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<v Speaker 1>Chapter eighteen a of Considerations on Representative Government. This LibriVox

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<v Speaker 1>recording is in the public domain. Considerations on Representative Government

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<v Speaker 1>by John Stuart Mill, Chapter eighteen a of the Government

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<v Speaker 1>of Dependencies by a free State. Free states, like all others,

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<v Speaker 1>may possess dependencies acquired either by conquest or by colonization,

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<v Speaker 1>and our own is the greatest instance of the kind

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<v Speaker 1>in modern history. It is a most important question how

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<v Speaker 1>such dependencies ought to be governed. It is unnecessary to

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<v Speaker 1>discuss the case of small posts like Gibraltar, Aden or Heligoland,

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<v Speaker 1>which are held only as naval or military positions. The

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<v Speaker 1>military or naval object is in this case paramount, and

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<v Speaker 1>the inhabitants cannot, consistently with it be admitted to the

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<v Speaker 1>government of the place, though they ought to be allowed.

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<v Speaker 1>All liberties and privileges compatible with that restriction, including the

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<v Speaker 1>free management of municipal affairs, and as a compensation for

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<v Speaker 1>being locally sacrificed to the convenience of the governing state,

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<v Speaker 1>should be admitted to equal rights with its native subjects.

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<v Speaker 1>In all other parts of the empire, outlying territories of

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<v Speaker 1>some size and population which are held as dependencies, that is,

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<v Speaker 1>which are subject more or less to acts of sovereign

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<v Speaker 1>power on the part of the paramount country, without being

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<v Speaker 1>equally represented, if represented at all, in its legislature, may

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<v Speaker 1>be divided into two classes. Some are composed of people

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<v Speaker 1>of similar civilization to the ruling country, capable of and

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<v Speaker 1>ripe for representative government, such as the British possessions in

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<v Speaker 1>America and Australia. Others, like India, are still at a

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<v Speaker 1>great distance from that state. In the case of dependencies

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<v Speaker 1>of the former class, this country has at length realized,

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<v Speaker 1>in rare completeness the true principle of government. England has

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<v Speaker 1>always felt under a certain degree of obligation to bestow

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<v Speaker 1>on such of her outlying populations as were of her

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<v Speaker 1>own blood and language, and on some who were not

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<v Speaker 1>representative institutions formed in imitation of her own. But until

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<v Speaker 1>the present generation she has been on the same bad

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<v Speaker 1>level with other countries as to the amount of self

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<v Speaker 1>government which she allowed them to exercise through the representative

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<v Speaker 1>institutions that she conceded to them. She claimed to be

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<v Speaker 1>the supreme arbiter even of their purely internal concerns, according

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<v Speaker 1>to her own, not their ideas, of how these concerns

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<v Speaker 1>could be best regulated. This practice was a natural corollary

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<v Speaker 1>from the vicious theory of colonial policy, once common to

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<v Speaker 1>all Europe and not yet completely relinquished by any other people,

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<v Speaker 1>which regarded colonies as valuable by affording markets for our

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<v Speaker 1>commodities that could be kept entirely to ourselves, a privilege

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<v Speaker 1>we valued so highly that we thought it worth purchasing

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<v Speaker 1>by allowing to the colonies the same monopoly of our

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<v Speaker 1>market for their own productions which we claimed for our

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<v Speaker 1>commodities in theirs. This notable plan for enriching them and

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<v Speaker 1>ourselves by making each pay enormous sums to the other,

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<v Speaker 1>dropping the greatest part, by the way, has been for

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<v Speaker 1>some time abandoned. But the bad habit of meddling in

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<v Speaker 1>the internal government of the colonies did not at once

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<v Speaker 1>die out when we relinquished the idea of making any

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<v Speaker 1>profit by it. We continued to torment them, not for

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<v Speaker 1>any benefit to ourselves, but for that of a section

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<v Speaker 1>or faction among the colonists. And this persistence in domineering

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<v Speaker 1>cost us a Canadian rebellion before we had the happy

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<v Speaker 1>thought of giving it up. England was like an ill

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<v Speaker 1>brought up elder brother, who persists in tyrannizing over the

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<v Speaker 1>younger ones from mere habit, till one of them, by

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<v Speaker 1>a spirited resistance, though with unequal strength, gives him notice

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<v Speaker 1>to desist. We were wise enough not to require a

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<v Speaker 1>second warner. A new era in the colonial policy of

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<v Speaker 1>nations began with Lord Durham's report, the Imperishable Memorial of

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<v Speaker 1>that nobleman's courage, patriotism and enlightened liberality, and of the

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<v Speaker 1>intellect and practical sagacity of its joint authors, mister Wakefield

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<v Speaker 1>and the lamented Charles Buller. Footnote. I am speaking here

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<v Speaker 1>of the adoption of this improved policy, not, of course,

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<v Speaker 1>of its original suggestion. The honor of having been its

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<v Speaker 1>earliest champion belongs unquestionably to mister roebuck En. Footnote. It

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<v Speaker 1>is now a fixed principle of the policy of Great Britain,

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<v Speaker 1>professed in theory and faithfully adhered to in practice, that

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<v Speaker 1>her colonies of European Race, equally with the parent country,

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<v Speaker 1>possessed the fullest measure of internal self government. They have

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<v Speaker 1>been allowed to make their own free representative constitutions by

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<v Speaker 1>altering in any manner they thought fit the already very

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<v Speaker 1>popular constitutions which we had given them. Each is governed

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<v Speaker 1>by a its own legislature and executive constituted on highly

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<v Speaker 1>democratic principles. The veto of the crown and of Parliament,

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<v Speaker 1>though nominally reserved, is only exercised, and that very rarely

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<v Speaker 1>on questions which concern the Empire and not solely the

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<v Speaker 1>particular colony. How liberal a construction has been given to

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<v Speaker 1>the distinction between imperial and colonial questions is shown by

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<v Speaker 1>the fact that the whole of the unappropriated lands in

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<v Speaker 1>the regions behind our American and Australian colonies have been

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<v Speaker 1>given up to the uncontrolled disposal of the colonial communities,

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<v Speaker 1>though they might, without injustice, have been kept in the

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<v Speaker 1>hands of the imperial government, to be administered for the

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<v Speaker 1>greatest advantage of future emigrants from all parts of the Empire.

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<v Speaker 1>Every colony has thus as full power over its own

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<v Speaker 1>affairs as it could have if it were a member

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<v Speaker 1>of even the loosest federation, and much fuller than would

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<v Speaker 1>belong to it under the Constitution of the United States,

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<v Speaker 1>being free even to tax at its pleasure the commodities

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<v Speaker 1>imported from the mother country their union with great Britain

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<v Speaker 1>is the slightest kind of federal union, but not a

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<v Speaker 1>strictly equal federation, the mother country retaining to itself the

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<v Speaker 1>powers of a federal government, though reduced in practice to

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<v Speaker 1>their very narrowest limits. This inequality is, of course, as

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<v Speaker 1>far as it goes, a disadvantage to the dependencies, which

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<v Speaker 1>have no voice in foreign policy, but are bound by

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<v Speaker 1>the decisions of the superior country. They are compelled to

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<v Speaker 1>join England in war without being in any way consulted

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<v Speaker 1>previous to engaging in it. Those now, happily not a

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<v Speaker 1>few who think that justice is as binding on communities

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<v Speaker 1>as it is on individuals, and that men are not

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<v Speaker 1>warranted in doing to other countries for the supposed benefit

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<v Speaker 1>of their own country what they would not be justified

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<v Speaker 1>in doing to other men for their own benefit, feel

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<v Speaker 1>even this limited amount of constitutional subordination on the part

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<v Speaker 1>of the colonies to be a violation of princes, and

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<v Speaker 1>have often occupied themselves in looking out for means by

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<v Speaker 1>which it may be avoided. With this view, it has

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<v Speaker 1>been proposed by some that the colonies should return representatives

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<v Speaker 1>to the British legislature, and by others that the powers

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<v Speaker 1>of our own, as well as of their parliaments, should

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<v Speaker 1>be confined to internal policy, and that there should be

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<v Speaker 1>another representative body for foreign and imperial concerns, in which

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<v Speaker 1>last the dependencies of Great Britain should be represented in

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<v Speaker 1>the same manner and with the same completeness as Great

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<v Speaker 1>Britain itself. On this system, there would be a perfectly

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<v Speaker 1>equal federation between the mother country and her colonies, then

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<v Speaker 1>no longer dependencies. The feelings of equity and conceptions of

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<v Speaker 1>public morality from which these suggestions emanate are worthy of

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<v Speaker 1>all praise. But the suggestions themselves are so inconsistent with

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<v Speaker 1>rational principles of government that it is doubtful if they

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<v Speaker 1>have been seriously accepted as a possibility by any reasonable thinker.

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<v Speaker 1>Countries separated by half the globe do not present the

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<v Speaker 1>natural conditions for being under one government, or even members

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<v Speaker 1>of one federation, if they had sufficiently the same interests.

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<v Speaker 1>They have not, and never can have a sufficient habit

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<v Speaker 1>of taking council together. They are not part of the

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<v Speaker 1>same public. They do not discuss and deliberate in the

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<v Speaker 1>same arena, but a part, and have only a most

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<v Speaker 1>imperfect knowledge of what passes in the minds of one another.

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<v Speaker 1>They neither know each other's objects, nor have confidence in

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<v Speaker 1>each other's principles of conduct. Let any Englishman ask himself

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<v Speaker 1>how he should like his destinies to depend on an

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<v Speaker 1>assembly of which one third was British, American and another

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<v Speaker 1>third South African and Australian. Yet to this it must

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<v Speaker 1>come if there were anything like fair or equal representation.

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<v Speaker 1>And would not everyone feel that the representatives of Canada

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<v Speaker 1>and Australia, even in matters of an imperial character, could

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<v Speaker 1>not know or feel any sufficient concern for the interests,

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<v Speaker 1>opinions or wishes of English, Irish and Scotch. Even for

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<v Speaker 1>strictly federative purposes. The conditions do not exist which we

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<v Speaker 1>have seen to be essential to a federation. England is

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<v Speaker 1>sufficient for her own protection without the colonies, and would

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<v Speaker 1>be in a much stronger as well as more dignified

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<v Speaker 1>position if separated from them, than when reduced to be

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<v Speaker 1>a single member of an American, African and Australian confederation.

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<v Speaker 1>Over and above the commerce which she might equally enjoy

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<v Speaker 1>after separation, England derives little advantage except in prestige from

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<v Speaker 1>her dependencies, and the little she does derive is quite

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<v Speaker 1>outweighed by the expense they cost her, and the dissemination

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<v Speaker 1>they necessitate of her naval and military force, which, in

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<v Speaker 1>case of war or any real apprehension of it, requires

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<v Speaker 1>to be double or treble what would be needed for

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<v Speaker 1>the defense of this country alone. But though Great Britain

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<v Speaker 1>could do perfectly well without her colonies, and though on

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<v Speaker 1>every principle of morality and justice she ought to consent

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<v Speaker 1>to their separation, should the time come when, after full

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<v Speaker 1>trial of the best form of union, they deliberately desire

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<v Speaker 1>to be dissevered, there are strong reasons for maintaining the

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<v Speaker 1>present slight bond of connection, so long as not disagreeable

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<v Speaker 1>to the feelings of either party. It is a step

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<v Speaker 1>as far as it goes towards universal peace and general

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<v Speaker 1>friendly cooperation among nations. It renders war impossible among a

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<v Speaker 1>large number of otherwise independent communities, and moreover, hinders any

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<v Speaker 1>of them from being absorbed into a foreign state and

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<v Speaker 1>becoming a source of additional aggressive strength to some rival power,

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<v Speaker 1>either more despotic or closer at hand, which might not

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<v Speaker 1>always be so unambitious or so pacific as Great Britain.

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<v Speaker 1>It at least keeps the markets of the different countries

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<v Speaker 1>open to one another, and prevents that mutual exclusion by

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<v Speaker 1>hostile still tariffs, which none of the great communities of

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<v Speaker 1>mankind except England have yet outgrown. And in the case

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<v Speaker 1>of the British possessions, it has the advantage especially valuable

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<v Speaker 1>at the present time, of adding to the moral influence

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<v Speaker 1>and weight in the councils of the world of the power,

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<v Speaker 1>which of all in existence best understands liberty, and whatever

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<v Speaker 1>may have been its errors in the past, has attained

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<v Speaker 1>to more of conscience and moral principle in its dealings

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<v Speaker 1>with foreigners than any other great nation seems either to

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<v Speaker 1>conceive as possible or recognize as desirable. Since then the

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<v Speaker 1>union can only continue. While it does continue on the

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<v Speaker 1>footing of an unequal federation. It is important to consider

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<v Speaker 1>by what means this small amount of inequality can be

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<v Speaker 1>prevented from being either onerous or humiliating to the communities

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<v Speaker 1>occupying the less exalted position. The only inferiority necessarily inherent

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<v Speaker 1>in the case is that the mother country decides both

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<v Speaker 1>for the colonies and for herself on questions of peace

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<v Speaker 1>and war. They gain in return the obligation on the

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<v Speaker 1>mother country to repel aggressions directed against them. But except

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<v Speaker 1>when the minor community is so weak that the protection

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<v Speaker 1>of a stronger power is indispensable to it, reciprocity of

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<v Speaker 1>obligation is not of full equivalent for non admission to

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<v Speaker 1>a voice in the deliberations. It is essential, therefore, that

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<v Speaker 1>in all wars, save those which, like the Caffre or

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<v Speaker 1>New Zealand wars, are incurred for the sake of the

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<v Speaker 1>particular colony, the colonists should not, without their own voluntary request,

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<v Speaker 1>be called on to contribute any thing to the expense,

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<v Speaker 1>except what may be required for the specific local defense

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<v Speaker 1>of their ports, shores, and frontiers against invasion. Moreover, as

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<v Speaker 1>the mother country claims the privilege at her sole discretion

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<v Speaker 1>of taking measures or pursuing a policy which may expose

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<v Speaker 1>them to attack, it is just that she should undertake

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<v Speaker 1>a considerable portion of the cost of their military defense,

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<v Speaker 1>even in time of peace, the whole of it, so

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<v Speaker 1>far as it depends upon a standing army. But there

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<v Speaker 1>was a means still more effectual than these, by which,

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<v Speaker 1>and in general, by which alone a full equivalent can

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<v Speaker 1>be given to a smaller community for sinking its individuality,

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<v Speaker 1>as a substantive power among nations in the greater individuality

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<v Speaker 1>of a wide and powerful empire. This one indispensable and

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<v Speaker 1>at the same time sufficient expedient, which meets at once

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<v Speaker 1>the demands of justice and the growing exigencies of policy,

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<v Speaker 1>is to open the service of government in all its

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<v Speaker 1>departments and in every part of the Empire, on perfectly

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<v Speaker 1>equal terms to the inhabitants of the colonies. Why does

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<v Speaker 1>no one ever hear a breath of disloyalty from the

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<v Speaker 1>islands in the British Channel. By race, religion and geographical position,

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<v Speaker 1>they belong less to England than to France. But while

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<v Speaker 1>they enjoy a life by Canada and New South Wales

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<v Speaker 1>complete control over their internal affairs and their taxation, every

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<v Speaker 1>office or dignity in the gift of the Crown is

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<v Speaker 1>freely open to the native of Guernsey or Jersey. Generals, admirals,

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<v Speaker 1>peers of the United Kingdom are made, and there is

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<v Speaker 1>nothing which hinders prime ministers to be made from those

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<v Speaker 1>insignificant islands. The same system was commenced in reference to

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<v Speaker 1>the colonies, generally by an enlightened colonial secretary too early lost,

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<v Speaker 1>Sir William Molesworth, when he appointed mister Hincks, a leading

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<v Speaker 1>Canadian politician, to a West Indian government. It is a

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<v Speaker 1>very shallow view of the springs of political action in

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<v Speaker 1>a community which thinks such things unimportant, Because the number

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<v Speaker 1>of those in a position actually to profit by the

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<v Speaker 1>concession might not be very considerable. That limited number would

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<v Speaker 1>be composed precisely of those who have most moral power

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<v Speaker 1>over the rest, And men are not so destitute of

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<v Speaker 1>the sense of collective degradation as not to feel the

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<v Speaker 1>withholding of an advantage from even one person because of

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<v Speaker 1>a circumstance which they all have in common with him,

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<v Speaker 1>an affront to all. If we prevent the leading men

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<v Speaker 1>of a community from standing forth to the world as

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<v Speaker 1>its chiefs and representatives in the general councils of mankind,

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<v Speaker 1>we owe it both to their legitimate ambition and to

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<v Speaker 1>the just pride of the community, to give them in

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<v Speaker 1>return an equal chance of occupying the same prominent position

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<v Speaker 1>in a nation of greater power and importance. Where the

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<v Speaker 1>whole service of the British Crown opened to the natives

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<v Speaker 1>of the Ionian Islands. We should hear no more of

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<v Speaker 1>the desire for union with Greece. Such a union is

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<v Speaker 1>not desirable for the people to whom it would be

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<v Speaker 1>a step backward in civilization. But it is no wonder

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<v Speaker 1>if Corfu, which has given a minister of European reputation

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<v Speaker 1>to the Russian Empire and a president to Greece itself

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<v Speaker 1>before the arrival of the Bavarians, should feel it a

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<v Speaker 1>grievance that its people are not admissible to the highest

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<v Speaker 1>posts in some government or other. Thus, far of the

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<v Speaker 1>dependencies whose population is in a sufficiently advanced state to

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<v Speaker 1>be fitted for representative government, But there are others which

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<v Speaker 1>have not attained that state, and which, if held at all,

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<v Speaker 1>must be governed by the dominant country, or are by

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<v Speaker 1>persons delegated for that purpose by it. This mode of

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<v Speaker 1>government is as legitimate as any other if it is

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<v Speaker 1>the one which, in the existing state of civilization of

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<v Speaker 1>the subject people, most facilitates their transition to a higher

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<v Speaker 1>stage of improvement. There are, as we have already seen,

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<v Speaker 1>conditions of society in which a vigorous despotism is in

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<v Speaker 1>itself the best mode of government for training the people

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<v Speaker 1>in what is specifically wanting to render them capable of

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<v Speaker 1>a higher civilization. There are others in which the mere

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<v Speaker 1>fact of despotism has indeed no beneficial effect the lessons

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<v Speaker 1>which it tiq which is having already been only too

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<v Speaker 1>completely learned, but in which there being no spring of

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<v Speaker 1>spontaneous improvement in the people themselves, their almost only hope

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<v Speaker 1>of making any steps in advance depends on the chances

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<v Speaker 1>of a good despot Under a native despotism. A good

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<v Speaker 1>despot is a rare and transitory accident. But when the

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<v Speaker 1>dominion they are under is that of a more civilized people,

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<v Speaker 1>that people ought to be able to supply it constantly.

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<v Speaker 1>The ruling country ought to be able to do for

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<v Speaker 1>its subjects all that could be done by a succession

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<v Speaker 1>of absolute monarchs, guaranteed by irresistible force, against the precariousness

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<v Speaker 1>of tenure, attendant on barbarous despotisms, and qualified by their

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<v Speaker 1>genius to anticipate all that experience has taught to the

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<v Speaker 1>more advanced nation. Such is the ideal rule of a

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<v Speaker 1>free people over a barbarous or semi barbarous one. We

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<v Speaker 1>need not expect to see that ideal realized. But unless

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<v Speaker 1>some approach to it is, the rulers are guilty of

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<v Speaker 1>a dereliction of the highest moral trust which can devolve

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<v Speaker 1>upon a nation, and if they do not even aim

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<v Speaker 1>at it, they are selfish usurpers on a par in

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<v Speaker 1>criminality with any of those whose ambition and rapacity have

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<v Speaker 1>sported from age to age with the destiny of masses

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<v Speaker 1>of mankind. As it is already a common and is

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<v Speaker 1>rapidly tending to become the universal condition of the more

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<v Speaker 1>backward populations to be either held in direct subjection by

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<v Speaker 1>the more advanced, or to be under their complete political ascendancy,

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<v Speaker 1>there are in this age of the world few more

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<v Speaker 1>important problems than how to organize this rule so as

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<v Speaker 1>to make it a good instead of an evil to

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<v Speaker 1>the subject people, providing them with the best attainable present government,

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<v Speaker 1>and with the conditions most favorable to future permanent improvement.

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<v Speaker 1>But the mode of fitting the government for this purpose

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<v Speaker 1>is by no means so well understood as the conditions

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<v Speaker 1>of good government in a people capable of governing themselves.

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<v Speaker 1>We may even say that it is not understood at all.

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<v Speaker 1>The thing appears perfectly easy to superficial observers. If India,

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<v Speaker 1>for example, is not fit to govern itself, all that

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<v Speaker 1>seems to them required is that there should be a

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<v Speaker 1>minister to govern it, and that this minister, like all

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<v Speaker 1>other British ministers, should be responsible to the British Parliament. Unfortunately, this,

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<v Speaker 1>though the simplest mode of attempting to govern a dependency,

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<v Speaker 1>is about the worst, and betrays in its advocates a

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<v Speaker 1>total want of comprehension of the conditions of good government.

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<v Speaker 1>To govern a country under responsibility to the people of

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<v Speaker 1>that country, and to govern one country under responsibility to

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<v Speaker 1>the people of another are two very different things. What

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<v Speaker 1>makes the excellence of the first is that freedom is

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<v Speaker 1>preferable to despotism, but the last is despotism. The only

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<v Speaker 1>choice the case admits is the choice of despotisms. And

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<v Speaker 1>it is not certain that the despotism of twenty millions

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<v Speaker 1>is necess necessarily better than that of a few or

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<v Speaker 1>of one. But it is quite certain that the despotism

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<v Speaker 1>of those who neither hear, nor see nor know anything

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<v Speaker 1>about their subjects has many chances of being worse than

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<v Speaker 1>that of those who do. It is not usually thought

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<v Speaker 1>that the immediate agents of authority govern better because they

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<v Speaker 1>govern in the name of an absent master and of

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<v Speaker 1>one who has a thousand more pressing interests to attend

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<v Speaker 1>to the master may hold them to a strict responsibility

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<v Speaker 1>enforced by heavy penalties, but it is very questionable if

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<v Speaker 1>those penalties will often fall in the right place. It

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<v Speaker 1>is always under great difficulties and very imperfectly that a

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<v Speaker 1>country can be governed by foreigners, even when there is

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<v Speaker 1>no extreme disparity in habits and ideas between the rulers

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<v Speaker 1>and the rul Foreigners do not feel with the people.

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<v Speaker 1>They cannot judge by the light in which a thing

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<v Speaker 1>appears to their own minds, or the manner in which

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<v Speaker 1>it affects their feelings, how it will affect the feelings

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<v Speaker 1>or appear to the minds of the soul object population.

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<v Speaker 1>What a native of the country of average practical ability knows,

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<v Speaker 1>as it were, by instinct, they have to learn slowly

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<v Speaker 1>and after all imperfectly, by study and experience. The laws,

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<v Speaker 1>the customs, the social relations for which they have to legislate,

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<v Speaker 1>instead of being familiar to them from childhood, are all

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<v Speaker 1>strange to them. For most of their detailed knowledge, they

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<v Speaker 1>must depend on the information of natives, and it is

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<v Speaker 1>difficult for them to know whom to trust. They are feared, suspected,

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<v Speaker 1>probably disliked by the population seldom sought by them except

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<v Speaker 1>for interested purposes, and they are prone to think that

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<v Speaker 1>the servilely submissive of the trustworthy. Their danger is of

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<v Speaker 1>despising the natives, that of the natives is of disbelieving

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<v Speaker 1>that anything the strangers do can be intended for their good.

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<v Speaker 1>These are but a part of the difficulties that any

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<v Speaker 1>rulers have to struggle with who honestly attempt to govern

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<v Speaker 1>well a country in which they are foreigners. Overcome these

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<v Speaker 1>difficulties in any degree will always be a work of

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<v Speaker 1>much labor, requiring a very superior degree of capacity in

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<v Speaker 1>the chief administrators and a high average among the subordinates.

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<v Speaker 1>And the best organization of such a government is that

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<v Speaker 1>which will best ensure the labor, develop the capacity, and

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<v Speaker 1>place the highest specimens of it in the situations of

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<v Speaker 1>greatest trust. Responsibility to an authority which has gone through

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<v Speaker 1>none of the labor, acquired, none of the capacity, and

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<v Speaker 1>for the most part, is not even aware that either

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<v Speaker 1>in any peculiar degree is required, cannot be regarded as

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<v Speaker 1>a very effectual expedient for accomplishing these ends. End of

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<v Speaker 1>chapter eighteen. A recording by Bill Burst
