've talked about this before. Democrats
are trying to lose less badly in rural areas, and
so if they can turn this argument into a Republicans
hate the rural Americans they claim to represent. If they
can turn it into that kind of an argument, maybe
they will lose fewer votes in the rural areas. That's
what I suspect is going on, because the argument that
you're going to lose emergency alert systems is ridiculous. You know,
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Speaker 1: This is from Steve. It's a Pete tweet.
Speaker 2: Pete, I, personally I'm glad NPR and PBS are losing
tax dollar funding. I don't want our money going to
any broadcast network, no matter what their political leanings are. Exactly,
that's exactly. That's my only point here. This is a
post from Adrian Vermule at Harvard Law. What I find
puzzling and interesting about NPR is the same thing in
miniature that I find puzzling about liberalism in many contexts.
Speaker 1: And it's this. This should sound familiar.
Speaker 2: To you, by the way, if you listen to this program,
the utter inability to impose limits on itself liberalism or leftism,
I would say, but this guy says, liberalism like NPR
has this inability to impose limits on itself, even when
the failure to do so is obviously self destructive. If
NPR had even pursued its ideological agenda merely to the
eighty percent level rather than essentially one hundred percent level,
it would not be in the position that it is
in now. But they just couldn't help themselves. It's like
a dictator who rigs the election at one hundred to
zero rather than the far more plausible seventy five, twenty
five or some such number. Yeah, there's because this's what
I keep saying. You can never go too far. The
left can never go too far. It's it's baked into
the ideology. It's baked into the philosophy or religion. If
you will, let's go to the phone lines. Here is
this Brian, Welcome.
Speaker 1: To the show. Hello, Brian, can you hear me, Yes, sir,
I can hear you.
Speaker 3: Yeah, yeah, I was know you weren't listening to the
gentleman that we that he was calling. Uh he was
talking about the emergency signals that go out through MPR,
and they were emergency signals that go out through m PR.
That does happen.
Speaker 2: Yeah, it also happens on every other radio station and
TV stations.
Speaker 3: Listen. I'm not I'm not I'm not arguing about that.
I'm just saying that they do go out on NPR.
I'm not saying that they don't go out on any
other stations. But I know that he said something about
famous and so that gives those alerts? Now did give
to those uh Texas plus those Texas plus? Did FEMA
alert those people down there?
Speaker 1: Yeah?
Speaker 2: There were there were warnings that went out beforehand. How
did they go out through the IPAUS system?
Speaker 3: Through who the I?
Speaker 2: As Senator Schmidt said in that in that quote that
you obviously listened to very closely, it was he talked
about the IPAUS system.
Speaker 3: Okay, so so they went out and so that system
didn't work. What's that that system didn't work because that
was the other failure?
Speaker 1: Well? Yeah, because well but do you right, do you
know why?
Speaker 2: Do you know why that the camp particularly why the
the all the kids at the camp, why they didn't
get those alerts?
Speaker 3: Oh wow, okay, but but but but you're saying that
they went out.
Speaker 1: Okay, okay, they did go out, all right, Well you
don't have that.
Speaker 2: Look, you don't have to believe me. But you called
and asked me, and I'm telling and what I.
Speaker 1: Just told you.
Speaker 3: They do. You know, absolutely everything that you say is
planet towards the ideology of a quote unquote conservatism. And
I don't even know why you guys say that you're
a conservative, because you're liberal as well.
Speaker 2: So I'm liberal on what you know, I'm liberal on
your phone dropped out? You said we're liberal on what?
Speaker 3: Yeah, you're not conservative on everything in your life? Aren't
your liberal about something?
Speaker 1: Yeah?
Speaker 3: That's why I am conservative about everything.
Speaker 2: No, that's why I have called myself a lower case
L libertarian. It's why I also refer I make a
distinction between liberal and leftist.
Speaker 3: You said you're a libertarian.
Speaker 2: I said, I'm a lower case L libertarian. I lean
more towards libertarianism, but I am not a capital L
registered libertarian because I disagree with them on a whole
bunch of stuff.
Speaker 3: You don't know what you are? Then obviously you know.
Speaker 1: I know, I know what I am. But here's the thing.
Speaker 2: You want to apply this label to me in order
to play some game of gotcha, and I know I
make it difficult because I'm a free thinker. That's that's
a better term you can use that.
Speaker 3: I mean, you're still young, You're still young.
Speaker 2: How young do you think I am? I think, I
bet I'm older than you.
Speaker 3: No, I don't think.
Speaker 1: You How old are you? You have to oh, Brian,
how old are you? Brian? Brian? How old are you?
Speaker 3: I'm not going to dispose that. Why not believe me?
I'm definitely older than you.
Speaker 1: You don't know that?
Speaker 4: No?
Speaker 2: All right, Well how old do you think I am?
Because you're too cowardly to tell me your age?
Speaker 1: How old do you think I am?
Speaker 3: I will give you you probably late forty early fifty
year old young man.
Speaker 1: And so you are seventy.
Speaker 3: And I'm not quite seventy, but I'm closer to that
than you are.
Speaker 1: Okay, so I am younger than you.
Speaker 3: No, regardless, listen, regardless of that, regardless of that. It's
just that you know, like I said, I.
Speaker 2: Think it's not But here's the thing, Brian, it's not
regardless of that, because you made a point to bring
my age into it, indicating that that somehow negates my arguments.
Speaker 1: And it does. No, it doesn't.
Speaker 2: Just because you're older doesn't make you smarter or wiser, Brian.
Speaker 3: Right, right, right, And because you're a libertarian doesn't make
you right.
Speaker 1: I didn't.
Speaker 2: No. Look, I am open to the possibility that I
am wrong on any number of things.
Speaker 1: But here's the thing.
Speaker 2: Just like you, I don't believe that I hold opinions
if they are incorrect. If I held an opinion that
I thought was wrong, I would change that to one
that I think is right, much like you do.
Speaker 3: Right.
Speaker 1: You don't hold opinions that you think are wrong, do you.
Speaker 3: I try not to write me neither.
Speaker 2: So you and I when we disagree, most people virtually
everybody does. In fact, I don't think I've ever encountered
a single human being that knowingly holds an opinion that
is incorrect.
Speaker 4: Right.
Speaker 2: They believe the things that they believe for reasons. He's
your president too, he's your president too. So look, everybody believes.
Everybody believes that the opinions that Brian, Brian Brian, Brian, Brian,
everybody believes that the opinion as they hold are true.
So you and I may disagree on a particular issue,
but we just came to different conclusions based on evidence.
That's why I try to present evidence to support my
opinion and you're free to disagree. But like you were
the one that said, somehow, age is relevant to this discussion,
and it wasn't. You asked for information about the warning systems,
didn't term you brought it into the debate. You brought
it into the argument and said that somehow or another,
if I got older, I would agree with you. That's
you making my age relevant to the argument.
Speaker 1: You have been, Brian. You did.
Speaker 3: I was saying this that you had time to evrol.
Speaker 2: Yeah, so in other words, I'm wrong because I'm younger.
See that's what you exactly. You did not disprove my point. Okay,
you actually reinforced my point. You made it for me.
Speaker 1: Once again. Thank you for the call, Brian. I think.
Speaker 2: But it took Texas Public Radio nineteen hours to post
anything about the flooding on its social media. National Weather
Service posted its alert July third, uh and it was
half a day later when the flood hit and the
NPR affiliate actually did not carry any alerts whatsoever.
Speaker 1: So those are the facts, buddy, I don't know what
to tell you. All right, that'll do it for this episode.
Thank you so much for listening.
Speaker 2: I could not do the show without your support and
the support of the businesses that advertise on the podcast,
so if you'd like, please support them too and tell
them you heard it here. You can also become a
patron at my Patreon page or go to thepetecleanershow dot com. Again,
thank you so much for listening, and don't break anything
while I'm gone.