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Speaker 2: So thank you.
Speaker 1: The Pekanyonashow dot com. Everything's there. I want to welcome
everyone back to part fifty eight of our reading of
two hundred Years Together by Alexander sulshanesin Doctor Johnson, How
are you today?
Speaker 2: You know, I lived in Nebraska for like five years.
I got my PhD from there. Fellowship. I got a
lot of fellowship from there, which is why I ended
up out there. Warren Buffett jokes on him, but he paid.
He pretty much owns the place. So and I saw
a news report where there was a a steer a
bull sitting in the passenger seat in Nebraska of a
car the horn sticking out. Of course it was a
convertible truck, and they got pulled over and didn't get
pulled over for that, got pulled over for like very
minor like like not signaling or something like that. I said,
that's perfectly normal for that state. Nebraska is the weirdest
state on the planet. I'm sorry, we the weirdest state
in the country. Weird, I guarantee you the weirdest place
in the planet. That's nothing compared to what normally goes on.
There's a there's a town where they have wooden cutouts
of people because they think that would increase the population.
They have a random a total random chef boy or
d statue in Omaha. It's not even near anything. It's
it's just it's just showed ups there. Warren Buffett himself
is a nut job wandering around town hoping that someone
shoots him. Yeah, the whole political situation, you know, no
political parties at the state level, you know, the biggest
the biggest attraction is stone Hens may have of cars.
There's a speed limit. There's a speed limit for horses
on the on the six miles an hour. I don't
know how well enforced that is. They're not allowed to
go on the sidewalk, though they have. But budweiserre actually
made of tomato beer. I don't know if they've sold
anywhere else, but it's actually a Budweiser product I've seen
many years ago in the in the in the beer
refrigerator the place. And lots of states have weird stuff,
but Nebraska has a million and a half people. You know.
I used to walk by the governor's mansion. I lived
like half a block away from them in an apartment building.
It's just it's you know, every once in a while
you'll see a clown walking in downtown in the in
the in the yellow yellow lines, and no one says
anything because, you know what, it's normal there. It's just
it was one weird, weird thing after another. There's another town, well,
of course there's it's the only town in the country
I think now has a population of one. That's Banawi.
The woman, Missus Eyler, she's the mayor, she is the librarian,
she's the bartender. She actually pays taxes to herself, which
is true, and population of one. When her husband died.
Now I'm now he's way up north. This is you know,
this kind of thing. No one really looks twice at it.
Speaker 1: Uh.
Speaker 2: It's and the museums of weird things like the Museum Johnson's,
Museum of the Odd, the Museum of Shadows, all over
the place in that state. There is nothing boring about Nebraska.
It is the weirdest place to live. Ever. It got
to the point where I used to walk to school
and these Indians would be doing war drums on the newspaper,
remember the newspaper machines that used to have. And it
got to the point where I didn't even notice it anymore.
It was so it was so common, you know, I have.
It was just a place where endless weirdness would happen,
and people people didn't natives didn't even give it a
second look. I had to get used to it. You know,
you never know what you're going to see in anywhere
in Nebraska. These towns. There's a town that has three
statues per person, and they're not even a famous people.
They're random people. The borough, the chef Borol. Do you
want an Omaha got me let? Because because it was no,
it's not like near an Italian restaurant. It was just somewhere.
It had no relevance there. And that's that's this is
normal here. This is perfectly normal here. I'm very proud
to have gone to university and never the weirdest place.
You never knew what was real and what was in
your imagination in that state.
Speaker 1: All right, I just know that if I stop reading,
I'm probably either laughing at clown or statues to nobody's right.
I'm gonna try and read this, okay, all right, if
we're ready, I'm gonna get'mnna. I'm gonna try and get
really serious here, all right, do your best. I'm super
serial here, all right. Picking up where we left off
last time, The February Revolution was run by clowns. Okay, no,
hold on, all right.
Speaker 2: We'll start over down the middle of the street on
the on the yellow line with the big shoes, and
there weren't in the way of anybody. But I must
have seen it maybe ten times in the five years
I was there, like it was. You know, where's she
coming from? Where's he going? No circus in town? This
is living in Living in Nebraska is is a was
a bizarre experience. I had to get throw off my chest.
Speaker 1: Okay, all right, I'm gonna try and read. Okay, here
we go, picking up. Let me see how much of
this chapter we have left. I think we might be
able to finish this today.
Speaker 2: Okay, I can't believe we're over three hundred, page three hundred.
That's incredible.
Speaker 1: Yeah, yeah, I never thought that'd see that day.
Speaker 2: Here we go, yeah, all right.
Speaker 1: The February Revolution itself often consciously appealed for support to Jews,
an entire nation enslaved. Eyewitness testimonies that Russian Jews were
very ecstatic about the February Revolution are rife.
Speaker 2: Well again, he's he's tongue in cheek here. Obviously, he
doesn't think that the entire nation is enslaved unless you're
talking about you know what came later, you know, but
there were never at any point enslaved or even inconvenienced
in Old Russia or at the February Revolution.
Speaker 1: Yet there are counter witnesses too, such as Gregory Aronson,
who formed and led the Soviets Soviet of Workers Deputies
of Vibtsk, which later had a member which later had
as a member YV. Tarl, a future historian. He wrote
that on the very first day, when news of the
revolution reached Vitepsk, the newly formed security council met in
the city Duma, and immediately afterwards Aaronson was invited to
a meeting of representatives of the Jewish community, clearly not
rank and file, but leaders, apparently quoting apparently, there was
a need to consult me, as a representative of the new,
dawning era, what to do. Further, I felt the alienation
from these people, from the circle of their interests, and
from the tense atmosphere which was at the meeting. I
had a sense that the society belonged mostly to the
old world, which was retreating into the past. We were
not able to eliminate a certain mutual chill that had
come from somewhere. The faces of the people I was
working with displayed no uplift or faith. At times, it
appeared that these selfless social activists perceived themselves as elements
of the old order.
Speaker 2: There was nothing this was a Masonic revolution. This was
like something along the lines of a more radical French revolution.
They had honest people, and we talked about the investigative
committee who exonerated the monarchy, you know, so clearly they
were honest people there, and maybe that's part of what
he's talking about. They weren't willing to lie about it,
and they had access to more documents than any of
us could ever have. Who knows what's been destroyed in
the meantime. But I think that line above maybe a
translation issue appealing support for Jews by saying that you
were an entire nation enslaved. It's not like Jews weren't involved,
but it wasn't a you know, an ethnic movement like
the Bolsheviks were. But you know, yeah, the Mensoviks were
Marxists of a type socialist ae tite here. There were
nowhere near Leninism, but they had such ideological diversity there,
and they weren't allowing around long enough to really develop policy,
and what they did do had to do with the war.
They were in the middle of World War One, so
as far as them ruling Russia that you can't really
say anything about it. So there was nothing, nothing that
inspired loyalty about Kerensky or the February bourgeois revolution at all.
Speaker 1: That is a precise witness account. Such bewilderment, caution, and
wavering predominated among religiously conservative Jews. One assumes not only
of Vitepsk. The sensible old Jewry, carrying a sense of
many centuries of experience of hard ordeals, was apparently shocked
by the sudden overthrow of the monarchy and had serious misgivings.
Yet in the spirit of the twentieth century, the dynamic
masses of every nation, including Jews, were already secular, not
changed to traditions, and very eager to build the happy
new World. The Jewish Encyclopaedia notes a shark insensification of
the political activity of Jewelry, noticeably even against a backstorm
of stormy social uplift that gripped Russia after February nineteen seventeen.
Speaker 2: You know, I've written just a ridiculous amount on this era.
I don't even remember half the stuff I've written. My
book on the Soviet Experiment is mostly early USSR. It
was such a complex and difficult era. But one of
the things that Lenin said is that, of course the
February Revolution was necessary. And he said, I can almos
quote him directly. He said, nowhere else in the world
is there this level of freedom as the Russians have
after February nineteen seventeen. And of course he says, we're
going to take advantage of this. This is why we
can function, this is how we can function. We're going
to take advantage of that and organized. And keep in mind,
the czar was never overthrown. It was his own people,
these generals who wrote the fake abdication. Note. You know,
he remained popular consistently, and it was part of the
reason why you had endless peasant uprisings. The Civil war
really didn't end in nineteen twenty one. It ended really
in nineteen forty five, end of the German invasion. You know,
the German invasion actually took part in what was already
an ongoing war of the peasants against the Soviet government.
You always had plenty of monarchists there. They couldn't say
so openly many times, but Nicholas remained popular until the
day he was murdered.
Speaker 1: Myself, having worked for many years on the February press
and memoirs of the contemporaries of the February, could not
fail to notice this sharp, this sharp strengthening disgusting in
those materials. From the most varied witnesses and participants of
those events, there were so many Jewish names, and the
Jewish theme is very loud and persistent. From the memory
of Rodjanko, from the town governor balk from General Glibaziov,
and many others. From the first days of the revolution
in the depths of the Trinsky Tavrichski Palace, the number
of Jews jumped out at me. Among the members of
the Commandant's office, the interrogation commissions, the pamphlet merchants, and
so on. V. D. Nabokov, who was well disposed towards Jews,
wrote that on March second, at the entrance of the
Tavrishki Mini park in front of the Douma building, there
was an unbelievable crush of people and shouting. At the
entrance of the gates. Some at the entrance of the gates,
some young Jewish looking men were questioning the bypassers. According
to Bulk, the crowd that went on the rampage at
the Estore, an elite hotel in Saint Petersburg on the
night of February twenty eighth consisted of armed soldiers, sailors
and Jews. I would indulge, I would indulge some emigrant
irritability here, as they used to say, well, that's all
the Jews. Yet the same was witnessed by another neutral observer,
the Methodist pastor doctor Simon's, an American who had already
been in Petrograd for ten years and knew it well.
He was debriefed by a commission of the American Senate
in nineteen nineteen. Quote. Soon after the March Revolution of
nineteen seventeen, everywhere in Petrograd you could see groups of
Jews standing on benches, soapboxes and such, making speeches. There
had been restrictions on the rights of Jews that live
in Petrograd, but after the revolution they came in droves,
and the majority of agitators were Jews. They were apostate Jews.
Speaker 2: You know that always irritates me. You know, a lot
of norm and conservatives say stupid things like that, although
I have cited him he is a good sorts of
information in my book and things like that. But apostate
apostate from what this was their religion? I guess he
means a postate in the sense that these aren't religious
Jews at all. But that didn't make any difference as
far as your connection to liberalism or Bolshivism was concerned.
One had nothing to do with the other. I mean,
some of them, more extremists didn't like it, but only
because they thought they'd be the nasty reaction against them,
not because they were opposed to it, So, you know,
and that became kind of a common theme Americans to
this day in the Senate now, how they have no
concept of what's going on in Russia. And I've I've
dealt with some of the laws that they've passed, the
Captive Nations Act in the fifties, where they misspell everything.
There's absolutely clueless. They're not apostate Jews, they're Jews. And that,
by the way, exactly what we were talking about in
the Jewish question with Karl Marx. Mark says that is
the Jewish religion. That's the essence of the Jewish religion.
There weren't a pastate from anything.
Speaker 1: A certain student, Hanook, came to Cronstat a few days
before a planned massacre of sixty officers who were named
on a hit list. He became the founder and chairman
of the Kronstat's Committee of the Revolutionary Movement. The order
of the committee was to arrest and try each and
all officers. Somebody had already prepared and disseminated false information,
triggering massacres, first in Cronstat, deninz Fierbourg. It was because
of the uncertainty of the situation when every fabrication was
taken for a hard fact. The baton of the bloody
Kronstadt affair was carried by the dropout psychoneurologist doctor Roschale
later after the October coup, a coup. Later after the
October Coup, s g Roschal was appointed the commandant of
the Gatchina, and from November he was the commissar of
the whole remain in Front, where he was killed upon arrival.
Speaker 2: Yeah, don't get it into your head that the provisional
government wasn't bloody. They absolutely were it's just when compared
to the Bolsheviks, they seem absolutely uh peaceful and like
hippies by comparison, but they were as bloody as anyone else.
Given the power that they had, you know, how much
of Russia they really control, that's you know, that's that's
an open question. The boat the Reds, they really didn't
end up controlling all of their territory until late Stalin,
the late Stalin era. So I do think it's an
interesting question if if the provisional government took over the
war ended, how would they then rule from there on end.
I don't know of any literature on that topic, but
it would be an interesting conception. But they just weren't
around long enough to become infamous.
Speaker 1: A certain Solomon and Kapelan spoke on behalf of the
newly formed revolutionary militia of the Vasilievsky Island in the
future of the latter would become the bloody henchman of Zenoviyev.
The Petrograd bar created a special Commission for the examination
of the justice of imprisoning persons arrested during the time
of the revolution. Thousands were arrested during this time in
Petrograd that is to virtually decide their fate without due process,
and that of all the former gendarme and police. The
commission was headed by the barrister Goldstein. Yet the unique
story of the petty officer Timofey Kirpjhnikov, who triggered the
street revolution was written in March nineteen seventeen and preserved
for us by the Jew Jacob Markovitch Fishman, a curious
historical figure. I with gratitude, relied on this story in
The Red Wheel and the Red Wheel is a.
Speaker 2: Great novel from Zlzeniitsen. I love how he says the
Jew Jacob Fishman, like we needed to be told that
that that he's a Jew. But the Jews, from even
just just by reading this, if if nothing else, they
saw this as a very convenient period of time where
they can mobilize to take it to the next level,
which is what happened in October one form or another.
I know I've said this before, but it is a
It is a stain on the Russian Church that the
majority of business went along with this. Yes, they did
not persecute the church as far as I know, at
least not systematically, but that the majority of business went
along with this, so called the you know, overthrow of
Zarron Nicholas is something that really there were plenty of
royalists too, but they were a minority, and it I mean,
you know, who could defend Russian Orthodoxy more than me.
But this was a terrible, a terrible thing, and their
excuses for supporting it were stupid. And actually deal with
that at some length as well.
Speaker 1: Elsewhere, the Jewish Encyclopedia concludes, Jews, for the first time
in Russian history, had occupied posts in the central and
regional administrations, on the very heights in the Executive Committee
of the Soviet of Workers and Soldiers' Deputies, invisibly ruling
the country in those months. Two leaders distinguished themselves, Nakamkis
Steklov and Gomer Sukhanov. On the night of March first
to March second, they dictated to the complacently blind provisional
government a program which preemptively destroyed its power for the
entire period of its existence. Reflective contemporary G. A. Landau
thus explains the active participation of the Jews and the revolution. Quote.
The misfortune of Russia and the misfortune of the Russian
jury is that the results of the First Revolution nineteen
oh five, were still not processed, not transformed into a
new social fabric. No new generation was born when a
great and backbreaking war broke out, and when the hour
of disintegration came, it came upon the generation that from
the very beginning was a kind of exhausted remnant of
the previous revolution. It found the inertia of depleted spirituality,
lacking an organic connection to the situation, and chained by
spiritual stagnations of the ten years ago, by gone period.
And so the organic revolutionism of the beginning of the
twentieth century, of the First Russian Revolution in nineteen oh five,
had turned into the mechanical, permanent revolution of the wartime era.
Speaker 2: And I'm going to say, I'm going to say one thing.
There was nothing organic, meaning natural about nineteen oh five,
February or October. All of these were artificial, and all
of these were pulled off by people with minimal connection
to your typical Russian worker, typical Russian peasant. There was
absolutely nothing organic about it, nothing natural about it.
Speaker 1: Through many years of detailed studies, I have spent much
time trying to comprehend the essence of the February Revolution
and the Jewish role in it. I came to this
conclusion and can now repeat it, and can now repeat No,
the February Revolution was not something the Jews did to
the Russians, but rather it was done by the Russians
to themselves, which I believe that I amply demonstrated in
the Red Wheel. We committed this downfall ourselves, our anointed czar,
the court circles, the hapless high ranking generals, obtuse administrators
and their enemies, the elite intelligency of the October's Party,
the Zemsteff, the cadets, the revolutionary democrats, socialists and revolutionaries,
and along with them a bandit element of army reservists
distressingly confined to the Petersburg barracks. And this is precisely
why we perished. True, there were already many Jews among
the intelligensia by that time, yet that is in no
way a basis to call it a Jewish revolution. One
may classify revolutions by their main animating forces, and then
the February Revolution must be seen as a Russian national revolution,
or more precisely, a Russian ethnic revolution, though if one
would judge it using the methodology a materialistic sociologists asking
who benefited the most, or benefited most quickly or the
most solidly and in the long term from the revolution,
and then it could be called otherwise Jewish for example.
But then again, why not German? After all, Kaiser Wilhelm
initially benefited from it, but the remaining Russian population got
nothing but harm and destruction. However, that doesn't make the
revolution non Russian. The Jewish society got everything it fought
for from the revolution, and the October Revolution was altogether
unnecessary for them, except for a small slice of young,
cutthroat Jews, who with their Russian internationalist brothers, accumulated an
explosive charge of hate for the Russian governing class and
burst forth to deepen the revolution.
Speaker 2: It's unfortunate that it's extremely difficult to tell what percentage
of the ethnic Russian, Ukrainian Belarusian populations supported the abolition
of the monarchy. I'm very low to say that it
was a majority. You know, when I talked about the
these bishops, I don't think the clergy supported whatsoever. Lower clergy,
the monks certainly didn't, but these but the bishops certainly did.
It's the same thing you know, there's another group of
people who but it seems that the Jews were the
only ones who benefited because it permitted them a period
of time to mobilize and then take over in October.
You know, there was no support for the provisional government
because there was nothing to support. You know, Kerensky was
one personality among many, and any any German support for
the overthrow of the monarchy is incredibly short sighted because
they had no me It's easy for us to say now,
but they had no idea what was going to happen.
They had no idea what was going to replace it.
The empire that was going to come out of it.
It was deeply masonic, It was deeply elite. The peasants
didn't make this revolution. Your typical worker didn't make this revolution.
Even even the high ranking officers, you know, the very
high ranking officers around Nicholas may have most of them did,
but you know, we would call it brigadier generals and
colonels and stuff certainly didn't. But when the Civil War
broke out, you had a lot of these mid level
you know, one star, two star, three star general's division level,
army level, running different factions. It was quite chaotic. I mean,
you had, you know, like Capelle, you had, you know,
strongly monarchists orthodox faction, while the initial mainstream was in
support of the Constituent Assembly, which was not a principle technically. Remember,
the Whites were in the army of the provisional government
sort of. That's at least where they how they were
perceived in the West. But I think he's right to
a great extent the Jews benefited by far the most,
but only in that this was a stepping stone for
something else.
Speaker 1: So how having understood this, was I to move through
March nineteen seventeen and then April nineteen seventeen, describing the
revolution literally hour by hour. I frequently found the many
episodes and the sources that had a Jewish theme. Yet
would it be right to simply pour all that on
the pages of March nineteen seventeen. Then that easy and
piquante temptation to put all the blame on Jews, on
their ideas and actions, to see them as the main
reason for these events, would easily skew the book and
overcome the readers and divert the research away from the
truly main causes of the revolution.
Speaker 2: Yeah, that's a title of a book. But it has
to be said that no one, at least no one
normal would ever say the Jews were the exclusive cause
of these things, that it was entirely of Jewish phenomenon.
That's extremely rare to find in politics anyway. It was disproportionate,
maybe even you know, they were extraordinarily well represented, but
no one saying all of them all the blame. You
have to be pretty stupid to say that. It's just
not true.
Speaker 1: And so, in order to avoid the self deception of
the russ I persistently and purposely downplayed the Jewish theme
in The Red Wheel relative to its actual coverage in
the press and on the streets in those days. The
February Revolution was carried out by Russian hands and Russian foolishness,
yet at the same time, its ideology was permeated and
dominated by the intransigent hostility to the historical Russian state
that ordinary Russians didn't have but the Jews had, so
the Russian intelligensia too had adopted this view. This intransigent
hostility grew especially sharp after the Trial of Belus and
then after the mass expulsion of the Jews in nineteen fifteen,
and so this intransigence overcame the moderation. Yet the Executive
Committee of Workers and Soldiers' Deputies, which was formed within
hours of the revolution, appears very different. This Executive Committee
was in fact a tough shadow government that deprived the
liberal provisional government of any real power, while at the
same time criminally refused to accept responsibility for its power openly.
By its Order number one, the Executive Committee wrested the
power from the military and created its support for itself
in the demoralized garrison a petrograd. It was precisely this
executive Committee, and not the judiciary, not the timber and industrialists,
not the bankers, which fast tracked the country to her doom.
In the summer of nineteen seventeen, Joseph Goldenberg, a member
of the Executive Committee, explained to the French diplomat Claude
and Ney quote, the Order number one was not a mistake,
it was a necessity. On the day we executed the revolution,
we realized that if we did not destroy the old army,
it would crush the revolution. We had to choose between
the army and the revolution, and we did not waiver.
We chose the latter and inflicted I dare say, a
brilliant blow.
Speaker 2: So there you have it.
Speaker 1: The Executive Committee quite purposely destroyed the army in the
middle of the war.
Speaker 2: And that's precisely what Korneilov said. Now, if you read
the press the time, they're saying that this is an
overdue reform of the military, patriotic reform. That's how the
American press talked about it, you know, getting everything from
from the system in Russia, they realized that it was
the army, and the army alone that could reverse all
of this. Order number one. We talked about that already.
I explained it already. You know that they tried to
get rid of ranks to a great extent. Soldiers didn't
have to listen to officers. There were officers committees. It
just you know, it was to destroy any kind of
chain of command. It was pretty radical, and of course
was eventually reversed. By that time, it was too late.
Kunelov ended up in opposition to the provisional government precisely
because of Order number one, Kunelov wrote substantially. In fact,
Kunelov wrote to Kerensky explaining how what a disaster this
is and well he also said it in person. Cornelia Uh.
Kerensky said, yeah, I tend to agree, then tried to
have him arrested the next day. Partially that's because you
had numerous centers of power. How much power Kerensky had
versus the Soviets and the Soviets, you know, they were
Bolsheviks of a type, many of them revolted against the
early Soviet Union. The ideological differences were probably minimal. It's
hard to tell. Sometimes. I think some of the local
Soviets actually believed lendin Is propaganda, actually wanted to give
land A peasants, which of course he had no intention
of doing. When that didn't happen, they got angered something
along those lines. But I think the Soviets really only
in urban areas very Jewish, had any real real power,
and that power was dispersed, so the army had to
be defanged. Order number one was you know, it was.
It was diabolical, but it was a pretty brilliant way
to do it, and for the most part it was
carried out, at least in Uh, carried out at least
within the army. It didn't last very long, But I
want to remind everybody too and this may not necessarily
be relevant to this particular issue, but the level of
PTSD this country had by now, what all of Europe
had by now because of World War One, was extraordinary.
No one saw a war like this coming, the mass
of casualties, a poison gas, machine gun, the introduction of
the tank later on, the air war for the first time,
trench warfare, the stagnation, the attrition. And I try to
keep that when I was writing and continued to write
my stuff on this, I'll signed a few to you.
You could, you could publish a couple of articles I
have on this stuff on the site. I try to
keep that in mind. Now, of course, they're much stronger,
healthier group of people than let's say, Americans today, But
I don't want to ignore that fact. Plus the fact,
you know, Lenin would never Leonard wasn't telling people what
he wanted to do. Yeah, the Soviets kind of weren't.
That was for the the esoteric, for for the for
the initiates. Yes, Lenin believed in collectiviization. It was going
to talk about it, though that became war communism. He
couldn't say that in public. He you know, he wasn't
gonna talk that he's going to, you know, burn down
the church. He could couldn't say that in public either,
but that eventually happened, and I think the White Armies
had an idea that Lenin was full of it. And
certainly when Trotsky came back from actually was from Canada
with this group of New York Jews and financiers, that's
really where the anti Christian stuff came in. But Lenin
was going to do the same anyway, don't put all
this on Stalin. Lenin and Trotsky were just as vicious
in every way shape matter reform. They just had a
much weaker system to work with. So I try to
keep the shock that Russians were living under not just
World War One events. It's going to be the Civil
War too. Russians live they're like Afghani They can live
under a constant state of war from and mass casualties
from nineteen fourteen pretty much to nineteen forty five. Because
of the peasant uprisings were often huge all over the country.
The American press wouldn't talk about it. So I also
want to keep that in mind when I write about it,
when I discuss it. But you know, the British press
didn't seem to have a huge problem with Order number one,
despite the fact that I let you know, Russians in
the British were allies in World War One, the war
still raging here. You know, they bought the nonsense is
just a reform. No one realized what it was except Cornelo,
because he saw it in practice. He refused to implement it.
But you see an admission here we did it to
destroy the army. Well, they didn't say that at the time,
and Kerensky wasn't alone. You know, the Soviets were interested
in this too, which is another way of saying that
their forces at this point, let's say spring of nineteen seventeen,
were very weak. Just one committed general with a solid
few divisions could have destroyed all of this, but they
couldn't get their ACKed together, partially because it was some
of the high command they got rid of Nicholas in
the first place.
Speaker 1: Is it legitimate to ask who were those successful and
fatal for Russia leaders of the Executive Committee? Yes, it
is legitimate when actions as such leaders abruptly changed the
course of history. And it must be said that the
composition of the Executive Committee greatly concerned the public and
the newspapers in nineteen seventeen, during which time many members
of the committee concealed themselves behind pseudonyms from the public eye.
Who was ruling Russia. No one knew then. As it
turned out, there was a dozen. There was a dozen
of soldiers who were there just for show and weren't
very bright. They were kept out of any real power
or decision making. From the other thirty though, of those
who actually wielded power, more than half were Jewish socialists.
There were also Russians, Caucasians, Latvians, and polls less than
a quarter were Russians.
Speaker 2: I've seen many estimates all over the spectrum, from kind
of liberal to monarchists about Russians who actually supported the
the extreme left, and it's very low. And they tried
to have elections for the Constituent Assembly. I think it
was a handful showed up. A participation was was nil,
and again partially because the Duma didn't really do much
and all right wing parties were banned at this point,
which is one of the things that the the both
of the Kerensky government and the Executive Committee, the Soviets
Workers Holders Deputies, all of this they were in. They
were united. All right wing, any kind of right wing party,
including the Octobers were gone, they were banned. So it
was any election they had was absolutely farciful. And there
was nothing about these committees or Soviets that was elected
at all, not by any definition, of course. They would
say they were, but you know, and yet they still
had a lot of power. And at that level they
they were extremely Jewish. So the germs, so to speak,
the cells, the outline of the future Soviet Union was
already starting to show itself.
Speaker 1: The moderate soldier socialist VB. Stankovich noted what really struck
stuck out in the composition of the committee was the
large foreign element, totally out of proportion for their part
of the population in Petrograd or the country in general.
Stankovich asks, was this the unhealthy scum of Russian society
or was the consequence of the sins of the old
Or was this the consequence of the sins of the
old regime, which by its actions violently pushed a foreign
element into the leftist parties, or was this simply the
result of free competition? And then there remains an open
question who bears more guilt for this the foreign born
who are there, are the Russians who could have been
there but weren't. For a socialist, that might be a
case to look for. That might be a case to
look for a guilty party. Yet wouldn't it be better
for all, for us, for you, for them to avoid
sinking into that mad dirty torrents altogether?
Speaker 2: Well, unfortunately I'm in that dirty torrent for you know,
twenty four hours a day, so far as the research
issue is concerned. But you can't point to just one.
The other were many. I've read a billion articles roughly
on what caused the fall of what caused nineteen seventeen,
the various elements, and it's certainly the right wing point
of view too, And one of them is certainly the
subversion of the nobility, such as they were, that masonry
had penetrated very deeply. I have a paper route somewhere.
I think it's I don't know, bar in review one
of these journals on the sexual revolution which had occurred
roughly around the turn of the century amongst the high
level nobility. Something that you know, Nicholas the second, if
you knew about it, was this thought was disgusting, something
that Alexander the Third would have crushed. I'm not to
say that Nicholas was weak by any means. It wasn't,
but Alexander the Third was particularly strong. Yeah, the guilt
here if I was, if I was pressed, it's the
nature of the war that they were able to take
advantage of, and the extreme levels of casualties. But foreign born.
You have this huge amount of foreign money coming in.
This was not a Russian phenomenon at any level in
the sense of your ordinary Russian. They had absolutely nothing
to do. They paid for it, but they had nothing
to do with it. But the very fact that so
many of the bishops were in favor of this provisional government,
at least at first. I mean, I have quotes after
a quote from these guys that this is a this
is God's gift to us, and they ruled in God's
name and all this garbage. These were These were Freemasons.
Kerensky was Krensky was very high. I think he was
thirty second uh degree. Masons were you know, Masonry really
you know, had roots and even though it's a Western phenomenon,
you know, it was like Judas and for Gentiles, that's
how it was, you know, undus another version of the member.
We talked about the Judaizers early on in this book.
You know, Masonry was kind of like that. It never
quite went away because it was secret, you know, and
they were wealthy. They can get away with it, you know,
any right way. Government has to ban all of this entirely.
That's really hard to do. The Jews, of course, are
front center in all of this. There's no question about it.
The partition of Poland, which introduced millions of goy hating
the Talmunus into Russia, was the worst thing that could
have happened to the Empire. I think by now we
all agree on that, and that Russia from the beginning
was unprepared to deal with this. It's to Russia's credit, though,
that the Russian nobility didn't do what the Polish nobility did.
There two very different systems. This are was far too
powerful for that to be the case. Remember, the Polish
system of Jewish rule really was that the monarchy had
no power. Well, you can't say that about Russia. I
think it is to Russia's credit they nearly didn't go
down that road. Maybe by now you had many Russian
league to are in debt to Jewish bankers for like
the Winston Churchill phenomenon, where his whole family was in
debt to the Jews, Jewish bankers for their absolutely dissolute living,
especially his father. E. Michael Jones talked about that too.
But I've said this before, but without a war, and
a war like this, I guess if Franco Prussian War
was as close as you were going to get. But
even that doesn't come close to what World War One was.
And we're coming near the end, you know, well, we're
in the middle of World War One. You know, we're
talking about millions of casualties with no end in sight,
and for no obvious reason. That's you know, that's the
shock here. And so you have multi layered PTSD. It
wasn't a family in Russia that didn't have a a son,
of course, no women, although you had occasional nurse who
got clipped, didn't have a son who was was killed
or or mutilated. And there certainly wasn't the resources to
deal with a mutilated kid when he came home. Certainly
not in provisional state, and god knows not with the
Bolshevik state where the economy just collapsed. And beyond that,
Western money, western support, Western propaganda, especially from Britain, that
didn't help. That didn't help either. So basically, this British need,
the need of this Darwinian British elite colonialists, industrialists, their
their their their, their need to get Russia and Germany
to fight each other. It was the you know, ultimate cause,
many steps back of what happened here. And they had
no problem with it. They had no problem with February,
they had no problem with October. That had a little
problem with October because you know, they had a separate
peace with Germany that caused That's one of the reasons
that there was some intervention in the northern part of
of of Russia. You know, the only thing they really
cared about was making keeping Russia in the war. The
Treaty of Presslotovsk was you know, it was unpopular because
it gave a lot of Russian territory away, but at
least it got Russia out of the war. That was
the only reason British had a problem with the October Revolution,
and that's why British and French troops were in Russia.
There were other reasons too. I had nothing to do
with the Bolsheviks. They were they were allies, and so
you know, I, I mean, I can't stress this the
nature of this, of this war enough, but ultimately the
war comes from Britain. Yes, the the proximate cause was
Austria's invasion of Serbian but there was no reason for
Russians and Germans to ever go to war, and the
British knew that. I've always interpreted World War One, and
of course there was you know, an esoteric element, get
rid of the monarchies and everything else. That's certainly true.
But as far as the British ruling class was concerned,
we have we have to have these people kill each
other because we could be able to compete with one
of these powers. Not in the Far East, not in
Central Asia. There's a lot of money to be made there.
We're just getting started. And the result, of course was
millions of deaths and mutilations, an entire generation slaughtered and
shocked and traumatized out of their minds. And without that,
none of this would have happened, None of this February
or October would never have happened. As I said before,
no war, no revolution all.
Speaker 1: Right, next chapter is going to be during nineteen seventeen
and looks like that's gonna be a long one. So
looks like we might be on that one.
Speaker 2: For a few episodes.
Speaker 1: Okay, all right, so yep, as I always end these'll
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Speaker 2: Donating to him. Thank you very much, good sir. S