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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to Western SIEV episode five hundred and fourteen,

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<v Speaker 1>the Cry of Dolores. Now for a moment, what I

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<v Speaker 1>need everybody to do is just kind of disregard your

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<v Speaker 1>views of modern day Mexico, whether those are extraordinarily positive,

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<v Speaker 1>extraordinarily negative, or maybe somewhere in between. Mexico, which was

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<v Speaker 1>New Spain around the year eighteen hundred, was a land

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<v Speaker 1>of extraordinary contrasts. There were vast silver mines in the

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<v Speaker 1>north that fed the treasuries of Spain, rich haciendas that

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<v Speaker 1>dominated the countryside, and bustling cities like Mexico City that

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<v Speaker 1>rang with the sound of church bells and the chatter

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<v Speaker 1>of merchants from every corner of the Spanish Empire. But

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<v Speaker 1>beneath the surface there were extraordinary fissures. For three centuries,

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<v Speaker 1>Spanish colonial rule created a rigid hierarchy that defined every

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<v Speaker 1>aspect of life. At the top stood the peninsularres. Those

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<v Speaker 1>were the Spaniards who had been born on the Iberian Peninsula,

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<v Speaker 1>and they monopolized every single high office in the land.

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<v Speaker 1>Below them were the creolis, American born Spaniards. They were wealthy, educated,

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<v Speaker 1>and increasingly they were resentful of being treated as second

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<v Speaker 1>class citizens because of where they were born. Further down

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<v Speaker 1>the ladder there were the mestisos and indigenous peoples who

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<v Speaker 1>bore the heaviest burdens of taxation, forced labor, and land dispossession.

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<v Speaker 1>African descended peoples, both free and in slave, navigated a

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<v Speaker 1>world that granted them few rights under what was effectively

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<v Speaker 1>the caste or cast a system. Now hovering over all

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<v Speaker 1>of it, of course, was a growing sense of instability

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<v Speaker 1>that was coming primarily from Europe. In eighteen o eight, Napoleon,

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<v Speaker 1>as we know, invaded Spain and forced the King, Ferdinand

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<v Speaker 1>the Seventh to abdicate, with the Spanish crown suddenly without head,

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<v Speaker 1>the colonies of the Empire were plunged into uncertainty. Who

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<v Speaker 1>now held legitimate authority, who spoke for the all powerful

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<v Speaker 1>Spanish monarch, and quite frankly, was obedience still required at all?

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<v Speaker 1>These were the questions that slowly at first and then

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<v Speaker 1>with explosive force, pulled Mexico quickly into a revolution. Now

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<v Speaker 1>throughout the late eighteenth century war bond reforms had attempted

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<v Speaker 1>to modernize the Spanish Empire from the monarchs, with their

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<v Speaker 1>bureaucracy had raised taxes, strengthened the military and placed ever

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<v Speaker 1>more authority in the hands of the Peninsulares. To many Creoles,

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<v Speaker 1>this was an insult to indigenous communities and mestistos in Mexico.

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<v Speaker 1>It was a burden that only deepened their feelings of inequality.

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<v Speaker 1>That the ideas from the wider Atlantic were also quick

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<v Speaker 1>to begin to seep south into Mexico. The American Revolution

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<v Speaker 1>began to suggest that maybe colonies could after all challenge

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<v Speaker 1>distant monarchies, and the French Revolution, which followed quickly on

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<v Speaker 1>its heals, preached equality and the rights of man, though

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<v Speaker 1>of course the violence of the terror made the elites

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<v Speaker 1>in Mexico uneasy. And then there was the Haitian Revolution,

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<v Speaker 1>led by the people of African descent, who overthrew slavery

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<v Speaker 1>and colonial rule. Both inspired and terrified observers across Latin America.

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<v Speaker 1>By eighteen ten, the reality was Mexico had become a

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<v Speaker 1>powder keg and it was ready to burst, And in

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<v Speaker 1>the quiet town of Dolores, a priest named Miguel Hidalgo

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<v Speaker 1>Ecostia provided the spark. On the night of September fifteenth,

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen ten, conspirators gathered in the home of Hidalgo, a

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<v Speaker 1>sparish priest known for his unorthodox views, is concern for

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<v Speaker 1>the poor and his intellectual curiosity. Word had reached them

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<v Speaker 1>that the conspiracy to overthrow colonial rule had been discovered,

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<v Speaker 1>and so there was now no time left. They had

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<v Speaker 1>to act. Early in the cold dawn of September the sixteenth,

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<v Speaker 1>Hidalgo stepped outside the church, rang its bell and issued

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<v Speaker 1>what history remembers as the Grito de Delores, the Cry

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<v Speaker 1>of Dolores. We don't actually have the exact words that

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<v Speaker 1>father hid Alago offered on that cold morning, but contemporaries

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<v Speaker 1>recall the spirit quote, my children, will you recover the

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<v Speaker 1>land stolen from your forefathers? Will you defend your religion

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<v Speaker 1>and rights? Long live our Lady of Guadalupe, Death to

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<v Speaker 1>bad government end quote. Now these were words that, of course,

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<v Speaker 1>you could have switched around slightly and put in the

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<v Speaker 1>mouth of say Patrick, Henry or Moraut in the French Revolution.

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<v Speaker 1>This were revolutionary times across the world, and everybody was

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<v Speaker 1>kind of preaching the same ideas. So it was only

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<v Speaker 1>natural that eventually Mexico would pick up the baton and

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<v Speaker 1>run with it, and run with it by the way

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<v Speaker 1>they definitely did. Now, of course, this wasn't a refined

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<v Speaker 1>political manifesto. It was something that was actually a little

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<v Speaker 1>bit more powerful. It was a call to action addressed

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<v Speaker 1>to the ordinary people of Mexico, indigenous villagers, mestisos, laborers,

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<v Speaker 1>small farmers, those who had never before been invited into

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<v Speaker 1>the political life of the empire, and the rebellion exploded

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<v Speaker 1>with astonishing speed. Quickly thereafter, the conspirators marched to Guantanto,

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<v Speaker 1>a much larger town nearby, and within days tens of

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<v Speaker 1>thousands of people were rallying to Father Hidalgo, many armed

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<v Speaker 1>with sticks, slings and only farm tools. They morved first

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<v Speaker 1>towards the prosperous binding city of Guantanto, where a bloody

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<v Speaker 1>confrontation unfolded. Royalist defenders barricaded themselves in a nearby massive granary,

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<v Speaker 1>but the building was stormed after a legendary miner nicknamed

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<v Speaker 1>El Papilla set fire to the door. The victory, kind

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<v Speaker 1>of like the bast deal, gave the rebel momentum, but

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<v Speaker 1>it also set the tone of uncontrolled violence that frightened

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<v Speaker 1>the creole elites and drove some into the arms of

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<v Speaker 1>the royalists. Heidalgo's massive but poorly trained army quickly pushed

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<v Speaker 1>forward toward Mexico City. Panic gripped the colonial government. Yet,

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<v Speaker 1>at Monte de las Crusis in late October, despite winning

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<v Speaker 1>a major battle, Hidalgo hesitated. Now why he turned back

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<v Speaker 1>at this point remains debated. Perhaps he feared a massacre,

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps he realized that his forces were not prepared to

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<v Speaker 1>fight an urban battle. The hesitation marked a turning point

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<v Speaker 1>in the Mexican War of Independence. Royalist forces were able

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<v Speaker 1>to recover, and by early eighteen eleven, Hidalgo was captured.

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<v Speaker 1>He had been then defracked by the Roman Catholic Church

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<v Speaker 1>and executed, but of course the rebellion and revolution didn't

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<v Speaker 1>die with him. After Hidalgo's death, leadership passed to a

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<v Speaker 1>former student of his, Jose Maria Morales, another priest. He

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<v Speaker 1>was more disciplined, strategic, and driven by a much clearer

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<v Speaker 1>political vision of Mexico's future. From eighteen eleven to eighteen fifteen,

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<v Speaker 1>Morelos led a series of brilliant gorilla campaigns across southern Mexico.

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<v Speaker 1>Unlike Hidalgo's mass uprising, Morales sought to get trained troops

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<v Speaker 1>he wanted organization, and he wanted to hold on the

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<v Speaker 1>territory that they were able to capture, and they worked quickly.

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<v Speaker 1>Morales and his troops captured key cities imports, including Wahaca

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<v Speaker 1>and Acapoco, and created functioning local governments. Morales then called

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<v Speaker 1>a Congress at Chipakingo in eighteen thirteen, which produced one

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<v Speaker 1>of the foundational documents of Mexican nationalism. He sent to

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<v Speaker 1>Mendiento Ste la Nacion the Feelings of the Nation. Much

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<v Speaker 1>like the Declaration of Independence or perhaps the Declaration of

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<v Speaker 1>the Rights of Man in the French Revolution. It laid

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<v Speaker 1>out a program for what it saw as the future

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<v Speaker 1>for Mexico and also the reasons for separation from Spain.

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<v Speaker 1>Its ideas were pretty simple. One gain independence from the

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<v Speaker 1>Spanish monarchy. Number two, abolished slavery number three and the

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<v Speaker 1>rigid caste system. Number four, make sure that sovereignty resides

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<v Speaker 1>in the Mexican people, not in a distant government and

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<v Speaker 1>not in a monarch, And finally, enshrine Catholicism forever as

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<v Speaker 1>the national religion of Mexico. It was a revolutionary document

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<v Speaker 1>both in spirit and substance, a new social order, not

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<v Speaker 1>merely a transfer of power from peninsulares to creolos. This

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<v Speaker 1>is when the Mexican Revolution starts to look a lot

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<v Speaker 1>more like the French Revolution than the American Revolution, which

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<v Speaker 1>you could argue was just a transfer of power from

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<v Speaker 1>one group of elites to another group of elites. This

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<v Speaker 1>was a total restructuring. After all, the Mexicans appeared at

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<v Speaker 1>this point to be ready to do something that the

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<v Speaker 1>Americans weren't, and that was abolished slavery. And certainly no

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<v Speaker 1>one in New England had any intention of eliminating their

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<v Speaker 1>quasi caste system. But of course Spanish power wasn't going

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<v Speaker 1>to go away instantaneously, and it slowly reasserted itself. A young,

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<v Speaker 1>dynamic all Royalist officer named Augustine de Terbe harried Morales's forces,

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<v Speaker 1>and in eighteen fifteen, Morales, like Hidalgo, was captured, defrocked,

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<v Speaker 1>and executed. And so by eighteen sixteen the war seemed

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<v Speaker 1>to be collapsing. Yet independence survived in the hills and

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<v Speaker 1>countrysides of southern and central Mexico, kept alive by low

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<v Speaker 1>coo guerilla leaders, most famously Vicent de Guireo, a mixed

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<v Speaker 1>race fighter whose tenacity would shape Mexico's future. For several years,

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<v Speaker 1>the conflict stagnated, neither side could win outright, but events

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<v Speaker 1>thousands of miles away reshaped everything. In eighteen twenty, Spanish

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<v Speaker 1>army officers revolted and forced King Ferdinand the Seventh to

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<v Speaker 1>restore the Constitution of eighteen twelve, a liberal charter limiting

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<v Speaker 1>royal power and expanding rights to Mexican conservatives, especially the

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<v Speaker 1>Creolos and Catholic hierarchy. This new liberal order was alarming.

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<v Speaker 1>They feared a couple of things. They feared weakened church authority,

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<v Speaker 1>They feared property reforms, and they feared reduced power for

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<v Speaker 1>colonial elites. Suddenly, many who once fought for Spain began

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<v Speaker 1>to wonder if independence might actually protect their interests better

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<v Speaker 1>than remaining tied to a liberalized Spain. No convert was

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<v Speaker 1>more dramatic or consequential than Augustine de Terbe himself. Eyterbe,

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<v Speaker 1>once the scourge of the Mexican insurgents, now approached Guerrero

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<v Speaker 1>with a surprising proposal, what if they joined forces and

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<v Speaker 1>created a broad coalition for independence. In February of eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>twenty one, he unveiled what was called the Plan of Igala,

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<v Speaker 1>which offered three guarantees, only this time independence from Spain.

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<v Speaker 1>Unity among all social classes didn't say anything about eliminating

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<v Speaker 1>the caste system, and by social classes he meant pensulaes, creolos, mestizo's,

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<v Speaker 1>indigenous peoples, and black peoples. But again, unity didn't mean

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<v Speaker 1>the elimination of social distinctions. And finally, Catholicism as the

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<v Speaker 1>sole religion of this new state. Eyturbe's message was clear.

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<v Speaker 1>Independence wasn't going to overturn society. The idea was to

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<v Speaker 1>achieve independence, transfer power, and then stabilize society. Guerrero, long

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<v Speaker 1>committed to a more egalitarian vision, nonetheless agreed, seeing independence

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<v Speaker 1>as the first necessary step. Together, they formed the army

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<v Speaker 1>of the three guarantees, and the plans succeeded because it

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<v Speaker 1>united groups that previously had been so divided. It united

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<v Speaker 1>conservatives who feared Spain's new increasing liberalism. It concerned creolos

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<v Speaker 1>who wanted political power. It brought in insurgents who had

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<v Speaker 1>fought for an independence for a decade, brought in merchants

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<v Speaker 1>who simply want instability, and it brought in local communities

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<v Speaker 1>longing for relief for war. The new coalition quickly swept

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<v Speaker 1>across Mexico with astonishing speed. Spanish authority crumbled almost overnight.

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<v Speaker 1>By August eighteen twenty one, the last Viceroy de de

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<v Speaker 1>ju realized that resistance was impossible, and so he signed

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<v Speaker 1>the famous Treaty of Cordeba, recognizing Mexican independence. On September

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<v Speaker 1>the twenty seventh, eighteen twenty one, e Turbe marched into

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<v Speaker 1>Mexico City at the head of the army of the

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<v Speaker 1>Three Guarantees. Bells rang and crowds shouted vive in Deepenzia.

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<v Speaker 1>After three centuries of Spanish rule and eleven years of

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<v Speaker 1>bitter conflict, Mexico was free. But of course independence did

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<v Speaker 1>not bring peace. In fact, it opened a new chapter

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<v Speaker 1>of political turmoil. That new chapter that we'll get into

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<v Speaker 1>right after this. Now, Mexico had won independence, but they

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<v Speaker 1>had done so without really agreeing on what independence actually meant.

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<v Speaker 1>This is kind of a repeating theme throughout this period

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<v Speaker 1>in history. There was no constitution in place, There was

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<v Speaker 1>no consensus on the structure of government. There was no

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<v Speaker 1>agreement about the role of the church, the army, or

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<v Speaker 1>the regions. The Viceroy of New Spain vast diverse and

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<v Speaker 1>deeply unequal had fractured long before independence was achieved. Now

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<v Speaker 1>the question was how to put it back together again

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<v Speaker 1>and again. It's worth remembering at this point that Mexico

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<v Speaker 1>stretches from the present southern border of Mexico all the

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<v Speaker 1>way up to present day Colorado and California in the

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<v Speaker 1>United States, So this is pretty massive territory that everyone

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<v Speaker 1>had to deal with. Between eighteen twenty one and eighteen forty,

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<v Speaker 1>Mexico would try out empires, republics, dictatorships, and federal systems,

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<v Speaker 1>all while still searching for a stable political identity. Interestingly enough,

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<v Speaker 1>Mexico's first experience in government was another monarchy, because Augustine

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<v Speaker 1>de Turbe, the gentleman who had switch sides, charismatic popular

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<v Speaker 1>with the military, quickly became the leading figure in post

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<v Speaker 1>independence Mexico. While the Plan of Igala had envisioned a

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<v Speaker 1>European prince leading a constitutional monarchy, no one was willing

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<v Speaker 1>to accept the invitation, So in May of eighteen twenty two,

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<v Speaker 1>a newly convened Mexican Congress declared Eyterbe Emperor Augustine the First.

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<v Speaker 1>At first, the crowds cheered, but beneath the surface opposition

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<v Speaker 1>quickly grew. Mexico inherited a financial crisis. There was a

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<v Speaker 1>crushing debt and a devastated economy, not the least of

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<v Speaker 1>which devastated because of two decades of on again off

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<v Speaker 1>against civil war. There was also massive regional divisions. Provinces

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<v Speaker 1>resisted central authority and many wanted federal autonomy. There were

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<v Speaker 1>political factions. Republicans mistrusted monarchists, clergy feared reforms, and military

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<v Speaker 1>officers everywhere jockeyed for influence. So when Congress criticized the

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<v Speaker 1>emperor for his inability to deal with these myriad problems,

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<v Speaker 1>Emperor Augustine the First simply responded by dissolving Congress opponents

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<v Speaker 1>then soon rallied behind a rising political figure who's going

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<v Speaker 1>to play a role in Mexico's story all the way

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<v Speaker 1>through the US Mexico War, and that is Antonio Lopez

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<v Speaker 1>Date Santa Anna, a young officer whose ambition oftentimes outpaced

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<v Speaker 1>his experience and skill. In eighteen twenty three, when Santa

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<v Speaker 1>Anna was still a young military officer, he and other leaders,

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<v Speaker 1>most notably Guadalupe Victoria and Bisante Gerrero, proclaimed the Plan

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<v Speaker 1>of Casa Mata, calling for the restoration of Congress and

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<v Speaker 1>the end of Eturbay's emperorship, and each Bay's support quickly evaporated.

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<v Speaker 1>He abdicated in March of eighteen twenty three after not

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<v Speaker 1>even two years, and went into exile in Europe, only

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<v Speaker 1>to return in eighteen twenty four to be executed as

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<v Speaker 1>a trader under a law that had been passed that

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<v Speaker 1>he didn't know about. Whoops, reading is helpful, folks, And

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<v Speaker 1>so the empire had lasted honestly less than a year,

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<v Speaker 1>and Mexico now faced the task of trying to build

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<v Speaker 1>its first republic. In the wake of the empire's collapse,

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<v Speaker 1>political leaders gathered to craft a new constitution, influenced this

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<v Speaker 1>time by the United States model and shaped by the

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<v Speaker 1>Mexican realities. The Constitution of eighteen twenty four established one

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<v Speaker 1>a federal republic, two states with considerable autonomy, three a

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<v Speaker 1>bicameral Congress, four a president and vice president. Five Catholicism

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<v Speaker 1>as the official religion. And so it was in many

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<v Speaker 1>ways an effort to try to marry old Mexico to

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<v Speaker 1>the new Mexico that wanted to emulate in different ways

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<v Speaker 1>the burgeoning power of the United States at the time.

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<v Speaker 1>There were two independence heroes who were chosen to lead

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<v Speaker 1>the new republic. President Guadalupe Victoria. He was a moderate,

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<v Speaker 1>He was somewhat idealistic, and he was extremely widely respected,

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<v Speaker 1>which was something that Emperor Augustine didn't have. And then

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<v Speaker 1>there was Vice President Nicholas Bravo. He was much much

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<v Speaker 1>more conservative and suspicious of federalism. But you know what,

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<v Speaker 1>at last, Mexico at least had a constitutional framework. Unfortunately,

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<v Speaker 1>it's one thing to write down the rules on a

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<v Speaker 1>piece of paper and quite another thing, as we know,

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<v Speaker 1>to execute those rules. Because the real challenge lay ahead

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<v Speaker 1>governing a fractured, impoverished, and often deeply divided country. And

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<v Speaker 1>so throughout the eighteen twenties, two major factions crystallized. There

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<v Speaker 1>were the Federalists and the Centralists. The Federalists favored strong

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<v Speaker 1>state governments. They advocated for the reform of the church

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<v Speaker 1>and military privileges. They drew their support generally from liberals, intellectuals,

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<v Speaker 1>and many provincial leaders, and they were also associated, interestingly enough,

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<v Speaker 1>with the Masons back in the United States. Then there

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<v Speaker 1>were the Centralists. The Centralists, as the name probably suggests,

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<v Speaker 1>one and two A had established a strong national government.

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<v Speaker 1>They defended the church's role and the special privileges of

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<v Speaker 1>the military called military pueros. They were supported by conservative elite,

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<v Speaker 1>high clergy and many army officers. These ideological tensions are

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<v Speaker 1>going to define Mexican politics for decades and honestly, in

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<v Speaker 1>many ways still define the Mexico that we know today.

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<v Speaker 1>This tension between those who want a much stronger federal

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<v Speaker 1>government between those who want more autonomy for the states. Honestly,

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<v Speaker 1>we see this playing out with Moreno and some of

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<v Speaker 1>other modern political Mexican parties even today. So it's worth

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<v Speaker 1>guys knowing your history. As I'm guessing you know, at

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<v Speaker 1>the center of almost every political storm, though, stood a

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<v Speaker 1>man whose presence is going to just loom over nineteenth

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<v Speaker 1>century Mexico who I mentioned before, Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna.

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<v Speaker 1>It's a name you want to continue to remember. And

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<v Speaker 1>even President Victoria, even though he had enormous wide respect

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<v Speaker 1>in a lot of sort of individual legitimacy and charisma,

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<v Speaker 1>even he struggled to hold the fragile republic together, not

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<v Speaker 1>the least of which because he had to deal with

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<v Speaker 1>rebellions within his own party. Vice President Nicholas Bravo attempted

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<v Speaker 1>a conservative revolt against the federal government as early as

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen twenty seven. Now it failed, but it highlighted the

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<v Speaker 1>volatility of the Young Republic. And then, of course there

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<v Speaker 1>were just the constant fears of encroachment from Europe. There

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<v Speaker 1>was fear that the Spanish would attempt a reconquest at

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<v Speaker 1>some point, and so in eighteen twenty seven, this after

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<v Speaker 1>the failed Conservative coup, influenced Congress to decree the expulsion

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<v Speaker 1>of almost all remaining Spaniards from Mexico. Now this is

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<v Speaker 1>understandable to an extent if you are afraid of, let's say,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, a fifth wing coming at you from within.

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<v Speaker 1>But the problem was is that the vast majority of

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<v Speaker 1>these people were the merchants, administrators, and technocrats. This further

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<v Speaker 1>weakened the Mexican economy and its bureaucracy at frankly the

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<v Speaker 1>worst possible moment. And all of this happened around eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>twenty eight, and in eighteen twenty eight was the year

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<v Speaker 1>for the next Mexican presidential election, and the election for

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<v Speaker 1>Victoria's successor became a chaotic struggle. There were a couple

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<v Speaker 1>of people who were running. Of course, Santa Anna, who

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<v Speaker 1>I mentioned remember keeping in mind, but then there was

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<v Speaker 1>also Manuel Gomez Pedrasa. He was a moderate. Santa Anna

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<v Speaker 1>was a staunch conservative, He will be throughout his entire career,

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00:23:48.319 --> 00:23:50.960
<v Speaker 1>very pro military, relies on the Church for a lot

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00:23:51.000 --> 00:23:54.359
<v Speaker 1>of his support, so on and so forth. But Pandaso won.

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<v Speaker 1>Despite that, Santa Anna refused to accept the results. He

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<v Speaker 1>launched a rebellion, arguing that they had cooked the electoral

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<v Speaker 1>books and that the people had been cheated. Riots quickly

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<v Speaker 1>engulfed Mexico City. Congress overturned the election and installed instead

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<v Speaker 1>Santa Anta's ally, Vicente Guerrero, another independence hero now Visan

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<v Speaker 1>de Guerrero was a man of mixed African, Indigenous and

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<v Speaker 1>Spanish ancestry, and so to a lot of extent, I

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<v Speaker 1>guess the elevation of Vicente Guerrero represents some of the

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<v Speaker 1>more ambitious goals of the Mexican Revolution, and his government

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<v Speaker 1>was quite revolutionary, particularly from a social standpoint. He almost

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<v Speaker 1>immediately moved to abolish slavery nationwide, which was both a

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<v Speaker 1>moral and political triumph from Mexico. Now conservative elites despised

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<v Speaker 1>his administration. He attempted tax reforms and used a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of egalitarian rhetoric that frightened both the landowners and the clergies.

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<v Speaker 1>And so then in eighteen twenty nine, Spain did in

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<v Speaker 1>fact launch one final campaign to try to retake Mexico,

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<v Speaker 1>landing forces at Tampico. Guerrero intrusted the defense to Santa Anna,

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<v Speaker 1>who defeated the expedition and became a celebrated national hero. Now, ironically,

325
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<v Speaker 1>Santa Anna's fame now threatened Gorreano's rivals more than Spain did.

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<v Speaker 1>Vice President Anastasio Bustamante, a staunch centralist, overthrew Guerra, who

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<v Speaker 1>then retreated to the south, continued resistance, and was eventually

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<v Speaker 1>captured and executed. If you're starting to see a theme

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<v Speaker 1>here as to why it's difficult from Mexico to establish

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<v Speaker 1>stability early on, congratulations, ten points for you. Bustamante's regime

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<v Speaker 1>sparked widespread uprisings, and Mexico was now in a cycle

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<v Speaker 1>very familiar in unstable New nations, every presidency followed by

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<v Speaker 1>a contested election and a rebellion. And so instead this time,

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<v Speaker 1>what politicians came up with was what was called the

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<v Speaker 1>Plan of Vera Cruz. In eighteen twenty three, and this

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<v Speaker 1>was a consequence of Santa Anna's revolt that same year,

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<v Speaker 1>this time against Bustamante. Fighting spread across the nation, and

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<v Speaker 1>as part of the plan, Bustamante finally agreed to step

339
00:26:32.480 --> 00:26:38.039
<v Speaker 1>down and Santa Anna, ever the political chameleon, stepped into

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<v Speaker 1>the presidency, beginning a period of direct rule by Antonio

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<v Speaker 1>Lopez de Santa Anna. Now, his first term as president,

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<v Speaker 1>which lasted from eighteen thirty three to eighteen thirty five,

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<v Speaker 1>was unlike anything Mexico had ever seen. He campaigned as

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<v Speaker 1>a liberal reformer, won by a landslide, and then promptly

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<v Speaker 1>left Vice President Valentine Gomez Farrarias to run the government

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<v Speaker 1>while he returned home to rest. Gomez ferrarius who might

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<v Speaker 1>not have been as close to an ally as Lopez

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<v Speaker 1>thought he was, immediately launched several sweeping reforms. He reduced

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<v Speaker 1>the influence of the Church, at least formally in government.

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<v Speaker 1>He curbed military privileges, He secularized education, some major step

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<v Speaker 1>forward from Mexico at the time, and he pushed for

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<v Speaker 1>fiscal modernization throughout the country. Now, these reforms thrilled liberals,

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<v Speaker 1>but they enraged conservatives and members of the clergy, and so,

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<v Speaker 1>sensing that the political wins were turning, suddenly, Santa Ana

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<v Speaker 1>decided to return from his little retirement party to the capitol.

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<v Speaker 1>He declared that Farraria's reforms were excessive, and now switching sides,

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<v Speaker 1>he aligned himself with the Conservatives and not the Vice president,

358
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<v Speaker 1>but he left in charge. He overthrew, in fact, the

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<v Speaker 1>very government that he had been elected to lead. This

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<v Speaker 1>is one of those bizarre moments in history where people

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<v Speaker 1>switching sides lead to rather interesting results. Now, what's fascinating

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<v Speaker 1>is that at least one thing was becoming clear about

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<v Speaker 1>the Santa Ana period in Mexican history, and that is

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<v Speaker 1>that Santa Anna was not loyal to any particular ideology.

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<v Speaker 1>Santa Anna was only loyal to Santa Anna period, full stop.

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<v Speaker 1>And that's going to be something that repeats throughout Now

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<v Speaker 1>with conservative support, Santa Anta dismantled the eighteen twenty four

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<v Speaker 1>federal system and in place put the siet de Las,

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<v Speaker 1>or the Seven Laws, which were passed in eighteen thirty six. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>these transformed Mexico into a centrist republic. States became a

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<v Speaker 1>military controlled departments, voting rights were now really restricted, and

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<v Speaker 1>the presidency gained sweeping powers close to a monarch. There

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<v Speaker 1>was now a supreme conservative power that oversaw the government.

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<v Speaker 1>This shift, of course, outraged federalists across the country. Revolts

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<v Speaker 1>spread everywhere. There was a revolt in Zacatecas, which was

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<v Speaker 1>crushed by Santa Ana. There was a revolt throughout the

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<v Speaker 1>Yucatan which nearly succeeded. And then, of course there was

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<v Speaker 1>the secession of Texas, which led to the Texas Revolution

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<v Speaker 1>between eighteen thirty five and eighteen thirty six. I'm going

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<v Speaker 1>to come back to that one later on. The loss

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<v Speaker 1>of Texas severely damaged Santa Ana's prestige, especially after his

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<v Speaker 1>capture at San Jacinto, which is that we'll talk about

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<v Speaker 1>in future episodes. That being said, one thing did endure

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<v Speaker 1>after eighteen thirty five eighteen thirty six, and that was

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<v Speaker 1>the centrist regime for at least the moment there would

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<v Speaker 1>be going no going back, that is, to a federal republic. Now.

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<v Speaker 1>After Santa Anna's defeat in Texas, conservatives rallied around Bustamante again,

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<v Speaker 1>who returned to the presidency in eighteen thirty seven. This,

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<v Speaker 1>unfortunately resulted in a couple of issues cropping up Bustamante

390
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<v Speaker 1>faced a lot of things. There was economic collapse, there

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<v Speaker 1>continued to be regional insurgencies, and there was growing discontent

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<v Speaker 1>with centralism. That leads me to one of the most

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<v Speaker 1>interesting parts in this period of history, which is called

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<v Speaker 1>the pastry or. In the eighteen twenties, during one of

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<v Speaker 1>Mexico's many internal uprisings, a French baker in Mexico City

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<v Speaker 1>claimed that Mexican soldiers had looted and destroyed his pastry shop.

397
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<v Speaker 1>He demanded compensation, an extravagant sum. Through diplomatic channels, his

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<v Speaker 1>complaint was soon folded into a much larger list of

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<v Speaker 1>grievances by French merchants who argued that Mexico had failed

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<v Speaker 1>to protect foreign property and honor debts. Backed by the

401
00:30:59.359 --> 00:31:04.440
<v Speaker 1>government of Luis Philippe, France demanded six hundred thousand pesos

402
00:31:04.480 --> 00:31:08.400
<v Speaker 1>in reparations, an enormous figure for a cash strapped republic.

403
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<v Speaker 1>While Mexico stalled, France quickly escalated the situation. In April

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<v Speaker 1>of eighteen thirty eight, a French naval squadron arrived in

405
00:31:18.359 --> 00:31:22.000
<v Speaker 1>the Gulf of Mexico and imposed a blockade on Mexican ports.

406
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<v Speaker 1>By November, French forces bombarded the fortress of San Juande Ulla,

407
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<v Speaker 1>guarding the vital port of Vera Cruz. Cannon fire thundered

408
00:31:31.440 --> 00:31:34.920
<v Speaker 1>across the harbor, shocking a nation that had barely recovered

409
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<v Speaker 1>from the Texas Revolution. Mexico's defense fell once again. You

410
00:31:39.960 --> 00:31:43.799
<v Speaker 1>guessed it to its most familiar and controversial figure, Antonio

411
00:31:43.799 --> 00:31:47.440
<v Speaker 1>Lopez de Santana. Rushing to Vera Cruz to repel the

412
00:31:47.440 --> 00:31:52.000
<v Speaker 1>French landing, sent Anna personally led troops into battle. During

413
00:31:52.039 --> 00:31:56.119
<v Speaker 1>a skirmish, a French cannonball shattered his leg. The limb

414
00:31:56.200 --> 00:32:01.039
<v Speaker 1>was amputated, buried with full military honors, and Santa Anna,

415
00:32:01.240 --> 00:32:05.119
<v Speaker 1>ever the political showman, transformed the injury into a symbol

416
00:32:05.400 --> 00:32:08.880
<v Speaker 1>of patriotic sacrifice. He would have a prosthetic leg, by

417
00:32:08.920 --> 00:32:10.920
<v Speaker 1>the way, made entirely of the silver, that he would

418
00:32:10.960 --> 00:32:15.039
<v Speaker 1>have throughout the rest of his life. Militarily, Mexico could

419
00:32:15.119 --> 00:32:20.400
<v Speaker 1>not win diplomatically, though it had a lifeline. Britain, eager

420
00:32:20.440 --> 00:32:24.000
<v Speaker 1>to stabilize trade in the region, mediated an agreement, and

421
00:32:24.279 --> 00:32:27.000
<v Speaker 1>in March of eighteen thirty nine, Mexico agreed to pay

422
00:32:27.039 --> 00:32:32.359
<v Speaker 1>the indemnity and French forces withdrew the conflict. Mockingly dubbed

423
00:32:32.359 --> 00:32:36.480
<v Speaker 1>the Lagrera de Pastelles. The Pastry War was brief and

424
00:32:36.519 --> 00:32:40.480
<v Speaker 1>it was limited, but its significance was outsized. It marked

425
00:32:40.519 --> 00:32:44.279
<v Speaker 1>Mexico's first armed confrontation with a European power as an

426
00:32:44.319 --> 00:32:48.640
<v Speaker 1>independent nation. It exposed its military and financial weakness and

427
00:32:48.680 --> 00:32:52.000
<v Speaker 1>so the precedent for foreign intervention. It also resurrected in

428
00:32:52.039 --> 00:32:55.960
<v Speaker 1>Santa Anna's political career, yet again, proving that even defeat

429
00:32:56.160 --> 00:33:01.160
<v Speaker 1>could spurn someone in to power. The Pastry War over,

430
00:33:01.640 --> 00:33:05.200
<v Speaker 1>there was once again a federalist revolt in eighteen forty,

431
00:33:05.640 --> 00:33:08.960
<v Speaker 1>because by eighteen forty the political system was near breaking.

432
00:33:09.519 --> 00:33:13.240
<v Speaker 1>Federalist rebels briefly seized the National Palace and attempted to

433
00:33:13.279 --> 00:33:18.480
<v Speaker 1>restore the eighteen twenty four constitution. It failed, but the

434
00:33:18.559 --> 00:33:22.519
<v Speaker 1>uprising showed that Mexico was still searching, still debating, still

435
00:33:22.519 --> 00:33:24.839
<v Speaker 1>fighting over what kind of a nation that it wanted

436
00:33:24.880 --> 00:33:28.400
<v Speaker 1>to be, and Mexico was, of course not the only

437
00:33:28.519 --> 00:33:32.920
<v Speaker 1>area in Southern and Central America grappling with these issues.

438
00:33:33.720 --> 00:33:37.519
<v Speaker 1>Next week, we turn even further south to deal with

439
00:33:37.559 --> 00:33:42.359
<v Speaker 1>the variety of rebellions that were all focusing throughout Spain's

440
00:33:42.440 --> 00:34:03.279
<v Speaker 1>expulsion from the New World
