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<v Speaker 1>Welcome. This is Marcia a Radio Eye and today I

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<v Speaker 1>will be reading National Geographic Magazine dated March twenty twenty five.

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<v Speaker 1>As a reminder, Radio Eye is a reading service intended

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<v Speaker 1>for people who are blind or have other disabilities that

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<v Speaker 1>make it difficult to read printed material. Please join me

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<v Speaker 1>now for the first article titled The Long Journey of

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<v Speaker 1>Canada's Last Reindeer. A famous herd with a storied past

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<v Speaker 1>confronts a new kind of future in the High North

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<v Speaker 1>by Joshua Hunt. Beneath the glow of the morning sun,

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<v Speaker 1>thousands of reindeer plod across the frozen far reaches of

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<v Speaker 1>northwestern Canada. In the slow moving scrum, the animal's bodies

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<v Speaker 1>almost disappear under a cloud of vapor as warm breath

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<v Speaker 1>collides with cold air. A forest of antlers seems to

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<v Speaker 1>dance in the mist. Glimpsed from afar, the migrating herd

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<v Speaker 1>looks like one long, sinuous streak of brown painted across

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<v Speaker 1>the snow canvavas of an Arctic landscape. In the distance

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<v Speaker 1>are four Inuvialuit herders on snowmobiles, armed with rifles and

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<v Speaker 1>keeping watch. They are alert, attuned to the rhythm of

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<v Speaker 1>hoofs falling on frozen earth and on this crisp morning.

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<v Speaker 1>Their job is to escort the reindeer to their calving grounds,

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<v Speaker 1>but in a grander sense, they are also helping to

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<v Speaker 1>write a new legacy for this storied herd. They're really

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<v Speaker 1>smart animals, said dus Douglas Esagok, whose seven winters working

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<v Speaker 1>with the reindeer mak him among the most experienced of

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<v Speaker 1>the indigenous herders. I'm always talking to them when I'm

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<v Speaker 1>moving them. It kind of calms them down when they

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<v Speaker 1>recognize my voice or the sound of my snow machine.

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<v Speaker 1>As Canada's last free ranging reindeer herd drives forward just

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<v Speaker 1>north of the Arctic Circle, the animals carry with them

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<v Speaker 1>a link to a legendary experiment. It began about one

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<v Speaker 1>hundred years ago after the number of local caribou that

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<v Speaker 1>the Inuvialu wheat long depended on began to decline, and

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<v Speaker 1>a bold plan was hatched to address food scarcity by

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<v Speaker 1>importing reindeer. Caribou and reindeer are the same species, but

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<v Speaker 1>the latter have been domesticated. Something similar has been tried

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<v Speaker 1>at the turn of the century in nearby Alaska, when

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<v Speaker 1>waves of reindeer boarded boats and trains to make improbable

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<v Speaker 1>journeys from Siberia and Norway to North America. In late

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen twenty nine, a chunk of what was then a

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<v Speaker 1>burgeoning Alaska reindeer population, some thirty five hundred reindeer, set

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<v Speaker 1>off for Canada under the care of Sami and Inuit herders.

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<v Speaker 1>The arduous, zigzagging, fifteen hundred mile journey ended up lasting

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<v Speaker 1>more than five years, marking a difficult beginning to what

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<v Speaker 1>came to be known as the Canadian Reindeer Project. Now

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<v Speaker 1>decades on, a group of Nuvialuit stakeholders is taking the

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<v Speaker 1>project further into uncharted territory. The herd, which has been

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<v Speaker 1>cared for with the help of the Inuvialuit but family owned,

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<v Speaker 1>was formerly purchased in twenty twenty one by the Inuvialuit

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<v Speaker 1>Regional Corporation. Under the watchful eyes of Esagoch and his colleagues,

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<v Speaker 1>the herd has more than doubled to nearly six thousand reindeer,

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<v Speaker 1>making possible an ambitious plan to build a sustainable path

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<v Speaker 1>to self reliance for Inuvialuit people living on their ancestral lands.

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<v Speaker 1>The ultimate goal is to have reindeer abundantly available for Inuvialuit.

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<v Speaker 1>That's goal number one, said Brian Reid, director of the

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<v Speaker 1>in Inuvialuit Community Economic Development Organization. There's the food's security

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<v Speaker 1>component to this herd, but there's also job creation and

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<v Speaker 1>the economic component to it. The reindeer's transferred to Inuvialuit

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<v Speaker 1>ownership goes beyond an attempt at establishing stability for the future.

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<v Speaker 1>It also represents a chance for the Inuvialuite people to

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<v Speaker 1>take control of a herd imported to their homelands by

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<v Speaker 1>a colonial government in the nineteen thirties. When the reindeer

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<v Speaker 1>came to the Northwest Territories, the role they were meant

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<v Speaker 1>to play in the lives of Uvialuit people was mostly

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<v Speaker 1>to replace their ancestral food gathering customs. The Canadian government

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<v Speaker 1>had been establishing administrative stations and allowing the creation of

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<v Speaker 1>trading outposts throughout the region following its acquisition of the

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<v Speaker 1>Northwest Territories in the late eighteen hundreds. The indigenous population

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<v Speaker 1>had for centuries subsisted primarily on hunting and fishing, but

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<v Speaker 1>with cariboo and decline, reindeer were imported to address food shortages.

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<v Speaker 1>This also changed the relationship the Inuvialuite had with the land.

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<v Speaker 1>As reindeer could be raised as livestock, reindeer are classified

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<v Speaker 1>as domesticated animals, the same as a cow or a

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<v Speaker 1>chicken or a pig, said Wade felgrays all day and

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<v Speaker 1>just keep moving slowly and slowly and slowly, finding greener pastures.

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<v Speaker 1>In the years before the IRC took control of the herd,

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<v Speaker 1>the reindeer were owned by in an in new Viluite family,

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<v Speaker 1>the Binders, whose associations with the reindeer stretched back to

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<v Speaker 1>their arrival in the Mackenzie Delta. The Binders had grazed

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<v Speaker 1>the animals and sold reindeer meat, but had increasingly struggled

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<v Speaker 1>with too few herders to stave off predators and keep

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<v Speaker 1>the herd from splintering. As the number of reindeer dipped,

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<v Speaker 1>the Inuvialuite leaders at the IRC were in the process

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<v Speaker 1>of recognizing the powerful role that a bolstered reindeer population

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<v Speaker 1>could play in the community. Plenty of Enuviluite continue to

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<v Speaker 1>hunt for their food, but it can be a costly

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<v Speaker 1>and time intensive effort, and, as any hunter will attest,

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<v Speaker 1>some seasons are better than others. Over recent decades, many

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<v Speaker 1>families have moved away from the traditional subsistence model, depending

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<v Speaker 1>instead on food markets and grocery stores stocked by Southern

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<v Speaker 1>food food supply chains. But in twenty twenty, at the

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<v Speaker 1>outset of the global pandemic, many of those supply chains

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<v Speaker 1>broke the RC, which began to envision a roll for

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<v Speaker 1>the herd in addressing food shortages. Could see clearly that

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<v Speaker 1>the thread was not hypothetical but immediate. We've been able

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<v Speaker 1>to really capitalize on the country food that's abundant in

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<v Speaker 1>our region, but also tie in the reindeer herd so

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<v Speaker 1>we could alleviate the pressure on the local caribou herd

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<v Speaker 1>and save the sustainable protein source, said Wade. The purchase

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<v Speaker 1>of the herd, he added, was part of a two

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<v Speaker 1>pronged plan toward food sovereignty. The other initiative was the

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<v Speaker 1>opening of the Country Food Processing Plant in the town

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<v Speaker 1>of Inuvik, where reindeer, among other food sources, could be

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<v Speaker 1>prepared and then sent off for distribution to families in need.

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<v Speaker 1>Before any reindeer could be harvested, though, the herd needed

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<v Speaker 1>to be nurtured back to full strength, the RC brought

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<v Speaker 1>on Esagoch and fellow in to Valawite herder Steve Cockney Junior,

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<v Speaker 1>who then spent months reuniting the dispersed reindeer herd. One

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<v Speaker 1>of the main challenges was rounding up all the stray

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<v Speaker 1>animals that were spread out over a huge area, said Essegok.

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<v Speaker 1>Some groups had strayed as far afield as eighty miles,

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<v Speaker 1>which meant days of travel for Esagok and his partner.

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<v Speaker 1>These smaller groups of reindeer were vulnerable to wolves and

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<v Speaker 1>other predators, and while many animals had been lost and

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<v Speaker 1>others roamed beyond the two herder's reach, Esagox said, we

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<v Speaker 1>brought all of them together, the ones that we were

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<v Speaker 1>able to locate anyway. Since then, the ir C has

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<v Speaker 1>hired four additional herders, with the crew pulling two week

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<v Speaker 1>long shifts of four men on and two men off

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<v Speaker 1>at any given time. As a result of their efforts,

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<v Speaker 1>the herd's numbers have swelled up to six thousand, enough

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<v Speaker 1>for Country Food Processing to start its work with the reindeer.

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<v Speaker 1>Last spring, the plant, now staffed by five full time employees,

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<v Speaker 1>led its first official harvest, preparing one hundred seventy six

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<v Speaker 1>reindeer from the herd as roasts, round meat, and ribs,

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<v Speaker 1>among other items that were then distributed to Inuvialuit community members.

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<v Speaker 1>The meals provide a crucial source of country food grown

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<v Speaker 1>and sourced in the region, allowing Inuvialuite households that may

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<v Speaker 1>not be able to hunt for themselves a chance to

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<v Speaker 1>stay connected to the land and to this chapter in

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<v Speaker 1>the Inuvialuit story. For Esigoch, the opportunity to play such

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<v Speaker 1>a critical role in this new form of food stability

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<v Speaker 1>and cultural revitalization has been a crash course in learning

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<v Speaker 1>by doing. In just seven years, he Cockney and their

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<v Speaker 1>team became the heirs to an indigenous tradition imported from

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<v Speaker 1>the other side of the Arctic, where the Sami had

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<v Speaker 1>long mastered the practice. His responsibility to pass this knowledge

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<v Speaker 1>on to younger herders was made lest daunting, he said,

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<v Speaker 1>by the fact that the region's indigenous hunters already have

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<v Speaker 1>most of the skills to do the job, given their

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<v Speaker 1>familiarity with the landscape. It's not that heart of a

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<v Speaker 1>job if you grow up hunting, he said. We try

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<v Speaker 1>to talk to the younger guys and explain things the

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<v Speaker 1>best we can, but a lot of it is hands on.

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<v Speaker 1>You learn by doing it and by watching and observing

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<v Speaker 1>the animals. The reindeer teach them too, he said. Often

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<v Speaker 1>it feels as if they are the ones leading the way.

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<v Speaker 1>How reindeer got to America. In the eighteen nineties, the

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<v Speaker 1>idea of raising domesticated reindeer took root in Alaska, leading

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<v Speaker 1>to a herd being imported to replace dwindling numbers of

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<v Speaker 1>free range in Cariboo as a regional food source. Next,

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<v Speaker 1>where space and time merge, the glow we see from

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<v Speaker 1>distant galaxies is as old as Earth's ancient rocks. A

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<v Speaker 1>dazzling project puts the age of starlight in perspective. Periods

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<v Speaker 1>of time lasting thousands, millions, or even billions of years

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<v Speaker 1>might seem unfathomable. So Mark Chan, a photographer and teacher

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<v Speaker 1>in Houston, decided to visualize this very mysterious idea of

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<v Speaker 1>deep time in more relatable terms, the stars over our

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<v Speaker 1>heads and the rocks under foot. Since twenty twenty two,

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<v Speaker 1>he's been hiking into wild places, including national parks, at

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<v Speaker 1>night and deploying a custom made projector to layer Nassau

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<v Speaker 1>images of star symp systems onto iconic natural formations in

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<v Speaker 1>split second verse. Each resulting photograph features an earthly setting

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<v Speaker 1>roughly as old in years as the stars distance from

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<v Speaker 1>Earth in light years. This blend of geological and galactic perspectives,

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<v Speaker 1>capturing how our planet has coexisted with the universe, is

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<v Speaker 1>now part of an ongoing series he called Pilgrimage of Light.

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<v Speaker 1>By comparison, we humans have been here for only a

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<v Speaker 1>flash by Hicks Wilgan. Twenty million years ago, subterranean pressure

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<v Speaker 1>raised the gigantic limestone formations the house to day's Carlsbad caverns,

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<v Speaker 1>juxtaposed here with a spiral arm of the Pinwooll galaxy

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<v Speaker 1>twenty two point three million light years away Scorpius. This

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<v Speaker 1>star cluster, some twenty eight thousand light years from Earth,

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<v Speaker 1>appears on trees at the base of Half Dome, an

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<v Speaker 1>impressive cliff carved by glaciers moving through Yosemite Valley during

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<v Speaker 1>multiple ice ages, the last of which was thirty thousand

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<v Speaker 1>years ago. Constellation Virgo sediments within the dry lake bed

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<v Speaker 1>that forms Bryce Canyon first appeared thirty million years ago,

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<v Speaker 1>about the time when M one four, also known as

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<v Speaker 1>the Sombrero galaxy emitted the light scene in the Hubble

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<v Speaker 1>telescope constellation Carina with snow falling Photographer Mark chen cast

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<v Speaker 1>an image of star cluster n GC thirty three twenty

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<v Speaker 1>four beneath the lights of the South Rims Grand Canyon Village.

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<v Speaker 1>The cluster's proximity to Earth ninety nine two hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>sixty light years loosely corus responds to how long Age

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<v Speaker 1>humans started living in settlements. Next, the warrior women of

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<v Speaker 1>the Viking Age. For centuries, historical accounts of the Great

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<v Speaker 1>Norse fighters focused on men and their remarkable feats in battle.

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<v Speaker 1>Now new evidence shows that some Viking women excelled as

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<v Speaker 1>warriors too, and wielded power far beyond the battlefield. By

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<v Speaker 1>Heather Krinkle, it was on a sleepy Sunday morning in

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<v Speaker 1>Stockholm's Central train station when I felt once again a

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<v Speaker 1>familiar thrill, the jolt of being hauled out of the

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<v Speaker 1>moment and transported to another older world. I was in Scandinavia,

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<v Speaker 1>researching a story and having a coffee with an Uppsala

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<v Speaker 1>University archaeologist, Charlotte headin Steyrna Johnson. She had offered to

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<v Speaker 1>show me Birka the site of an early Viking town

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<v Speaker 1>on an island west of Stockholm. As we passed the

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<v Speaker 1>time before our faery departed from a nearby k head

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<v Speaker 1>in Styrnay Johnson reached into her pack and pulled up

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<v Speaker 1>a large copy of an engraving that had appeared in

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<v Speaker 1>a nineteenth century Sweetest newspaper. Unfolding it carefully, she placed

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<v Speaker 1>it on a table and smoothed out the wrinkles. As

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<v Speaker 1>I gazed down at the paper, I felt the solid

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<v Speaker 1>walls of the train station slip away, and the Viking

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<v Speaker 1>age suddenly reach out to me. The engraving, rendered in

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<v Speaker 1>almost photographic detail, portrayed a large underground Viking burial chamber

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<v Speaker 1>containing skeletal remains and an arsenal of Viking weapons. In

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen seventy seven, Head and steer Na Johnson explained a

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<v Speaker 1>Swedish archaeologist named how Mehr Stolpa had discovered the grave

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<v Speaker 1>now known as VJ five eighty one, near a Viking

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<v Speaker 1>military garrison in Birka. I stared at the depiction of

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<v Speaker 1>the grave at the far end of the chamber. On

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<v Speaker 1>a ledge, Stolpa and his team found not just one,

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<v Speaker 1>but two horse skeletons lying side by side in the center,

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<v Speaker 1>a human skeleton rested on its side, hinged forward at

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<v Speaker 1>the hips, as if the body had once been seated

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<v Speaker 1>on something. Two iron stirrups lay near by, as well

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<v Speaker 1>as surviving bits of costly clothing and an ancient board

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<v Speaker 1>gang arranged around the skeleton. Stolpa found in arsenal fragments

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<v Speaker 1>of a sheathed sword of broad axe, a battle knife

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<v Speaker 1>for hand to hand fighting, two spears, two shields, and

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<v Speaker 1>more than two dozen arrows. Notably absent were items of

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<v Speaker 1>jewelry that researchers had long associated with Viking women, including brooches.

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<v Speaker 1>Based on the contents of this spectacular grave, it was

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<v Speaker 1>Stolpe's conclusion that the occupant was a man, an important

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<v Speaker 1>male warrior. This finding was widely accepted by other Scandinavian researchers,

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<v Speaker 1>and as news of Stolpe's discovery spread, Sweden's Nielistrude tigning

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<v Speaker 1>New Illustrated magazine published a remarkable engraving of the Birka

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<v Speaker 1>warrior's burial, inspired by the archaeologist's technical drawing. So detailed

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<v Speaker 1>and compelling was this illustration that it was published and

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<v Speaker 1>re published for decades in books on the Vikings. The

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<v Speaker 1>burial was unusually rich in grave goods, even by today's standards,

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<v Speaker 1>had in Styrna, Johnson says, and it got a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of attention. For nearly one hundred forty years. Stolpa's interpretation

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<v Speaker 1>of the burial went unquestioned by archaeologists. Generations of Scandinavian

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<v Speaker 1>researchers accepted the view that warfare was the exclusive business

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<v Speaker 1>of men during the Viking Age, a period that began

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<v Speaker 1>around the mid eighth century a d and gradually wound

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<v Speaker 1>down in the mid eleventh century. Medieval Scandinavian poets, after all,

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<v Speaker 1>and vividly evoked the surreal horrors of Viking combat in

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<v Speaker 1>their nightmarish versus. A sword was slaughter, fire or corpse gleam.

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<v Speaker 1>Spears were blood snakes or the fires of odin the

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<v Speaker 1>battle itself was weapon, thunder, spear storm, and army reddening.

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<v Speaker 1>In all, Scandinavia's early poets coined around three hundred, three thousand,

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<v Speaker 1>five hundred figures of speech to describe warfare and weaponry,

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<v Speaker 1>a terrifying richness of language clearly agreed scholars. The brutal

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<v Speaker 1>realm of Viking combat was no place for a Woman,

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<v Speaker 1>the Birko warriors, male identity stuck Birka, and the entire

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<v Speaker 1>Viking world were arguably getting even more attention to day.

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<v Speaker 1>With a host of new excavations across the North and

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<v Speaker 1>the advent of advanced investigative techniques such as ancient DNA

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<v Speaker 1>sequencing and isotopic analysis, archaeologists have been uncovering an increasingly

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<v Speaker 1>complex picture of Viking life. Evidence now shows, for example,

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<v Speaker 1>that the Viking Age began decades earlier than previously suspected,

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<v Speaker 1>when heavily armed Viking warriors sailed to what is now

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<v Speaker 1>Estonia around seven fifty and met violent deaths at the

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<v Speaker 1>hands of their enemies. And over the next three centuries,

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<v Speaker 1>Viking expeditions crossed at least eight seas, journeyed to some

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<v Speaker 1>three dozen countries, and encountered more than fifty two cultures,

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<v Speaker 1>from Canada's east coast to the steep mountain passes of Afghanistan.

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<v Speaker 1>No other Europeans of the day were so daring, so

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<v Speaker 1>driven by curiosity and wanderlust. In Eastern Europe, Viking trading

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<v Speaker 1>expeditions journeyed along the dangerous rivers of modern day Russia,

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<v Speaker 1>Belarus and Ukraine, fending off attacks from mounted warriors on

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<v Speaker 1>the Eurasian steps to reach two of the richest cities

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<v Speaker 1>in the world at the time Constantinople now Istanbul and Baghdad,

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<v Speaker 1>and by at least the early eleventh century, intrepid parties

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<v Speaker 1>of these Scandinavian ski seafarers landed on the coast of

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<v Speaker 1>North America. On the northernmost tip of Newfoundland, researchers have

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<v Speaker 1>discovered the remains of a Viking base camp inhabited in

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<v Speaker 1>ten twenty one, exactly four hundred seventy one years before

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<v Speaker 1>Christopher Columbus laid eyes on the Americas. Clearly, the Vikings

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<v Speaker 1>had a remarkable talent for making history, But for decades

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<v Speaker 1>many scholars focused on the men of the North, assuming

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<v Speaker 1>they were the only seafarers, pillagers, and traders. But what

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<v Speaker 1>about the North women? What were they doing during that time?

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<v Speaker 1>Archaeologists seldom paid as much attention to them, assuming that

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<v Speaker 1>Viking women were primarily homebodies. When you go into a museum,

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<v Speaker 1>says Marianne Mohen, an archaeologist at the University of Oslo,

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<v Speaker 1>chances are you will find the women doing one of

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<v Speaker 1>two things, holding babies or cooking. Was it really that

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<v Speaker 1>simple and straightforward. Until recently, there were few clear answers.

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<v Speaker 1>But as more Scandinavian women gravitated toward the field of

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<v Speaker 1>archaeology in the late twentieth century, some began examining the

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<v Speaker 1>lives of the North women from fresh perspectives. Today, their

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<v Speaker 1>analyzes of new excavations and old museum collections are revealing

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<v Speaker 1>many surprises and a larger female presence. Some Viking women

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<v Speaker 1>wielded great influence in the North as powerful queens, regents, cirruses, sorceresses, landowners,

289
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<v Speaker 1>leaders of sacred cults, alliance builders, traders, and travelers. Beneath

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<v Speaker 1>a huge earth and burial mound at Osburg in Norway,

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<v Speaker 1>for example, researchers in nineteen o three discovered a sleek

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<v Speaker 1>Viking longship adorned with fine carvings. It is the most

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<v Speaker 1>lavish Viking grave known to archaeologists. The ship rimmed with

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<v Speaker 1>tapestries and other artworks, and contained the remains of two

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<v Speaker 1>high status women, one of whom was likely a respected

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<v Speaker 1>ritualist and powerful sorceress, judging from her grave goods. In

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<v Speaker 1>the Viking world, sorceresses were said to possess many magical powers,

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<v Speaker 1>from predicting the future and controlling the weather to performing

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<v Speaker 1>battle magic dark rituals to turn the tide of war.

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<v Speaker 1>In Viking warfare, says Neil Price, an archaeologist at Uppsala University,

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<v Speaker 1>magic was as important to fighting as sharpening your sword.

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<v Speaker 1>Many most of this magic was conducted by women. Other

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<v Speaker 1>women were skilled old artisans who played a critical role

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<v Speaker 1>in outfitting the famous Viking raiding and war fleets. They

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00:20:05.839 --> 00:20:08.640
<v Speaker 1>produced a high quality wool cloth for the sales on

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<v Speaker 1>Viking longships, who was an enormous task. Experimental archaeology conducted

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<v Speaker 1>at the Viking Ship Museum in Roskilde, Denmark, for example,

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00:20:18.720 --> 00:20:21.680
<v Speaker 1>as revealed that producing just one sale for a large

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<v Speaker 1>warship would have required at least ten thousand, two hundred

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<v Speaker 1>sixty nine hours of labor, the equivalent of some three

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<v Speaker 1>point five years using a standard of eight hour work

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<v Speaker 1>days without any weekends off. In addition, women made all

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<v Speaker 1>the high quality wooden woolen clothing worn by the crew

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<v Speaker 1>of such a warship, and Danish textile expert Lee's Vandr

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<v Speaker 1>Jorgensen has calculated that as much as seventeen point five

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<v Speaker 1>years of labor by a team of women was needed

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<v Speaker 1>to clothe a crew of seventy. Clearly skilled female artisans

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<v Speaker 1>were integral to the success of the Viking raids and

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<v Speaker 1>other military campaigns abroad, but the involvement of women in

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<v Speaker 1>Viking warfare did not end there. Remarkable evidence now suggests

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<v Speaker 1>that at least a few of the North women were

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<v Speaker 1>trained in combat as warriors. The revelations began just over

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<v Speaker 1>a decade ago in twenty fourteen, when Anna Schelstrom, a

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<v Speaker 1>biological and medical anthropologist at Stockholm University with a reputation

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<v Speaker 1>for thorough research, started examining the remains of the famous

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<v Speaker 1>Buca warrior as part of an ongoing study on the

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<v Speaker 1>health of the Vikings. During her scientific assessment of the

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<v Speaker 1>individual in BJ five eighty one, Cheldschum determined that the

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<v Speaker 1>warrior would have been roughly five feet seven inches tall,

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<v Speaker 1>just slightly shorter than the average Viking mail, and probably

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<v Speaker 1>died between the ages of thirty and forty years. But

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<v Speaker 1>as the anthropologist began evaluating the sex of the skeleton,

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<v Speaker 1>she discovered something intriguing. Several key anatomical indicators didn't fit

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<v Speaker 1>the profile of a male. The width of the greater

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<v Speaker 1>sciatic notch on the warrior's pelvis, for example, was considerably

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<v Speaker 1>broader than the mean value for males. It resembled that

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<v Speaker 1>of female's whereover, the warrior's pelvis possessed a wide groove

338
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<v Speaker 1>known as the preuricular sulcus, usually a female characteristic, and

339
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<v Speaker 1>the warrior's chin was small and pointed, another female traite. Indeed,

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<v Speaker 1>several features of the skeleton, Schelstrom explained to me later

341
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<v Speaker 1>via e Maale, were feminine. Puzzled, she asked two other

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<v Speaker 1>anthropologists to evaluate the sects of the skeleton independently. Both

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<v Speaker 1>came to the same conclusion. The famous warrior, Viking warrior

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<v Speaker 1>at Birka, seemed to be a woman. The old Norse

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<v Speaker 1>sagas contained intriguing stories of warrior women. Danish scholar Saxo

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<v Speaker 1>Grammaticus included several of these legendary female figures in his

347
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<v Speaker 1>book Gesta Deorum Story of the Danes, completed in the

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<v Speaker 1>early twelve hundreds. One of the most famous was lud Gerda,

349
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<v Speaker 1>who married a Viking warlord. According to Saxo Grammaticus, she

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<v Speaker 1>was an accomplished warrior who refused to dress as a

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<v Speaker 1>man in battle. Indeed, she fought with her hair unbound

352
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<v Speaker 1>and streaming down her back, But most twentieth century archaeologists

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<v Speaker 1>dismiss such stories out of hand as the inventions of

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<v Speaker 1>medieval story tellers. They believed Viking women spent their days

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<v Speaker 1>as traditional homemakers, preparing food, cooking, making clothes, and caring

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<v Speaker 1>for children. Hence Styrna Johnson wasn't so sure. She had

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<v Speaker 1>conducted extensive research at Birka and knew that the garrison

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<v Speaker 1>hall there had once bristled with iron weapons, and that

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<v Speaker 1>it rested upon offerings of iron spearheads. It was a

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<v Speaker 1>profoundly martial place, one dedicated to the spear lord himself Odin.

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<v Speaker 1>The decision to bury an individual so close to the

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<v Speaker 1>Viking garrison and its sacred ground was in itself a

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<v Speaker 1>mark of high esteem, one likely awarded to a distinguished

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<v Speaker 1>military figure. Could a woman warrior have been buried in

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<v Speaker 1>that prestigious grave, as luck would have it headed. Styrna

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<v Speaker 1>Johnson and Chelstrom had received generous funding to conduct a

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<v Speaker 1>large DNA study of prehistoric human remains in Sweden. The

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<v Speaker 1>well preserved Buka warrior skeleton was a prime candidate for

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<v Speaker 1>the project, so in twenty fifteen, scientists at Stockholm University

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<v Speaker 1>proceeded to take two tiny samples, one from the individual's

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<v Speaker 1>canine tooth, the other from an upper arm bone, and

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<v Speaker 1>successfully extracted ancient DNA from both. With this, geneticists generated

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<v Speaker 1>genome wide data to identify both the sex and the

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<v Speaker 1>ancestry of the fighter on a molecular level. Heaven Styrna

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<v Speaker 1>Johnson had received the results from these tests not long

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<v Speaker 1>before we met at the train station in Stockholm. The

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<v Speaker 1>individual in the famous warrior grave, she told me, had

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<v Speaker 1>genetic affinities to the modern inhabitants of southern Sweden. But

379
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<v Speaker 1>the most fascinating result came from the DNA analysis of

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<v Speaker 1>the warrior's biological sex. The individual in BJ five eighty

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<v Speaker 1>one Hedden, Steerna Johnson announced is a woman. This line

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<v Speaker 1>of scientific research soon got more complicated, however. In twenty seventeen,

383
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<v Speaker 1>Steerne Johnson and nine of her colleagues published their DNA

384
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<v Speaker 1>study on the Burka woman in the American Journal of

385
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<v Speaker 1>Physical Anthropology. To their surprise, the eight page report, which

386
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<v Speaker 1>was peppered with phrases like epiphysial union and nucleotide positions,

387
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<v Speaker 1>set off a firestorm. While some Viking specialists were impressed

388
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<v Speaker 1>by the research, others took strong issue with it. Some

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<v Speaker 1>critics suggested, for example, that the Birka great may have

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<v Speaker 1>originally contained both a male warrior and a female companion,

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<v Speaker 1>and that the skeleton of the male was removed at

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<v Speaker 1>some point, but there was no evidence at all to

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<v Speaker 1>show that a second body was ever interred in the grave.

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<v Speaker 1>Other researchers raised a more theoretical objection. The dead, they noted,

395
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<v Speaker 1>did not bury themselves. Mourners, they suggested, could well have

396
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<v Speaker 1>placed a trove of costly weapons belonging to the dead

397
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<v Speaker 1>woman's father or husband in the grave as symbols of

398
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<v Speaker 1>the woman's high status. But other evidence clearly indicated that

399
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<v Speaker 1>the weapons were hers. Some old Scandinavian poems, for example,

400
00:26:21.240 --> 00:26:25.119
<v Speaker 1>explicitly described the practice of Mourner's bearying dead warriors with

401
00:26:25.200 --> 00:26:28.759
<v Speaker 1>their weapons. Besides, no one had suggested that all the

402
00:26:28.759 --> 00:26:32.440
<v Speaker 1>weapons in the Birka Grave were merely family heirlooms when

403
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<v Speaker 1>the skeleton was thought to be male, so why bring

404
00:26:35.599 --> 00:26:40.119
<v Speaker 1>up that data. Now Stunned by the reaction, Hadden, STEERNA. Johnson,

405
00:26:40.119 --> 00:26:43.839
<v Speaker 1>and several other researchers decided to expand their investigation of

406
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<v Speaker 1>the famous grave. Some team members pored over historical records

407
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<v Speaker 1>for even brief mentions of Viking warrior women. Perhaps the

408
00:26:51.799 --> 00:26:55.920
<v Speaker 1>most intriguing reference came from the twelfth century text bodach

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<v Speaker 1>gerre Bar the War of the Irish with the Foreigners.

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<v Speaker 1>In it, an Irish writer recorded the names of sixteen

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<v Speaker 1>Viking commanders who led attacks on the region of Munster

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<v Speaker 1>in the mid nine hundreds. Among these military leaders was

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<v Speaker 1>a Viking woman, ingen Riad, whose name means red girl

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<v Speaker 1>or red daughter. The name may have come from the

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<v Speaker 1>color of her hair. She was clearly an important figure.

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<v Speaker 1>She is a Viking, she is a captain of a ship,

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<v Speaker 1>and she's the commander of a fleet. Uppsala University archaeologist

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<v Speaker 1>Neil Price, a member of the team, told me Headensteerna

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<v Speaker 1>Janssen and her colleagues took a closer look at the

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<v Speaker 1>goods in the famous buick A burial. What was particularly

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<v Speaker 1>striking was the equestrian character of the grave. Although the

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<v Speaker 1>Vikings are best known for their seafaring abilities, prosperous families

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<v Speaker 1>in the North bred horses for riding and for work

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<v Speaker 1>on their farms. The Burka woman likely came from just

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<v Speaker 1>such a privileged background. And several clues pointed to her

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<v Speaker 1>equestrian abilities. This concludes readings from National Geograph magazine for today.

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<v Speaker 1>Your reader has been Marcia. If you've enjoyed hearing this content,

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<v Speaker 1>please give us a call at eight five nine four

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<v Speaker 1>two two six three nine zero. Thank you for listening,

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<v Speaker 1>and have a great day.
