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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and Welcome to Western CIV. Episode four hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>ninety two, Bread and the Church. The year seventeen ninety

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<v Speaker 1>was a year of both triumph and fracture in the

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<v Speaker 1>French Revolution, a year that began with hungry voices of

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<v Speaker 1>the people in the streets, surging forward with radical legislative reform,

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<v Speaker 1>and ended with a bitter confrontation between the Church and

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<v Speaker 1>the revolution, laying the groundwork for all the division and

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<v Speaker 1>the violence that was to come. Before I talked about

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<v Speaker 1>the events of that year, I need to talk about

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<v Speaker 1>one of the guiding forces of the early Revolution, someone

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<v Speaker 1>that I've mentioned a couple of times, but I really

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<v Speaker 1>need to bring formally onto the board, and as Jean

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<v Speaker 1>Paul Marat. Jean Paul Marat's life before seventeen ninety was

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<v Speaker 1>one already of restless ambition, relentless struggle, and an almost

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<v Speaker 1>prophetic sense of being destined to collide with the forces

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<v Speaker 1>that will be the revolution. When the revolution opened in

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<v Speaker 1>seventeen eighty nine, Maraut stepped into history not as a

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<v Speaker 1>polished statesman or an eminent man of letters, but as

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<v Speaker 1>an outsider, an immigrant intellectual, a doctor, a scientist, and

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<v Speaker 1>a radical journalist. Who was determined to speak for those

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<v Speaker 1>he believed had no voice. Jean Paul Moratt was born

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<v Speaker 1>on the twenty fourth of May seventeen forty three in Baldris,

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<v Speaker 1>a small village in the Prussian Principality of Nichelle, which

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<v Speaker 1>today is actually part of Switzerland. His father, Giovanni Mara,

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<v Speaker 1>was of Sardinian origin and worked as a teacher. His mother,

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<v Speaker 1>Luis Cabral, was a Calvinist from Geneva. Marnt grew up

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<v Speaker 1>in modest circumstances, but quickly distinguished himself through intelligence and determination.

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<v Speaker 1>By his own account, he left home as a teenager

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<v Speaker 1>to make his way in the world, A wandering scholar

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<v Speaker 1>in search of opportunity, Marot studied in Geneva, then moved

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<v Speaker 1>across Europe, briefly in Italy, Holland, and finally England, pursuing

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<v Speaker 1>medicine and philosophy with equal fervor. He adopted the French

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<v Speaker 1>form of his name Marat, seeking to blend more easily

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<v Speaker 1>into the Francophone world. Marat spent more than a decade

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<v Speaker 1>living in London, where he supported himself through a variety

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<v Speaker 1>of means, tutoring, translating, and practicing medicine. He absorbed the

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<v Speaker 1>ideas of the English radical thought, especially John Locke and

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<v Speaker 1>the empiricists, but also the writings of David Hume and Voltaire.

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<v Speaker 1>It was in England that he began to form his

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<v Speaker 1>view of society as divided between a small, selfish elite

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<v Speaker 1>and the oppressed many. He gained some modest success as

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<v Speaker 1>a physician. His reputation was bolstered when he claimed to

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<v Speaker 1>have cured cases of venereal disease and tuberculosis with unconventional methods,

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<v Speaker 1>though his colleagues doubted his effectiveness. He cultivated aristocratic clients,

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<v Speaker 1>but his sympathies increasingly drifted towards the disadvantaged poor. Marat

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<v Speaker 1>also pursued science and philosophy. In seventeen seventy four he

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<v Speaker 1>published an essay on the Human Soul, reflecting his interest

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<v Speaker 1>and metaphysics and the mind. His ambition was to make

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<v Speaker 1>his mark as a thinker of European renown. By the

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<v Speaker 1>mid seventeen seventies, Maraunt returned to France and sought recognition

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<v Speaker 1>as both a doctor and a scientist. In Paris, he

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<v Speaker 1>secured a post as a physician to the personal guards

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<v Speaker 1>of the Comte de Artois, the king's youngest brother and

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<v Speaker 1>the future Charles the tenth. This gave him a degree

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<v Speaker 1>of prestige and income. Though he never abandoned his outsider status.

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<v Speaker 1>Marut threw himself into scientific experimentation. He published works on optics,

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<v Speaker 1>light and electricity, including Discoveries on Fire in seventeen seventy

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<v Speaker 1>nine and Memoir on the Theory of Light in seventeen eighty.

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<v Speaker 1>He corresponded with leading scientists of the day and hoped

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<v Speaker 1>to gain recognition from the academic des sciences, but he

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<v Speaker 1>never broke into its inner His scientific ambitions often met

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<v Speaker 1>with skepticism or outright dismissal. That sense of being rejected

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<v Speaker 1>by the elites, convinced of his own brilliance yet denied

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<v Speaker 1>entry into their institutions, would shape his incredible bitterness in

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<v Speaker 1>later years, as we will see with consequences. Even before

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<v Speaker 1>seventeen eighty nine, Murat wrote about politics, and he wrote

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<v Speaker 1>about politics a lot. In seventeen seventy four he published

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<v Speaker 1>Chains of Slavery, a fiery denunciation of tyranny which warned

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<v Speaker 1>the rulers inevitably sought to reduce their people to servitude.

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<v Speaker 1>He drew on examples from Rome and England, and his

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<v Speaker 1>message was clear, liberty must be guarded with vigilance. This

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<v Speaker 1>book anticipated the tone of his revolutionary journalism, apocalyptic, accusatory,

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<v Speaker 1>and relentless in its suspicion of authority. Throughout the seventeen eighties,

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<v Speaker 1>Maraaut continued to practice medicine in Paris, offering cheap treatment

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<v Speaker 1>to the poor, which earned him a degree of affection

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<v Speaker 1>in the city's working class districts. He lived simply, often

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<v Speaker 1>in cramped lodgings, and cultivated a reputation as a doctor

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<v Speaker 1>who would not refuse those who could not pay. When

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<v Speaker 1>the Estates General was summoned in seventeen eighty nine, Marat

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<v Speaker 1>was not a deputy. He was an outsider. He didn't

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<v Speaker 1>have political office, and he certainly didn't have a noble rank.

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<v Speaker 1>But he was drawn irresistibly, like the proverbial moth to

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<v Speaker 1>the flame, right of to the unfolding revolution, to the

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<v Speaker 1>simple speed and pace of events. The fall of the

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<v Speaker 1>Bass Deal and the subsequent explosion of political debate convinced

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<v Speaker 1>Marat that he had finally found the arena in which

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<v Speaker 1>his voice could matter. In September of seventeen eighty nine,

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<v Speaker 1>Marat began publishing a small journal, Publicite Parision, in which

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<v Speaker 1>he soon renamed the Alimid the People the Friend of

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<v Speaker 1>the people. With this paper, this is when Marat really

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<v Speaker 1>forges his identity as the watchdog, the uncompromising watchdog of

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<v Speaker 1>the revolution. The title was no accident. He cast himself

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<v Speaker 1>as the lone defenders of the sans culottes, the poor

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<v Speaker 1>artisans and workers who crowded Paris. Marat's style was unlike

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<v Speaker 1>the measured tones of most deputies. His writing was raw, angry,

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<v Speaker 1>and often violent. In its prescriptions, he accused ministers of

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<v Speaker 1>true reason, denounced nobles's parasites, and warned constantly of conspiracies

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<v Speaker 1>against the revolution. He had little patience for moderation, as

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<v Speaker 1>he declared in one issue quote, five or six hundred

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<v Speaker 1>heads cut off would have assured your repose, liberty and happiness.

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<v Speaker 1>By the time seventeen ninety began, Maraut was already notorious.

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<v Speaker 1>He had attacked Jacques Nequier, the popular finance minister, in January,

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<v Speaker 1>accusing him of betrayal and incompetence. His ceaseless calls for

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<v Speaker 1>vigilance and punishment alarmed authorities. On January the twenty second.

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<v Speaker 1>The Paris municipal police attempted to arrest him for sedition,

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<v Speaker 1>but a crowd of the Sans Culottes came to his defense,

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<v Speaker 1>allowing him to escape. Pursued and threatened, he fled temporarily

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<v Speaker 1>to London, where he continued to write and plan his return. Thus,

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<v Speaker 1>on the eve of seventeen ninety, Marat stood as both

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<v Speaker 1>fugitive and profit. He was no great man of birth

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<v Speaker 1>or office, but a self made intellectual, physician and journalist

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<v Speaker 1>who had fused personal resentment with revolutionary zeal. The revolution

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<v Speaker 1>had given him the platform he had long sought, and

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<v Speaker 1>his enemies would soon discover that Marot's pen was as

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<v Speaker 1>dangerous as any sword, Which brings us back to the

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<v Speaker 1>new year of seventeen ninety, a new year that opened

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<v Speaker 1>with hunger. On January the seventh, a riot erupted in

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<v Speaker 1>Versailles as crowds demanded lower bread prices. Bread had always

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<v Speaker 1>been the measure of life in France. When prices rose

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<v Speaker 1>beyond the reach of workers, rebellion was never far behind,

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<v Speaker 1>and it was only days later when Jean Paul Morant,

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<v Speaker 1>who I just introduced, turned his pen of the friend

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<v Speaker 1>of the people against Jockncaire, the finance minister who had

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<v Speaker 1>once been hailed as the savior of the King's finances.

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<v Speaker 1>In January the eighteenth, Mauraut accused Necare of weakness, compromise,

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<v Speaker 1>and the betrayal of the revolution. Neckaire, once the darling

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<v Speaker 1>of the people was starting to lose his sheen, his popularity,

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<v Speaker 1>and his protection, as I mentioned, the Paris authorities quickly

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<v Speaker 1>moved to silence Marut. On January the twenty second, the

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<v Speaker 1>municipal police attempted to arrest him for his violent denunciations,

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<v Speaker 1>but when they came for him, a crowd of Sansculeau gathered,

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<v Speaker 1>their fists raised and their long sworn loyalty to the journalist,

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<v Speaker 1>protecting the man who spoke their language. Moraunt managed to

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<v Speaker 1>escape the authorities and fled across the channel to London.

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<v Speaker 1>For now, his absence only heightened his legend now. Meanwhile,

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<v Speaker 1>the National Assembly pressed ahead with sweeping reforms. On February

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<v Speaker 1>the thirteenth, it suppressed the contemplative religious orders forbidding new

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<v Speaker 1>monastic vows from being taken. The cloisters and abbeys that

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<v Speaker 1>had stood for centuries as sanctuaries of prayer were declared

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<v Speaker 1>obsolete in the new order of reason. Ten days later,

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<v Speaker 1>on February the twenty third, the Assembly required coures, the

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<v Speaker 1>humble parish priest scattered across France to read its decrees

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<v Speaker 1>aloud from the pulpit. The revolution was carried not just

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<v Speaker 1>in Paris, but into every village, every parish, every soul. Meanwhile,

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<v Speaker 1>the nobility's last bastion of privilege was under assault. On

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<v Speaker 1>February the twenty eighth, the Assembly abolished the requirement that

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<v Speaker 1>army officers be of noble birth. The path of honor

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<v Speaker 1>in the military, once a birthright of aristocrats, was now

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<v Speaker 1>open to everyone. But in the colonies, liberty stopped short.

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<v Speaker 1>Now the stakes were enormous. Francis Caribbean colonies San domini Ke,

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<v Speaker 1>which is modern Haiti, Martinique, and Guadeloupe were among the

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<v Speaker 1>richest territories in the world. Sanamini Ka alone produced about

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<v Speaker 1>forty percent of Europe's sugar and more than half of

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<v Speaker 1>its coffee. That wealth floated into the pockets of French

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<v Speaker 1>planters and merchants and threw them into the coffers of

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<v Speaker 1>the kingdom. The colonial economy, however, rested on the brutal

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<v Speaker 1>labor of nearly half a million enslaved Africans ruled over

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<v Speaker 1>the fewer than maybe forty thousand whites and thirty thousand

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<v Speaker 1>free people of color. When the Revolution began, colonial planters

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<v Speaker 1>feared that metropolitan reformers might extend the principles of the

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<v Speaker 1>Declaration to the colonies. Planters and merchants in France quickly

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<v Speaker 1>organized themselves into the Club Massaic, a powerful lobbying group

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<v Speaker 1>in Paris. They insisted that colonial matters were a special case,

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<v Speaker 1>bound by delicate balances that could not be disrupted without ruination.

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<v Speaker 1>The Assembly ultimately took up this question in March of

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<v Speaker 1>seventeen ninety. The issue was not abstract at all. Free

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<v Speaker 1>people of color in San Dominique had already begun petitioning

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<v Speaker 1>for the rights of citizenship. Citing the Declaration of the

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<v Speaker 1>Rights of Man. They argued that, as property holders and

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<v Speaker 1>often slave owners themselves, they were entitled to re presentation

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<v Speaker 1>and equality before the law. Their petitions alarmed white planters,

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<v Speaker 1>who saw them in a slippery slope that might eventually

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<v Speaker 1>lead to emancipation. The planter's allies in the Assembly, men

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<v Speaker 1>like Barnave and Moreau de Saint Marie insisted that the

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<v Speaker 1>colonies were just too valuable to risk with rash reforms.

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<v Speaker 1>They advanced several arguments. Number one, pure economic necessity. The

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<v Speaker 1>colony is worthy quote unquote jewel of France providing wealth,

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<v Speaker 1>trade and jobs. Abolishing slavery or extending full rights to

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<v Speaker 1>freemen of color would destabilize the plantation economy. Number two,

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<v Speaker 1>special circumstances. The colonies, they argued, were different from France.

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<v Speaker 1>The Declaration of Rights of Man might apply in principle,

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<v Speaker 1>but in practice colonies this required exceptions. There was, also,

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<v Speaker 1>of course, the third argument, the ever present fear of

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<v Speaker 1>a slave uprising. Planters warned that even small reforms such

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<v Speaker 1>as extending political rights to free people of color, would

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<v Speaker 1>inflame racial tensions and risk massive uprisings among the enslaved majority.

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<v Speaker 1>One deputy bluntly stated that without slavery quote, the colonies

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<v Speaker 1>would be nothing more than a useless burden end quote. Now.

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<v Speaker 1>Of course, on the other side of the argument, so

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<v Speaker 1>the Society de mist Noirs Society of the Friends of

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<v Speaker 1>the Blacks, led by figures like Jacques Pierre Brissau, at

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<v Speaker 1>Tienne Cavier and Abbi Grenaire. They denounced the hypocrisy declaring

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<v Speaker 1>universal rights while condoning slavery. Their arguments drew on moral, religious,

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<v Speaker 1>and political grounds, arguing the universal of rights, declaring that

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<v Speaker 1>the revolution couldn't stop on the shores of France, that

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<v Speaker 1>the rights belonged to all men, regardless of color or birthplace.

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<v Speaker 1>They argued Christian morality, the perpetuating slavery was a sin

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<v Speaker 1>against God and against nature. They argued about the danger

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<v Speaker 1>of delay. The friends of the Blacks warned that refusing

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<v Speaker 1>reforms would only make rebellion more likely, as oppressed groups

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<v Speaker 1>would eventually rise on their own oppressient that third argument

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<v Speaker 1>would eventually seem still their voices were a minority. Many deputies,

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<v Speaker 1>while sympathetic to the voices and ideals of equality, feared

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<v Speaker 1>economic and political consequences of radical change, And so it

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<v Speaker 1>was that on March the eighth, seventeen ninety, the National

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<v Speaker 1>Assembly reached a compromise that revealed both the daring and

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<v Speaker 1>timidity of the revolution. The Assembly voted to maintain slavery

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<v Speaker 1>in the colonies, but to allow the establishment of colonial

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<v Speaker 1>assemblies composed of white colonists to manage local affairs. This

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<v Speaker 1>decision gave the planters greater autonomy while reaffirming the economic

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<v Speaker 1>system that sustained their wealth. The decree effectively dodged the

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<v Speaker 1>question of applying the rights of men to colonial society.

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<v Speaker 1>Deputies argued that they were not denying universal rights, only

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<v Speaker 1>acknowledging practical limits in far off distant territories. In truth,

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<v Speaker 1>though it was of course a retreat, it was obvious

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<v Speaker 1>that the language of liberty stopped at the plantation gates.

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<v Speaker 1>For the friends of the Blacks, the March decree was

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<v Speaker 1>a bitter disappointment. Brisseau wrote that France had betrayed its

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<v Speaker 1>own revolution. Abbi rire lamented that the Assembly had bowed

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<v Speaker 1>quote to and fear for the planters. That decision was

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<v Speaker 1>a course of victory, but it was only temporary. The

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<v Speaker 1>refusal to extend equality to freemen of color and the

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<v Speaker 1>preservation of slavery would eventually plant the seeds of a

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<v Speaker 1>deadly and vicious revolt and the colonies themselves. The news

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<v Speaker 1>was received with tension. In San Dominique, free people of

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<v Speaker 1>color continued to demand their rights. By June, biracial residents

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<v Speaker 1>of Martinique staged in uprising, and only a year later,

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<v Speaker 1>in seventeen ninety one, the enslaved of San Dominique would

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<v Speaker 1>rise in what became the Haitian Revolution, proving that the

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<v Speaker 1>assemblies compromise had only delayed, not preventing the reckoning to come.

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<v Speaker 1>Just four days after the slavery vote, on March the twelfth,

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<v Speaker 1>the Assembly authorized the sale of church lands, transferring vast

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<v Speaker 1>wealth into the hands of the municipalities. Pope reacted in alarm.

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<v Speaker 1>On March the twenty ninth, Pius the sixth, in secret

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<v Speaker 1>condemned the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen

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<v Speaker 1>as a heresy against devine order. The spring was a

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<v Speaker 1>restless one. Between April the fifth and June the tenth,

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<v Speaker 1>riots broke out across the provinces in France in Van's

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<v Speaker 1>names to loose to Laan and Avignon. These were not

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<v Speaker 1>riots for bread, but this time for God. Devout Catholics,

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<v Speaker 1>outraged by the suppression of religious life, took to the

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<v Speaker 1>streets to defend their faith. The revolution's political culture deepened.

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<v Speaker 1>On April the seventeenth, the Cordiers Club was founded in

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<v Speaker 1>a former convent, becoming a hotbed of radical democracy and

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<v Speaker 1>popular politics. Meanwhile, the old Order was met with violence

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<v Speaker 1>On April the thirtieth, riots shook Marseilles. Three forts fell

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<v Speaker 1>to the insurgents, and the commander of Fort Saint Jean

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<v Speaker 1>de Chevier de Cavalier was assassinated. New societies sprang up everywhere.

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<v Speaker 1>May the twelfth, Lafayette and Bayi, seeking a more moderate path,

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<v Speaker 1>founded the Society of seventeen eighty nine. On May fifteenth,

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<v Speaker 1>the Assembly voted to redeem their feudal dues. Three days later,

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<v Speaker 1>Marat Remember, who had been in exile in London, returned

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<v Speaker 1>triumphant and resumed his fire republications. Then, on May the

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<v Speaker 1>twenty second, the Assembly took a decisive step in foreign policy.

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<v Speaker 1>It determined that once and for all, the people, acting

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<v Speaker 1>through the National Assembly were the only ones that could

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<v Speaker 1>decide issues of war and peace, though the king would

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<v Speaker 1>retain a lie limited and often ceremonial role. Festivals erupted

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<v Speaker 1>as a response on May the thirtieth in Lyon, on

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<v Speaker 1>June the second in Lilie, in June the thirteenth in Strasbourg,

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<v Speaker 1>and finally in June nineteenth in Rowan. FETs de Federacion

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<v Speaker 1>celebrated the revolution with music, oaths and civic unity, but

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<v Speaker 1>beyond the seas trouble stirred. On June the third, biracial

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<v Speaker 1>residents of Martinique rose up against colonial authorities, and on

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<v Speaker 1>June the nineteenth, the Assembly abolished noble titles entirely, stripping

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<v Speaker 1>dukes and counts of their ancient styles. That same day,

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<v Speaker 1>diplomats in Reichenbach, diplomats from England, Austria, Prussia, and the

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<v Speaker 1>United Provinces of the Netherlands met to consider for the

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<v Speaker 1>first time whether foreign powers should end against the revolution.

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<v Speaker 1>The storm was gathering, though it would take some time

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<v Speaker 1>to break. Meanwhile, back at home, domestic affairs continued to pace.

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<v Speaker 1>On July the twelfth, the Assembly passed the civil Constitution

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<v Speaker 1>of the clergy. The church was now to be reorganized,

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<v Speaker 1>its bishops and priests elected by the people, and its

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<v Speaker 1>allegiance owed not to Rome but to the French nation.

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<v Speaker 1>On July the fourteenth, the first anniversary of the fall

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<v Speaker 1>of the Bastille, the Fete de la Federacion on the

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<v Speaker 1>Champ de Mars brought together the King, the Queen, Assembly

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<v Speaker 1>and the people. Lafayette, standing before the vast crowd, swore

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<v Speaker 1>quote to be ever faithful to the nation, to the law,

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<v Speaker 1>and to the king for one day at least France

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<v Speaker 1>stood un It would prove to be the last. The

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<v Speaker 1>Pope was the first to move against the crushing tide.

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<v Speaker 1>On July the twenty third, he secretly assured Louis the

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<v Speaker 1>sixteenth of his support against these new laws. Days later,

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<v Speaker 1>Maraut escalated the confrontation, publishing a call on the twenty

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<v Speaker 1>sixth of July for the execution seemingly indiscriminately hundreds of aristocrats.

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<v Speaker 1>The Assembly, alarmed, attempted to rein him in. On July

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<v Speaker 1>the thirty first, it initiated legal proceedings against Marnt and

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<v Speaker 1>Camille des Moyenes for their incitements to violence. The Assembly

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<v Speaker 1>now desperately moved to try to restore order. On August

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<v Speaker 1>the sixteenth, it created Justices of the Peace to replace

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<v Speaker 1>old signiorial courts, while also calling for renewed scipline in

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<v Speaker 1>the army. But on August the thirty first, a mutiny

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<v Speaker 1>in Nancia exploded into violence between rebellious soldiers and members

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<v Speaker 1>of the National Guard. It seemed everywhere now discipline was collapsing.

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<v Speaker 1>Finance followed. On September the fourth, Jacques de Caire was

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<v Speaker 1>finally in I guess refreshingly from his perspective, dismissed, and

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<v Speaker 1>the Assembly assumed control over the treasury. The revolutionaries had

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<v Speaker 1>now seized the purse strings of France, only to discover

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<v Speaker 1>the purse was empty. Days later, on September the sixteenth,

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<v Speaker 1>sailors mutinied at Brest, echoing the unrest in the army.

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<v Speaker 1>The King's confidence and the revolution now started to crumble.

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<v Speaker 1>On October the sixth, he wrote to his cousin, Charles

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<v Speaker 1>the fourth of Spain, expressing his hostility to these new

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<v Speaker 1>ecclesiastical rules. On twelfth, the Assembly dissolved the colonial Assembly

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<v Speaker 1>of San Dominek, reaffirming slavery. Nine days later, on the

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<v Speaker 1>October twenty first, it decreed that the tricolor flag was

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<v Speaker 1>now the new national emblem, permanent, re replacing the white

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<v Speaker 1>banner of the Bourbons. And it was the colonies now

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<v Speaker 1>that started to burn. On November fourth, there was an

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<v Speaker 1>insurrection on the Eele de France, which is present day Mauritius.

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<v Speaker 1>On November the twenty fifth, enslaved people on San demini

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<v Speaker 1>Que rose up in defiance. This is the first spark

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<v Speaker 1>of what is eventually going to become the Haitian Revolution,

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<v Speaker 1>which to a large extent, is going to run on

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<v Speaker 1>a parallel track to what's going on in France. But

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<v Speaker 1>the biggest fracture came in late November of seventeen ninety.

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<v Speaker 1>On that day, in November the twenty seventh, the Assembly

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<v Speaker 1>decreed that all clergy had to s where an oath

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<v Speaker 1>of loyalty to the nation, the law, and the King.

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<v Speaker 1>For many priests this was a rubicon, a line they

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<v Speaker 1>could not cross. To swear it meant betraying their oath

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<v Speaker 1>to the Pope in Rome. To refuse meant to betray France.

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<v Speaker 1>They didn't know what to do. They weren't alone. Louis

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<v Speaker 1>the sixteenth hesitated, but on December third he was writing

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<v Speaker 1>secretly to King Frederick Wilhelm the Second of Prussia, pleading

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<v Speaker 1>for armed intervention to restore his authority. On December the

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<v Speaker 1>twenty seventh, thirty nine clerical deputies in the Assembly took

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<v Speaker 1>the oath that had been requested to him, but everyone

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<v Speaker 1>else refused, and so now the schism between the Revolution

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<v Speaker 1>and the Church was forever complete. The year seventeen ninety

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<v Speaker 1>began with riots for bread and ended with secret royal

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<v Speaker 1>pleas for foreign armies. It saw the people in the streets,

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<v Speaker 1>Marah in exile, and then once more in triumph, the

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<v Speaker 1>nobility stripped of its privileges, the church split from the state,

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<v Speaker 1>and the Tricolor now raised as the emblem of a

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<v Speaker 1>new France. It was a year of festivals and of mutinies,

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<v Speaker 1>of oaths taken and oaths refused. Above all, it was

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<v Speaker 1>the year when the revolution truly ceased to be a

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<v Speaker 1>reform of the monarchy, an attempt to change the old system,

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<v Speaker 1>and instead became a true revolution, a struggle for the

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<v Speaker 1>soul of France.
