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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to sco Discast, a project of the Federalist Society

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<v Speaker 1>for Law and Public Policy Studies. Our contributors joined us

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<v Speaker 1>from around the country to bring you expert commentary on

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<v Speaker 1>US Supreme Court cases as they are argued and the

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<v Speaker 1>decisions are issued. The Federalist Society takes no position on

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<v Speaker 1>particular legal or public policy issues. All expressions are those

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<v Speaker 1>of the speaker. Hello, and welcome to scot Discast. I'm

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<v Speaker 1>your host, Kyle hammernis On, behalf of the Faculty division

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<v Speaker 1>of the Federalist Society. Today we have a moderated discussion

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<v Speaker 1>on Murthy versus Missouri, in which the Supreme Court issued

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<v Speaker 1>a six ' to three decision on June twenty sixth,

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<v Speaker 1>twenty twenty four. It is my honor to introduce our

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<v Speaker 1>moderator today, Brent score Up. Brent is a legal fellow

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<v Speaker 1>at the Cato Institute's Center for Constitutional Studies, and with

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<v Speaker 1>that I like to turn things over to Brent to

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<v Speaker 1>introduce our guests.

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<v Speaker 2>Well, thank you toal Society for hosting this conversation. It's

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<v Speaker 2>uh in the Mercy case is as Justice Alitos and

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<v Speaker 2>descent when one of the biggest free speech cases the

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<v Speaker 2>Supreme Court has taken up in a while, and uh,

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<v Speaker 2>it's great, see a lot of a lot of interest

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<v Speaker 2>in it. So I'll introduce to the panelists and then

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<v Speaker 2>then we'll go.

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<v Speaker 3>To discussion in alphabetic order.

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<v Speaker 2>Cordin Martin Barthold is Tech Freedom's Internet Policy Council and

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<v Speaker 2>Director of Litigation. He received his j d from UC

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<v Speaker 2>Berkeley School of Law. He clerked for the Honorable Stephen D.

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<v Speaker 2>Mary Day at the Middle District of Florida and the

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<v Speaker 2>Honorable Robert H.

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<v Speaker 3>Cleveland in the Eastern District of Michigan.

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<v Speaker 2>After his clerkships, Corbyn was in so and later partner

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<v Speaker 2>at the Los Angeles office of Brown George Ross LP.

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<v Speaker 2>And he has since joined the Public Interest Law World,

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<v Speaker 2>and we're glad he has. Josh Devine is a Solicitor

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<v Speaker 2>General of Missouri, where he oversees the office's appellate and

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<v Speaker 2>special litigation divisions.

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<v Speaker 3>He received his jd from Yale Law School, and.

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<v Speaker 2>He clerked for Supreme Court well first Eleventh Circuit Judge

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<v Speaker 2>William Pryor.

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<v Speaker 3>And then at the Supreme Court for Justice Thomas.

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<v Speaker 2>Before serving as Solicitor General, he was chief counsel to

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<v Speaker 2>US Senator Josh Holly, and finally, jennye Unis is litigation

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<v Speaker 2>council for the New Civil Liberties Alliance. She holds a

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<v Speaker 2>jd from NYU School of Law. She spent the first

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<v Speaker 2>part of her career as an appellate public defender in

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<v Speaker 2>New York City, including arguing in several cases before the

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<v Speaker 2>New York State Court of Appeals. So I'd like to

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<v Speaker 2>go first to Janine and provide the audience, viewers, listeners

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<v Speaker 2>who perhaps weren't to wear the Murcy case before last week,

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<v Speaker 2>but you know, follow the Supreme Court and have an

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<v Speaker 2>interest in free speech issues. You and NCLA represent a

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<v Speaker 2>few clients in this case, and so if you take

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<v Speaker 2>a few minutes, please cover the facts in this case,

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<v Speaker 2>your clients, as well as the District Court and Fifth

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<v Speaker 2>Circuit decisions in the case.

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<v Speaker 4>Thank you so much for having me. Well, I might

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<v Speaker 4>need more than a few minutes. I'll be as concise

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<v Speaker 4>as possible.

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah, yeah, no takes.

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<v Speaker 5>So.

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<v Speaker 4>We represented four individual plaintiffs. Probably the two most people

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<v Speaker 4>know are Jay Bodicharia and Martin Kuldorf, who were co

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<v Speaker 4>authors of the Great Barrington Declaration, which was a declaration

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<v Speaker 4>that has showed lockdowns, basically saying that they were more

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<v Speaker 4>harmful to society than they were helpful, and they're epidemiologists

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<v Speaker 4>at Harvard and Stanford. We also represented Aaron Kerriotti as

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<v Speaker 4>a psychiatrist who declined to get the COVID vaccine because

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<v Speaker 4>he had natural immunity and lost his professorship as a result,

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<v Speaker 4>and Jill Hines, a health freedom worker in Louisiana, and

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<v Speaker 4>their core allegation was that they were censored on social media,

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<v Speaker 4>but not essentially because of the of the platform's content

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<v Speaker 4>moderation policies, but because the government had inserted itself into

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<v Speaker 4>COVID related censorship. Now, I also want to clarify there's

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<v Speaker 4>another plaintiff in the case, Jim Hoff, who we didn't represent,

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<v Speaker 4>who was alleging interference government interference with his speech that

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<v Speaker 4>was more about the twenty twenty election in the Hunter

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<v Speaker 4>Biden laptop, since the government was also involved in trying

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<v Speaker 4>to get those topics suppressed on social media. So the

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<v Speaker 4>facts in this case, it was a twenty thousand page record,

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<v Speaker 4>even though this was just up on appeal from a

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<v Speaker 4>preliminary in junction, so it's hard to summarize them briefly.

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<v Speaker 5>But essentially the White House.

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<v Speaker 4>Various Asian these such as the CDC, the Cybersecurity and

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<v Speaker 4>Infrastructure Security Agency which is housed within DHS, the FBI,

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<v Speaker 4>had in various ways tried to influence the companies in

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<v Speaker 4>order to censor disfavored speech. When it came to the

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<v Speaker 4>White House, there was often a lot of coercion going on.

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<v Speaker 4>There were direct threats private and public to try to

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<v Speaker 4>repeal Section two thirties protections, which, as most people know,

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<v Speaker 4>the companies rely on.

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<v Speaker 5>In order to.

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<v Speaker 4>Not have to be held liable for what people say

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<v Speaker 4>on their platforms, which the platforms need in order to

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<v Speaker 4>function as social media where people can just post whenever

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<v Speaker 4>they want.

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<v Speaker 5>Also, there were threats to look.

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<v Speaker 4>At antitrust provisions, and the platforms had reason to fear

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<v Speaker 4>that the administration was actually going to do this. Some

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<v Speaker 4>of the conduct was more collaborative. For instance, when it

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<v Speaker 4>came to the CDC, Facebook and other social media companies

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<v Speaker 4>were kind of working in tandem with the government saying like,

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<v Speaker 4>we're going to take these kind of posts down. The

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<v Speaker 4>CDC would send examples of posts that should be taken

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<v Speaker 4>down of flagging you know, so called vaccine misinformation mass misinformation, that.

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<v Speaker 6>Kind of thing.

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<v Speaker 4>I think it's really important to point out that although

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<v Speaker 4>the First Amendment protects, you know, so called misinformation even

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<v Speaker 4>false speech, our plaintiffs were not seeing things that were false.

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<v Speaker 4>They were saying mostly true things, I would say, perhaps almost.

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<v Speaker 5>Entirely true things.

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<v Speaker 4>And Jay Bodichari and Martin Couldorf are two of the

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<v Speaker 4>top epidemiologists in the world, and they were being censored

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<v Speaker 4>at the behest of the Biden administration on topics on

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<v Speaker 4>the areas of their expertise. So I think this case

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<v Speaker 4>really highlights why we have a First Amendment and why

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<v Speaker 4>we don't like, why do we don't allow the government

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<v Speaker 4>to be involved in this kind of thing or in

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<v Speaker 4>suppressing viewpoints that it disagrees with. So the core allegations

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<v Speaker 4>some additional allegations were raised in the complaint, but the core,

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<v Speaker 4>especially on the preliminary junction, the core complaint was First

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<v Speaker 4>Amendment violations, and the idea was that the government was

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<v Speaker 4>sort of instrumentalizing these private companies to accomplish its censorship aims,

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<v Speaker 4>and that was effectively a First Amendment violation because the

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<v Speaker 4>government can't use private industry to accomplish what it can't directly.

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<v Speaker 4>So the District Court in the Western District of Louisiana

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<v Speaker 4>found for us almost entirely, found that the plaintiffs had

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<v Speaker 4>standing and found that it was well this was on

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<v Speaker 4>a preliminary injunction, but that the government had likely violated

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<v Speaker 4>their First Amendment rights and that the harm was irreparable.

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<v Speaker 4>So granted the preliminary in junction. It was mostly upheld

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<v Speaker 4>by the Fifth Circuit. The Fifth Circuit kicked out a

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<v Speaker 4>couple of the defendants, so they found there wasn't enough

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<v Speaker 4>evidence that Niad and Ih, so mostly we're talking about

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<v Speaker 4>doctor Fauci, that he was actually involved in this censorship,

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<v Speaker 4>so he was not in the injunction.

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<v Speaker 5>That importantly.

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<v Speaker 4>Also, the district court denied government's motion to dismiss the complaint,

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<v Speaker 4>so the case in the district court is still live

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<v Speaker 4>despite the fact that the Supreme Court, uh reverse the

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<v Speaker 4>grant of the preliminary injunction.

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<v Speaker 2>Yeah, thank you for that, and yeah, apologies a little

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<v Speaker 2>little housekeeping. Uh, you know, it's first of all, you know,

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<v Speaker 2>it's great we have you know, the two people who

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<v Speaker 2>represented parties in this case.

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<v Speaker 3>Which is great.

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<v Speaker 1>Uh.

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<v Speaker 2>And I want to thank Soliciener General divine for for

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<v Speaker 2>taking time out of the business schedule, I'm sure for

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<v Speaker 2>for coming Next, I'd like to turn to Corbin.

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<v Speaker 3>And uh And and ask for.

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<v Speaker 2>An assessment of the District Court and in the circuit opinions.

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<v Speaker 2>I know I listen to podcasts from you, and why

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<v Speaker 2>I reached out to you. You have some good reservations

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<v Speaker 2>about the nature of the injunction, the breadth of the injunction,

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<v Speaker 2>and I think you may have had issues with the

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<v Speaker 2>standing as well. So and obviously the Spring Court found

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<v Speaker 2>the standing issues the most most salient here. So so Corbyn,

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<v Speaker 2>for you your assessment of the District Court, district opinion

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<v Speaker 2>and also the Spring Court opinion.

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<v Speaker 3>Just how they came down how they did.

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<v Speaker 6>Sure, okay. So as with the first question, is that

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<v Speaker 6>there's a lot there. It was it was pretty clear

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<v Speaker 6>to me how things were probably going to go with

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<v Speaker 6>the rest of the case from July fourth, twenty twenty three,

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<v Speaker 6>that's the day the District Court issued its opinion. The

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<v Speaker 6>District Court took what it called a bird's eye view

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<v Speaker 6>of traceability and so I kind of glossed over the

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<v Speaker 6>actual record. I didn't really make an attempt to link

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<v Speaker 6>any government conduct with any specific act of content moderation.

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<v Speaker 6>More importantly, though, the court presented a factual analysis that

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<v Speaker 6>was so riddled with airs and fabrications that it was

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<v Speaker 6>clearly going to be useless to any reviewing court. Also,

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<v Speaker 6>the judge bought into the censorship Industrial Complex narrative in

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<v Speaker 6>which the Stanford Internet ob Observatory was supposedly a puppet

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<v Speaker 6>of the government through SISA instead of a group doing

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<v Speaker 6>its own independent research and advocacy and let's not forget

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<v Speaker 6>exercising its own First Amendment rights. So those problems trickled

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<v Speaker 6>up to the Supreme Court. The government had to say

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<v Speaker 6>in a footnote in its reply that it couldn't possibly

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<v Speaker 6>respond to all the inaccuracies that were floating around, which

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<v Speaker 6>was true. Justice Soda Mayor said an oral argument that

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<v Speaker 6>she couldn't untangle all the inaccuracies in the planet of

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<v Speaker 6>its brief. She said, quote, you know, I have such

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<v Speaker 6>a problem with your brief, counselor you omit information that

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<v Speaker 6>changed is the context of some of your claims. You

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<v Speaker 6>attribute things to people who it didn't happen to dot

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<v Speaker 6>dot dot. I don't know what to make of all this.

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<v Speaker 6>And at the oral argument, the SG of Louisiana. You know,

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<v Speaker 6>I'm afraid he didn't really help matters. He kind of

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<v Speaker 6>bounced around. The Justice has struggled to understand him. Justice

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<v Speaker 6>Barrett said she wasn't even sure what his argument was.

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<v Speaker 6>He said, he you know, I'm a First Amendment purist,

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<v Speaker 6>and then he wasn't able to present the scope of

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<v Speaker 6>the categories of unprotected speech correctly when talking with Justice Kagan.

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<v Speaker 6>So the opinion didn't end up really being a surprise.

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<v Speaker 6>At footnote four, the justices, the majority wrote the Fifth

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<v Speaker 6>Circuit relied on the District Court's factual findings, many of

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<v Speaker 6>which unfortunately appear to be clearly erroneous. And again, I

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<v Speaker 6>mean that's true. Throughout our discussion, it's important to remember

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<v Speaker 6>that the district courts were thoroughly botched the factual record. Here,

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<v Speaker 6>the majority noted that neither the District Court nor the

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<v Speaker 6>Court of Appeals made any specific causation findings with respect

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<v Speaker 6>to any discreet instances of content moderation. It noted that

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<v Speaker 6>Justice Alito and Descent basically had to construct a theory

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<v Speaker 6>of causation on his own, and the Majority, for its part,

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<v Speaker 6>basically just refused to do that. It trotted out the

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<v Speaker 6>old line about how judges aren't pigs hunting for truffles

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<v Speaker 6>in the record. So in the end Justice Alito could

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<v Speaker 6>formulate his descent kind of only by boiling things down extensively.

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<v Speaker 6>He bypassed almost all of the sort of dish gallop

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<v Speaker 6>of facts and allegations that had been thrown around below,

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<v Speaker 6>and so the censorship industrial complex stuff fell by the wayside.

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<v Speaker 6>We didn't hear anything about sort of like significant encouragement

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<v Speaker 6>or entanglement. He had to kind of construct for himself

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<v Speaker 6>a Bantam Books analysis that was nothing like what the

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<v Speaker 6>plaintiffs had presented at oral argument, where they'd argue that

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<v Speaker 6>sort of any request by the government to take something

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<v Speaker 6>down crosses the line. So while job voting is a

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<v Speaker 6>really concerning issue, and I hope we can all kind

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<v Speaker 6>of agree on that through the discussion, my take was

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<v Speaker 6>this just wasn't really a good case to decide much

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<v Speaker 6>of anything. Now moving to the Supreme Court decisions, you know,

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<v Speaker 6>once the case got narrowed down to have the majority

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<v Speaker 6>and the dissent frame things, I do think there's reasonable

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<v Speaker 6>disagreement over the proper outcome. You had sort of this

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<v Speaker 6>jousting with different Supreme Court standing decisions, and maybe we

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<v Speaker 6>can get into that more. You know, Justice Alito certainly

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<v Speaker 6>had a point that the Court should try to apply

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<v Speaker 6>it standing doctrine consistently. But what you basically had was agreement,

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<v Speaker 6>like at least at a high level, that the government

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<v Speaker 6>exerted pressure on the platforms to moderate content relating to

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<v Speaker 6>COVID nineteen and the twenty twenty election. But the majority

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<v Speaker 6>said that it had to work quote to untangle the

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<v Speaker 6>mass of the plaintiff's injuries and government communications, and once

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<v Speaker 6>it did that, it just couldn't find any solid links. So,

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<v Speaker 6>you know, give one example, we heard about the Great

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<v Speaker 6>Barrington Declaration, but the majority found that the platforms had

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<v Speaker 6>taken action against that before there was really any communication

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<v Speaker 6>between the platforms and the government. So I think the

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<v Speaker 6>ultimate take home is the majority wasn't willing to engage

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<v Speaker 6>in sort of this imaginative reconstruction of the vast record

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<v Speaker 6>that was plocked in a pile before it. That was

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<v Speaker 6>kind of my biggest take home.

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<v Speaker 3>Thank you for that.

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<v Speaker 2>Next, like to turn to the general divine and if

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<v Speaker 2>you could talk about I guess I guess first of all,

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<v Speaker 2>talk about Missouri's interest in the case.

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<v Speaker 3>Uh for bid a little unusual cy of state.

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<v Speaker 2>I was glad to see Missouri take an interest in

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<v Speaker 2>the case, but talk about the state's interests, and also

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<v Speaker 2>I follow this case and there was uh if you

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<v Speaker 2>could also talk about some of the depositions and evidence, uh,

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<v Speaker 2>you know that that you have turned up in this case,

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<v Speaker 2>and then I'll probably follow up as well.

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<v Speaker 5>Yeah, so I'll take it as an order. So Missouri's

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<v Speaker 5>interest in this case. One of the theories of standing

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<v Speaker 5>that we pressed is that, you know, there's this long

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<v Speaker 5>line of cases from the by the Spring Court that

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<v Speaker 5>the Spring Court doesn't really discuss very much in this opinion,

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<v Speaker 5>which is that the states have an interest in hearing

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<v Speaker 5>from their citizens. You've got you've got a bunch of

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<v Speaker 5>different cases terminiel O Guarnieri that all discussed that the

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<v Speaker 5>whole you know, part of the purpose of the First

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<v Speaker 5>Amendment and part of the purpose of free speech is

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<v Speaker 5>to enable states to really hear from their citizens so

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<v Speaker 5>that they can be responsive to the needs and concerns

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<v Speaker 5>of their citizens. So that's one of the theories of

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<v Speaker 5>standing we advance here, and that's a definite state interest.

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<v Speaker 5>The Spreme Court didn't deny that. Instead, what it said

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<v Speaker 5>is that you know that, well, you need to be

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<v Speaker 5>a little bit more specific and the type of thing

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<v Speaker 5>that you're wanting to hear. The problem, of course, is,

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<v Speaker 5>you know, when things are being censored, nobody really knows

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<v Speaker 5>what this universe is. You know, that's the whole point.

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<v Speaker 5>It's being censored, and so you don't know exactly what's

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<v Speaker 5>going on. You don't exactly know what you're unable to

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<v Speaker 5>hear at that point, and so the Spreme Court's kind

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<v Speaker 5>of set up this impossible standard from the perspective of

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<v Speaker 5>the listener's ability to identify the things that they would

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<v Speaker 5>like to hear, but that they're unable to. The second

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<v Speaker 5>thing that Spring Court does is it kind of just

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<v Speaker 5>it pretty much ignores about twenty years of precedent with

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<v Speaker 5>respect to the ability of states to bring what are

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<v Speaker 5>called parents potrai lawsuits against the federal government. So you've

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<v Speaker 5>got these you've got these cases from the nineties and

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<v Speaker 5>early two thousands where the Supreme Court allows states to

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<v Speaker 5>do that, and basically a parents patriay action just means you're,

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<v Speaker 5>in essence, asserting you're as certain that there's a very

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<v Speaker 5>widespread harm to the people of Missouri to the people

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<v Speaker 5>of the state. And what you're essentially doing is you're

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<v Speaker 5>certain that this this harm has become so widespread that

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<v Speaker 5>it has in fact become an injury to the state itself.

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<v Speaker 5>And the Spring Court allowed this in a nineteen ninety

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<v Speaker 5>five case. The Supreme Court allowed this in a two

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<v Speaker 5>thousand and seven case. And what they did here is

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<v Speaker 5>they dug up dicta from a nineteen sixties case and

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<v Speaker 5>they said and they just cite that and say, well,

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<v Speaker 5>this is you know, the states can't bring parents potry

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<v Speaker 5>suits against the federal government. But if you actually look

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<v Speaker 5>at that, that's dealing with situations where where the state

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<v Speaker 5>isn't actually asserting its own kind of harm, it's purely

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<v Speaker 5>asserting the third party harms of other individuals. In every

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<v Speaker 5>single case where a state has a its own theory

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<v Speaker 5>of harm, the US Supreme Court has allowed the state

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<v Speaker 5>to bring a parents potry action. And the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 5>just completely misses that entire line of doctrine, doesn't discuss

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<v Speaker 5>it at all. And so I think we've got a

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<v Speaker 5>very unusual parents potry decision from the Supreme Court on

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<v Speaker 5>this issue that really just doesn't wrestle with that fundamental

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<v Speaker 5>difference and what what gives us states the ability and

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<v Speaker 5>the interest to bring a suit like this. I want

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<v Speaker 5>to I want to respond to a couple of things

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<v Speaker 5>that Corbyn said. I think we've got a large amount

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<v Speaker 5>of no no surprise that you know one of the

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<v Speaker 5>individuals represent these individuals, Uh, these pointiffs disagrees with what

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<v Speaker 5>Corbin said. Let let me let me just let me

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<v Speaker 5>let me just leave it at this, which is that

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<v Speaker 5>you know, nobody really dispeedes at the Supreme Court. Nobody

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<v Speaker 5>really disputes that work. There were very severe First Amendment

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<v Speaker 5>of violations that were going on. I mean, the majority opinion,

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<v Speaker 5>for example, discusses at one point like, yeah, look like

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<v Speaker 5>that pressure from the federal government actually altered the policies

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<v Speaker 5>of Facebook and Twitter and these other organizations. But then

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<v Speaker 5>the Supreme Course says, but you know, that's a past violation.

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<v Speaker 5>You can't necessarily get prospective relief from that. But they

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<v Speaker 5>don't deny that they were blatant violations. The government had

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<v Speaker 5>insinuated itself into this atmosphere and had actually physically changed

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<v Speaker 5>the policies of Facebook and other organizations to induce further

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<v Speaker 5>future suppression. But I think just from a causation standpoint,

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<v Speaker 5>if you look at the facts, if you look at

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<v Speaker 5>what happened in July twenty twenty one, you see a rapid,

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<v Speaker 5>much more aggressive posture from the White House, from the

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<v Speaker 5>Surgeon General, from some of the other defendants in July

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<v Speaker 5>twenty twenty one, much more aggressive, and then you find

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<v Speaker 5>an uptick in censorship after that. So it's never been

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<v Speaker 5>our position that, you know, there hasn't been some censorship

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<v Speaker 5>or you know, suppression or content moderation or whatever term

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<v Speaker 5>you want to use. It's never been our position that

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<v Speaker 5>there hasn't been some of that already going on by

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<v Speaker 5>the platforms. But what we identified are you know, you've

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<v Speaker 5>got some of these discrete events July twenty twenty one,

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<v Speaker 5>huge increase in aggression from the White House, and then

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<v Speaker 5>you also see an increase in content moderation or suppression

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<v Speaker 5>or censorship. And it doesn't take a genius to be

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<v Speaker 5>able to draw that inference there. Now, look, you know

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<v Speaker 5>you can't draw certainty inference there, but the doctrine doesn't

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<v Speaker 5>require any kind of certainty. It requires a likelihood. And

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<v Speaker 5>so you know, I do want to very strongly to speed,

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<v Speaker 5>the idea that we didn't establish causation, that we didn't

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<v Speaker 5>do anything like that. I think the Supreme Court basically

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<v Speaker 5>looked at the record and you know, refused to draw

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<v Speaker 5>a single inference in our favor, which was different from

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<v Speaker 5>the district court and different from the Court of Appeals.

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<v Speaker 2>I'll ask a follow up on that, just something that

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<v Speaker 2>jumped out in the opinion, and then I'll ask each

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<v Speaker 2>of you for things that jumped out in the opinion

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<v Speaker 2>in or arguments itself. But just find a sister general

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<v Speaker 2>Divines comment. So the majorities about traceability. The majority statement said,

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<v Speaker 2>the primary weakness in this record, this is a quote

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<v Speaker 2>in the record of past restrictions, is the lack of

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<v Speaker 2>specific causation findings with respect to any discrete instance of

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<v Speaker 2>content moderation end quote.

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<v Speaker 3>So maybe, Janina, a person go to you. I'm not

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<v Speaker 3>an expert on standing.

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<v Speaker 2>Frankly, that seems like a very high standard to establish

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<v Speaker 2>standing that you need to show in the first amment

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<v Speaker 2>of context specific causation findings or speak with respect to

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<v Speaker 2>any discrete instance of content or moderation. Your response to

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<v Speaker 2>that statement from the court, Yeah.

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<v Speaker 4>It seems to me that the Court's basically requiring that

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<v Speaker 4>you show that a specific post was censored because of

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<v Speaker 4>the government, which seems very very hard to do, and.

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<v Speaker 5>I'll use So this was actually an.

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<v Speaker 4>Example that came out later through a congressional investigation, but

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<v Speaker 4>it's a very clear one. There were internal emails from

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<v Speaker 4>Meta that were revealed as a result of this investigation

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<v Speaker 4>where Nick Clegg, who's an executive there, wrote to another

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<v Speaker 4>employee and said, can you remind me why we censored

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<v Speaker 4>the lab leak theory, and the other employees says, because

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<v Speaker 4>we were under pressure from the White House, we shouldn't

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<v Speaker 4>have done it.

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<v Speaker 5>Unfortunately, that was not for the.

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<v Speaker 4>Record because it was came out after the Fifth Circuit briefing,

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<v Speaker 4>and there's a lot of stuff in the record that

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<v Speaker 4>is very similar to that. That's just the most stark example,

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<v Speaker 4>so I think it crystallizes it. But that is very

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<v Speaker 4>clear that this entire theory, this entire narrative, this entire

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<v Speaker 4>line of thought was censored on social media because of

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<v Speaker 4>the government. And I think even there, the court is

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<v Speaker 4>insinuating that you would have to show that your specific

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<v Speaker 4>post was censored because the government had called you out

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<v Speaker 4>or named you.

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<v Speaker 5>I don't know who's going to be able to do that.

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<v Speaker 4>There may be two people I can think of, RFK

395
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<v Speaker 4>and Alex Bearnson, who are specifically singled out by government

396
00:23:07.480 --> 00:23:09.559
<v Speaker 4>officials by name. I also want to respond to if

397
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<v Speaker 4>I made one thing that Corbin said about the factual inaccuracies.

398
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<v Speaker 4>I really wanted to speed that this was a twenty

399
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<v Speaker 4>thousand page record the district court might have gotten, you know,

400
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<v Speaker 4>said a couple of things not exactly the way I

401
00:23:20.480 --> 00:23:24.359
<v Speaker 4>would have characterized them. There was one email from Rob

402
00:23:24.440 --> 00:23:27.519
<v Speaker 4>Flaherty where Flerty was using very colorful language to demand

403
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<v Speaker 4>the takedown of I think a parody account of the

404
00:23:31.119 --> 00:23:35.480
<v Speaker 4>President's granddaughter. And it wasn't about COVID misinformation, but we

405
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<v Speaker 4>had actually not represented that, misrepresented that, and I think

406
00:23:38.559 --> 00:23:41.119
<v Speaker 4>that was what was insinuated. We were showing it as

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<v Speaker 4>part of a pattern of the government's treating these companies

408
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<v Speaker 4>who sort of subservient. So I think the idea, you know,

409
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<v Speaker 4>I don't know what inaccuracy is anyone's talking about, and

410
00:23:51.079 --> 00:23:54.079
<v Speaker 4>if Corbin would like to elaborate and be happy to respond,

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<v Speaker 4>but I think that the lower courts were actually really

412
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<v Speaker 4>understood the facts well, and I would say I don't

413
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<v Speaker 4>make the Supreme Court read the record. It was clear

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<v Speaker 4>to me that the Descent had a much greater, much

415
00:24:05.000 --> 00:24:08.079
<v Speaker 4>better grasp of the facts. I guess, did I respond

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<v Speaker 4>to your question?

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah, yeah, you did.

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<v Speaker 2>And I'll with that, I'll turn to Corbin. Don't want

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<v Speaker 2>to put you on the spot. Well, the last thing

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<v Speaker 2>I want to do, I also want you to, maybe

421
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<v Speaker 2>I'm being hyperbolic, I want you to walk me off

422
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<v Speaker 2>the ledge that this this traceability standard as I read it,

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<v Speaker 2>seems to say you've got to show you know, you've

424
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<v Speaker 2>got to show the email, where the getting where the

425
00:24:37.599 --> 00:24:42.880
<v Speaker 2>government official said take Brent Corp's post down, And it

426
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<v Speaker 2>seems like short of that, it's pretty difficult.

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<v Speaker 5>Yeah.

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<v Speaker 3>Feel free to respond to to anything that's been said.

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<v Speaker 6>Yeah, I mean, the last thing I want to do

430
00:24:51.680 --> 00:24:54.359
<v Speaker 6>is take up our whole hour with Janine and me

431
00:24:54.920 --> 00:24:57.920
<v Speaker 6>arguing the record. So you know, the twenty two million

432
00:24:58.319 --> 00:25:02.119
<v Speaker 6>tweets versus four thousand and is a problem. The fabricated

433
00:25:02.240 --> 00:25:08.279
<v Speaker 6>quotes of Renee Darresta of targeting domestic speakers, of the

434
00:25:08.480 --> 00:25:11.680
<v Speaker 6>threat of quote legal consequences with the press. Secretary never

435
00:25:11.759 --> 00:25:17.000
<v Speaker 6>said you have problems with talking about SISA and how

436
00:25:17.240 --> 00:25:21.039
<v Speaker 6>the Election Integrity Partnership was actually set up. You have

437
00:25:21.319 --> 00:25:25.720
<v Speaker 6>problems with the word targeting being used. I would recommend

438
00:25:26.599 --> 00:25:29.079
<v Speaker 6>people take a look at Stanford's a Meekus brief in

439
00:25:29.160 --> 00:25:31.240
<v Speaker 6>the case where they get into this. And I'm sure

440
00:25:31.319 --> 00:25:34.759
<v Speaker 6>Janine probably has disagreements with what that brief says, but

441
00:25:35.720 --> 00:25:39.799
<v Speaker 6>I think that brief and certainly footnote four speak for themselves.

442
00:25:39.839 --> 00:25:42.920
<v Speaker 6>I don't think Justice Barrett would make that line lightly

443
00:25:44.400 --> 00:25:46.759
<v Speaker 6>now hopefully to say some things that Janine will agree with.

444
00:25:48.640 --> 00:25:52.279
<v Speaker 6>I think what we ultimately need to land on is

445
00:25:52.400 --> 00:25:56.079
<v Speaker 6>something between the broadest possible reading of the majority opinion

446
00:25:56.319 --> 00:25:59.480
<v Speaker 6>and the dissent, because at times the majority does I

447
00:25:59.559 --> 00:26:01.480
<v Speaker 6>mean they never say this explicitly, but they make it

448
00:26:01.599 --> 00:26:04.519
<v Speaker 6>sound like you need to be like named directly, and

449
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<v Speaker 6>that just can't, I can't be the standard. I mean,

450
00:26:07.160 --> 00:26:11.799
<v Speaker 6>that's highly problematic. They noted that the platforms had, you know,

451
00:26:12.000 --> 00:26:16.680
<v Speaker 6>independent incentives to moderate content, and I have thoughts on that,

452
00:26:16.839 --> 00:26:19.519
<v Speaker 6>but like I know this much, that cannot possibly be

453
00:26:19.759 --> 00:26:21.759
<v Speaker 6>like a get out of jail free card. It can't

454
00:26:21.799 --> 00:26:24.240
<v Speaker 6>be like, well, somewhere in the mix, we have an

455
00:26:24.319 --> 00:26:27.759
<v Speaker 6>incentive and and so you know, plaintiffs lose that can't

456
00:26:27.799 --> 00:26:31.359
<v Speaker 6>be right, Josh. You know, I think I think it's

457
00:26:31.359 --> 00:26:36.599
<v Speaker 6>an interesting question whether the majority agrees that there was

458
00:26:36.720 --> 00:26:40.759
<v Speaker 6>no violation. I mean, I don't think they ever say

459
00:26:40.799 --> 00:26:43.559
<v Speaker 6>that explicitly. That's certainly not my read of the justices

460
00:26:43.599 --> 00:26:45.640
<v Speaker 6>from the oral argument, but you're right, like they don't

461
00:26:45.799 --> 00:26:51.799
<v Speaker 6>they don't come in on that. I think ultimately we

462
00:26:51.960 --> 00:26:54.720
<v Speaker 6>have to kind of hope that like this opinion is.

463
00:26:54.759 --> 00:26:55.559
<v Speaker 5>Not read broadly.

464
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<v Speaker 6>They they their decision was shaped in part, I think

465
00:26:58.720 --> 00:27:01.440
<v Speaker 6>by how it was litigated and adjudicated below.

466
00:27:04.720 --> 00:27:06.920
<v Speaker 5>Vulo being a few months before.

467
00:27:07.400 --> 00:27:10.039
<v Speaker 6>Maybe we should take heart that, like you know, these

468
00:27:10.119 --> 00:27:12.880
<v Speaker 6>things are not a lot is left to be fought over.

469
00:27:14.160 --> 00:27:16.119
<v Speaker 6>And then the last thing I just want to insert

470
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<v Speaker 6>because I don't want to derail us. But I thought

471
00:27:18.000 --> 00:27:21.079
<v Speaker 6>Josh's discussion was interesting, and I'm wondering if he has

472
00:27:21.200 --> 00:27:24.480
<v Speaker 6>thoughts on whether maybe some of the conservative justices and

473
00:27:24.519 --> 00:27:30.319
<v Speaker 6>the majority were like spooked by Massachusetts versus EPA, seeing

474
00:27:30.440 --> 00:27:33.160
<v Speaker 6>like a decision that maybe all of us in the

475
00:27:33.240 --> 00:27:35.440
<v Speaker 6>room would be see as like a stretch of what

476
00:27:35.599 --> 00:27:38.079
<v Speaker 6>states can bring in and sue on and if that

477
00:27:38.279 --> 00:27:41.960
<v Speaker 6>maybe derailed them, And the reason I bring that up

478
00:27:42.000 --> 00:27:43.559
<v Speaker 6>in this answer is I think there just were a

479
00:27:43.599 --> 00:27:46.000
<v Speaker 6>lot of hydraulic pressures on this case that might have

480
00:27:46.359 --> 00:27:49.880
<v Speaker 6>shaped the majority opinion in ways that maybe they'll actually

481
00:27:50.240 --> 00:27:52.000
<v Speaker 6>change course of it in future decisions.

482
00:27:52.680 --> 00:27:55.079
<v Speaker 5>Well, so, I've been thinking about this a lot, and

483
00:27:55.279 --> 00:27:59.119
<v Speaker 5>you know, there was a lot of coverage in the

484
00:27:59.200 --> 00:28:02.480
<v Speaker 5>past four years since Justice Barrett was nominated of like, oh,

485
00:28:02.559 --> 00:28:04.839
<v Speaker 5>this is the conservative court that's going to like roll

486
00:28:04.920 --> 00:28:07.799
<v Speaker 5>back everybody's rights, blah blah blah. Like that's what you're

487
00:28:07.839 --> 00:28:10.480
<v Speaker 5>getting from. That's what you're getting from, you know, the

488
00:28:10.680 --> 00:28:16.440
<v Speaker 5>cottage industry, niche press that is that appears to just

489
00:28:16.559 --> 00:28:19.000
<v Speaker 5>criticize the Supreme Court twenty four hours a day, right,

490
00:28:19.079 --> 00:28:22.119
<v Speaker 5>Like that's kind of that's the kind of coverage you're getting.

491
00:28:22.440 --> 00:28:25.319
<v Speaker 5>And in fact, what you get instead is, you know,

492
00:28:25.400 --> 00:28:28.359
<v Speaker 5>a group of justices who have, for you know, their

493
00:28:28.559 --> 00:28:32.279
<v Speaker 5>entire legal upbringing, been very, very very skeptical of standing.

494
00:28:32.880 --> 00:28:35.039
<v Speaker 5>And so I mean that's what you that's what you've

495
00:28:35.119 --> 00:28:37.400
<v Speaker 5>seen this year and last year and the year before

496
00:28:37.759 --> 00:28:42.440
<v Speaker 5>is just really just ratcheting up the standing requirements in

497
00:28:42.519 --> 00:28:45.759
<v Speaker 5>case after case after case. So Mass v. E.

498
00:28:45.880 --> 00:28:46.079
<v Speaker 6>Pa.

499
00:28:46.680 --> 00:28:50.480
<v Speaker 5>You know, pretty much most conservatives disagreed with that opinion.

500
00:28:50.559 --> 00:28:53.559
<v Speaker 5>Thought it was, you know, far beyond the outer reaches

501
00:28:53.599 --> 00:28:56.920
<v Speaker 5>of standing, and so it almost looks like they're kind

502
00:28:56.920 --> 00:28:59.240
<v Speaker 5>of trying to self overrule some of these opinions, like

503
00:28:59.279 --> 00:29:01.680
<v Speaker 5>I said, in the parent potry context, like they're just

504
00:29:01.960 --> 00:29:06.160
<v Speaker 5>the Spring Court is absolutely wrong to cite that that

505
00:29:06.400 --> 00:29:09.279
<v Speaker 5>decision and SNAP without recognizing that there are several different

506
00:29:09.319 --> 00:29:13.039
<v Speaker 5>decisions after Snap that completely undermined that opinion with respect

507
00:29:13.039 --> 00:29:15.759
<v Speaker 5>to parents patry. Spring Court is entirely wrong, and they're

508
00:29:15.799 --> 00:29:20.400
<v Speaker 5>ignoring that line of precedents there. But you look at

509
00:29:20.440 --> 00:29:22.359
<v Speaker 5>that end and then you know, same thing with the

510
00:29:22.400 --> 00:29:26.599
<v Speaker 5>Department of Commerce. I think Justice Alito is right. I

511
00:29:26.640 --> 00:29:29.759
<v Speaker 5>don't know how you can you know, the Department of

512
00:29:29.799 --> 00:29:33.279
<v Speaker 5>Commerce was unanimous with respect to the standing question. New

513
00:29:33.359 --> 00:29:37.119
<v Speaker 5>York could sue because there was a predictable effect that

514
00:29:37.799 --> 00:29:40.839
<v Speaker 5>the census question on the or the citizenship question on

515
00:29:40.920 --> 00:29:45.039
<v Speaker 5>the census was going to lead to reduce, you know,

516
00:29:45.440 --> 00:29:47.960
<v Speaker 5>a reduced number of individuals filling out the census. Well,

517
00:29:48.160 --> 00:29:50.160
<v Speaker 5>of course, it's a predictable effect that when you have

518
00:29:50.279 --> 00:29:54.039
<v Speaker 5>this kind of government pressure, there is going to be censorship.

519
00:29:54.880 --> 00:29:57.759
<v Speaker 5>And so I think the I think it's a similar

520
00:29:57.799 --> 00:29:59.920
<v Speaker 5>situation where the Spreme court is kind of trying to

521
00:30:00.200 --> 00:30:03.559
<v Speaker 5>cabin these other standing doctrines without saying so explicitly.

522
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<v Speaker 1>Thank you for listening to this episode of SCO Discast.

523
00:30:08.759 --> 00:30:11.720
<v Speaker 1>SCO Discust is a project of the Federalist Society, a

524
00:30:11.839 --> 00:30:16.759
<v Speaker 1>not for profit educational organization of conservative and libertarian law students,

525
00:30:17.160 --> 00:30:20.759
<v Speaker 1>law professors, and lawyers, founded upon the principles that the

526
00:30:20.880 --> 00:30:24.200
<v Speaker 1>state exists to preserve freedom, that the separation of governmental

527
00:30:24.240 --> 00:30:26.680
<v Speaker 1>power is essential to our constitution, and that it is

528
00:30:26.759 --> 00:30:29.960
<v Speaker 1>emphatically the province and duty of the judiciary to say

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00:30:30.000 --> 00:30:30.640
<v Speaker 1>what the law.

530
00:30:30.640 --> 00:30:31.880
<v Speaker 3>Is, not what it should be.

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00:30:32.559 --> 00:30:35.440
<v Speaker 1>Don't forget to subscribe to our podcast series, including SCO

532
00:30:35.559 --> 00:30:38.759
<v Speaker 1>Discasts and Practice Group Podcast on iTunes or Google Play.

533
00:30:39.480 --> 00:30:42.440
<v Speaker 1>For an archive of past podcasts, as well as audio

534
00:30:42.759 --> 00:30:45.880
<v Speaker 1>and video of past Federalist Society events, please visit our

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00:30:45.920 --> 00:30:51.440
<v Speaker 1>website at FEDSOC dot org slash multimedia. That's fed sooc

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00:30:52.000 --> 00:30:53.759
<v Speaker 1>dot org slash multimedia.

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<v Speaker 4>This has been a fed side wo audio production.
