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<v Speaker 1>I found this, perhaps not in the strangest of places,

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<v Speaker 1>but while watching a travel food show in Anthony Bordain

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<v Speaker 1>No Reservations, somewhere in the seventh season, when he goes

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<v Speaker 1>to Cambodia. Half Way through the episode, a woman begins

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<v Speaker 1>talking about the Khmer Rouge regime led by Paul Pott,

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<v Speaker 1>and I looked it up and began to learn about

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<v Speaker 1>the horrors involved, not in the supernatural sense, although I

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<v Speaker 1>couldn't believe humans could be capable of such atrocities, especially

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<v Speaker 1>after what happened in Nazi Germany. Searching for patterns, I

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<v Speaker 1>learned about the Uigurs and the Turkic Muslims and re

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<v Speaker 1>education centers in Shinjang, China, the disappearances, torture and forced

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<v Speaker 1>labor and eritrea of up to four hundred thousand people

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<v Speaker 1>since nineteen ninety one, The Russian filtration camps during the

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<v Speaker 1>Chechen Wars, the Volune, the Almarscot camps in Bosnia, and

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<v Speaker 1>the nineties North Korea's prison camps me and mars Rohinga

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<v Speaker 1>ethnic cleansing. These stories terrified me to my core. Ideas

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<v Speaker 1>that spread like viruses and cause so much pain, and

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<v Speaker 1>the way the messaging affects belief. I'm convinced if there

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<v Speaker 1>is true evil in the world, this is it. And

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<v Speaker 1>in all of these cases, they started with people having

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<v Speaker 1>a hard time believing what was happening, justifying it with

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<v Speaker 1>the law with seemingly valid reasons, allowing themselves to be cruel,

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<v Speaker 1>saying that it can't be that bad, that those who

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<v Speaker 1>sound the alarm are exaggerating, that's just politics, that it

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<v Speaker 1>couldn't possibly happen again, And then it did, and it does.

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<v Speaker 1>It happened with the Native Americans, with African Americans during

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<v Speaker 1>the times of slavery, the Japanese interment caps never again,

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<v Speaker 1>we say, and then it happens once more. Today, I'm

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<v Speaker 1>going to tell you about the most horrifying acts carried

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<v Speaker 1>out by humans. So please take care as you're listening.

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<v Speaker 1>This is how governments disappear humans. My name is Edwin,

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<v Speaker 1>and here's a horror story. One call them names. In

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen thirties Germany, the Nazis didn't invent the hatred, they

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<v Speaker 1>just made it. Formal laws like the Nuremberg Laws of

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen thirty five legally defined who counted as a Jew

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<v Speaker 1>based on ancestry if her grandparents were Jewish, you were Jewish,

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<v Speaker 1>even if you've never stepped inside a synagogue. Religion turned

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<v Speaker 1>into a racial identity that the state could regulate. In Rwanda,

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<v Speaker 1>the division was even more rigid. The Belgian colonial government

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<v Speaker 1>issued ID cards labeling, and these labels locked you into

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<v Speaker 1>legal categories that shaped everything access to schools, jobs, political roles.

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<v Speaker 1>When the genocide began in nineteen ninety four, these ID

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<v Speaker 1>cards became a death sentence. At checkpoints, perpetrators would asked

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<v Speaker 1>to see your papers and it could be killed on

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<v Speaker 1>the spot based on what it said. The Ottoman Empire

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<v Speaker 1>had its own versions of this during the Armenian genocide

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<v Speaker 1>in nineteen fifteen. Armenians were already second class under Ottoman

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<v Speaker 1>law for centuries, but they were further singled out as

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<v Speaker 1>enemies of the state during World War One. The government

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<v Speaker 1>claimed Armenians were conspiring with Russia and pose a threat

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<v Speaker 1>to national security, and that label enemy was enough to

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<v Speaker 1>justify entire communities being deported or killed. In Nazi Germany,

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<v Speaker 1>Jews were called rats, and Rwanda Tutsis were called cockroaches

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<v Speaker 1>and me and mar Rahinja Muslims were labeled illegal Bengalis

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<v Speaker 1>labels like these are tools. They make violence easier by

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<v Speaker 1>making people seem less than human. And it's subtle. But

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<v Speaker 1>it's not just other countries. This kind of naming has

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<v Speaker 1>happened here in the United States too. In nineteen forty two,

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<v Speaker 1>following the attack on Pearl Harbor, the US government ordered

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<v Speaker 1>the force removal of over one hundred and ten thousand

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<v Speaker 1>Japanese Americans, two thirds of them were U S citizens

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<v Speaker 1>that were taken from their homes. They were labeled enemy,

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<v Speaker 1>aliens or potential threats based solely on their ancestry. There

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<v Speaker 1>was no trial, no evidence of wrongdoing, and entire families

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<v Speaker 1>were uprooted in place into interment camps. Under Executive Order

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<v Speaker 1>nine oh sixty six, the government created detailed records, maps,

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<v Speaker 1>and property inventories. Japanese Americans were fringer printed, assigned family numbers,

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<v Speaker 1>and tracked. A century earlier, the force displacement of Native

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<v Speaker 1>American nations followed a similar path. Through laws like the

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<v Speaker 1>Indian Removal Act of eighteen thirty. Indigenous people were officially

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<v Speaker 1>labeled as wards of the state that put them outside

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<v Speaker 1>the legal protections of citizenship and sovereignty. The US classified

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<v Speaker 1>their land as federal property and designated tribes as obstacles

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<v Speaker 1>to settlement. The Cherokee, Choctaw, Creek, Chickasaw, and the Seminole

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<v Speaker 1>were forcedly marched from their ancestral lands during what became

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<v Speaker 1>known as the Trail of Tears. Thousands died along the way.

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<v Speaker 1>And what's common in each of these stories is the

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<v Speaker 1>way that governments or societies first find a way to

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<v Speaker 1>divide people and then formalize that division, to track it,

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<v Speaker 1>to say you belong and you don't. And it's all

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<v Speaker 1>very organized, very procedural, just names at first, but once

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<v Speaker 1>those names are on paper, they can be used, and

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<v Speaker 1>history shows they usually are number two. Say bad things

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<v Speaker 1>about them. Words don't kill, but they prepare the ground

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<v Speaker 1>for those who will. And before they're pushed out, locked up,

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<v Speaker 1>or buried, they're spoken about in a certain way, loudly, publicly,

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<v Speaker 1>and over and over until the language stops sounding strange.

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<v Speaker 1>In Rwanda, for example, the airwaves were filled with poison.

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<v Speaker 1>Broadcasters joked about extermination, warned of conspiracies, and encouraged the

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<v Speaker 1>majority to defend themselves. And when the genocide began in

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<v Speaker 1>April of nineteen ninety four, people had already been shaped

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<v Speaker 1>by years of propaganda. This happened in Nazi Germany too.

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<v Speaker 1>Joseph Goebel's Ministry of Propaganda spent years portraying Jews as parasites, corruptors,

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<v Speaker 1>and a threat. Cartoons would show them with hooked noses

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<v Speaker 1>and greedy hands, and school books warned children to beware.

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<v Speaker 1>If people believed their neighbors were dangerous in subhuman, then

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<v Speaker 1>they could be removed without guilt. In me and Mar,

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<v Speaker 1>the Rahinda were labeled as Bengalis, implying that they were

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<v Speaker 1>foreign invaders from Bangladesh, even though their families had lived

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<v Speaker 1>in Rakhine State for generations. When the attacks began in

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<v Speaker 1>twenty seventeen, soldiers and militias buried entire villages, They raped women,

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<v Speaker 1>and forced hundreds of thousands into refugee camps across the

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<v Speaker 1>border and throughout the government insisted it was merely handling

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<v Speaker 1>illegal immigration. This is twenty seventeen, not even that long ago.

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<v Speaker 1>But the most chilling examples are often the quietest ones,

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<v Speaker 1>the one I mentioned at the start. In Cambodia, under

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<v Speaker 1>the Khmer Rouge, people were linguistically erased. Intellectuals, professionals, and

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<v Speaker 1>religious leaders were called new people, the phrase that stripped

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<v Speaker 1>them of history and reduced them to a thread against

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<v Speaker 1>a revolution. Anyone even wearing glasses or speaking French, maybe

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<v Speaker 1>owning a book, could be marked for death. Now the

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<v Speaker 1>pattern shows up over and over again. The labels get

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<v Speaker 1>more violent, the speech becomes more casual, and leaders say

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<v Speaker 1>things like they're different from us or they're taking over,

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<v Speaker 1>And eventually entire populations are spoken of in metaphors as floods, infestations, diseases.

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<v Speaker 1>And once people become a problem, the solution comes. Next,

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<v Speaker 1>the way leaders in the media talk about a group

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<v Speaker 1>becomes colder and rougher, allowed to be said without consequences.

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<v Speaker 1>Hate becomes part of the public conversation and when no

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<v Speaker 1>one pushes back, becomes normal. And once that happens, once

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<v Speaker 1>is acceptable to mock, insult, or threatn whole groups of

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<v Speaker 1>people in public. The damage is done. The people who

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<v Speaker 1>hold the power know they can go further, and history

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<v Speaker 1>shows they usually do. Three start the work. Once people

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<v Speaker 1>are labeled and talked about as a threat, The next

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<v Speaker 1>step is only paperwork. Violence comes from systems, boureocracies, forms, checklists, laws.

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<v Speaker 1>With the groundwork has been laid, the system takes over,

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<v Speaker 1>and it moves pretty quietly. In nineteen seventy five, the

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<v Speaker 1>Khmer Rouge rolled into Panampen and declared that Cambodia would

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<v Speaker 1>be rebuilt from zero, and within days the government emptied

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<v Speaker 1>entire cities everyone, teachers, doctors, children, the elderly. They were

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<v Speaker 1>forced to march into the countryside. Hospitals were cleared out,

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<v Speaker 1>schools were closed, property was confiscated. There were no trials,

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<v Speaker 1>no public explanations. It was all done under the logic

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<v Speaker 1>of the revolution. The city dwellers were labeled as impure,

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<v Speaker 1>or bourgeois or capitalist enemies. The killing came later, but

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<v Speaker 1>first came the machinery of control, lists, orders, and silence.

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<v Speaker 1>During Stalin's role in the Soviet Union, entire populations were

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<v Speaker 1>displaced or eliminated by administrative decree. In the early nineteen thirties, Kulaks,

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<v Speaker 1>which were wealthy peasants, were declared class enemies. Local officials

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<v Speaker 1>compiled blacklists or families trains were organized to deport them

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<v Speaker 1>to Siberia. There was no need for protests or mobs,

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<v Speaker 1>just a chain of commands, signatures, and silence. Millions were

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<v Speaker 1>caught in the net and Guatemala during the nineteen eighties,

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<v Speaker 1>the military government launched a campaign called Bland Campagna Vittoria

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<v Speaker 1>centaidos aimed at defeating the guerrilla insurgents, but the so

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<v Speaker 1>called insurgents were often entire Mayan villages. Soldiers and paramilitary

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<v Speaker 1>units used detailed maps and village registries to target communities

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<v Speaker 1>for destruction. Thousands were killed. It was done under the

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<v Speaker 1>language of counter insurgency, but the logic was clear. Remove

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<v Speaker 1>the identity, erased the resistance. In every case, these systems

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<v Speaker 1>were dressed in the language of order and policy. They

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<v Speaker 1>claimed to be protecting the nation, securing peace, managing risk.

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<v Speaker 1>Behind those words were the spreadsheets and blueprints built for displacement,

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<v Speaker 1>even the tools meant for safety, which were birth certificates,

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<v Speaker 1>senses records, ID cards that were repurposed in Nazi Germany.

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<v Speaker 1>The government had already been tracking racial backgrounds for years,

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<v Speaker 1>so when it came time to deport Jews, Roma and

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<v Speaker 1>the other targeted groups, the records were already in place.

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<v Speaker 1>The trains ran on schedule. The scariest part is in

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<v Speaker 1>that these systems existed. It's how ordinary they looked while

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<v Speaker 1>doing extraordinary harm. Clerks at desks, inspectors with clipboards, local

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<v Speaker 1>officials just following the rules, and by the time the

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<v Speaker 1>system is fully in place, it no longer feels like violence.

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<v Speaker 1>It's just process four pick aside. Once the system is

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<v Speaker 1>in place, something else has to be cleared before mass

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<v Speaker 1>violence can begin, and that's doubt. That means silencing anyone

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<v Speaker 1>who might raise questions, whether that be journalists, judges, teachers, neighbors, clergy,

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<v Speaker 1>or even former allies. People who might ask is this right?

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<v Speaker 1>They're dangerous to a regimed that's decided, it's already knows

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<v Speaker 1>the answer. In April nineteen fifteen, before the full scale

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<v Speaker 1>Armnian genocide began, the Ottoman government carried out a quiet

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<v Speaker 1>purge hundreds of Armenian intellectuals, writers, priests, politicians that were

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<v Speaker 1>arrested and instanbul and deported to remote provinces. Most were

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<v Speaker 1>never seen again. They were the people most likely to

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<v Speaker 1>speak out. Their removal created a silence that made the

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<v Speaker 1>mass deportations and killings easier to carry out in the

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<v Speaker 1>months that followed. In Germany, the Nazis targeted ascent from

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<v Speaker 1>the start political opponents, especially communists and social democrats. They

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<v Speaker 1>were the first to be arrested and sent to early

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<v Speaker 1>concentration camps. As the regime grew stronger, even internal critics,

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<v Speaker 1>Catholic bishops, Protestant pastors, conservative politicians, they were all threatened, sidelined,

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<v Speaker 1>or killed. Books were burned, newspapers were shut down, Teachers

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<v Speaker 1>were forced to swear loyalty oaths. Resistance didn't end overnight,

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<v Speaker 1>but it did get quieter. In Yugoslavia during the nineteen nineties,

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<v Speaker 1>nationalist leaders pushed hard to eliminate multi ethnic cooperation. Political

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<v Speaker 1>moderates who promoted coexistence between Serbs, Croats and the Bosniacs

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<v Speaker 1>that were called traders. Some were assassinated and others fled.

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<v Speaker 1>The media was used to stoke division and paranoia, and

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<v Speaker 1>by the time ethnic cleansing campaigns began, there were fewer

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<v Speaker 1>voices left willing or able to object. I found that

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<v Speaker 1>the same thing happened in Cambodia with the Khmara rouge,

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<v Speaker 1>who was targeting anyone whom I question it. People with education,

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<v Speaker 1>foreign language skills, or even soft hands were marked for elimination.

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<v Speaker 1>Family members of suspected enemies were killed. Two. The idea

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<v Speaker 1>was simple, no one should be left who could challenge

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<v Speaker 1>the truth. As a regime to find it. This is

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<v Speaker 1>the turning point, because once the people who would normally

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<v Speaker 1>speak out are gone were too scared to try, there's

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<v Speaker 1>nothing left to slow things down. The road ahead is

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<v Speaker 1>open legally speaking, of course, five displacing people. Now what

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<v Speaker 1>follows looks normal. People don't always disappear in the middle

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<v Speaker 1>of the night. Sometimes they are told to pack a bag,

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<v Speaker 1>like in nineteen forty two, the Japanese Americans were sent

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<v Speaker 1>to camps surrounded by Barb's wire in remote deserts and mountains.

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<v Speaker 1>The government called it evacuation, and later we called it

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<v Speaker 1>what it actually meant. In tournament. Through the Armenian genocide,

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<v Speaker 1>what began as deportations who became death marches. Armenians were

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<v Speaker 1>ordered to leave their towns for relocation, but the routes

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<v Speaker 1>had no food, no shelter, and no end. Thousands died

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<v Speaker 1>along the roads and others were killed along the way.

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<v Speaker 1>Women were abducted, children were taken from their parents. The

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<v Speaker 1>promise of relocation was a lie. In Bosnia during the

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen nineties, civilians were rounded up. Muslims and Croat families

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<v Speaker 1>were forced to leave with whatever they could carry or

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<v Speaker 1>face execution. In some cases, men and boys were separated

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<v Speaker 1>and later killed. Now, in even more recent examples, the

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<v Speaker 1>pattern repeats and me and Mar the Rahenga were pushed

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<v Speaker 1>out of their homes by soldiers and armed mobs. Villages

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<v Speaker 1>were burned, families fled across a border into Bangladesh, and

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<v Speaker 1>those who didn't were killed or captured. The government insisted

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<v Speaker 1>it was a security operation, but the scale and targeting

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<v Speaker 1>told a different story. By the end of twenty seventeen,

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<v Speaker 1>over seven hundred thousand Rahinia had fled. The language around

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<v Speaker 1>these displacements is always careful. Governments speak of relocation or processing,

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<v Speaker 1>clearance or protection. The victims are framed as threats, intruders,

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<v Speaker 1>or burdens. The violence is disguised as policy, and by

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<v Speaker 1>the time the photos and videos of camps and caravans

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<v Speaker 1>show up, it's already well underway. What ties these moments

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<v Speaker 1>together is not just a movement of people, but the

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<v Speaker 1>message behind it. You don't belong here, not anymore, not

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<v Speaker 1>with us. That message doesn't need to be shouted. It's

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<v Speaker 1>printed on official letterhead, it's signed by an officer, and

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<v Speaker 1>it arrives at the door. Backed by Law six, create Chaos,

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<v Speaker 1>displacement clears the which strips people of protection, identity, and connection.

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<v Speaker 1>Once they've been moved out of site into ghettos, camps,

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<v Speaker 1>detention centers, forests, what happens next can happen quietly. This

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<v Speaker 1>is the point where persecution becomes extermination. And Rwanda, the

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<v Speaker 1>killing started fast after the assassination of the president in

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<v Speaker 1>April of nineteen ninety four, roadblocks went up overnight. Of

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<v Speaker 1>the course of one hundred days, more than eight hundred

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<v Speaker 1>thousand Tutsis and moderate Hutus were slaughtered. Entire communities were

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<v Speaker 1>wiped out, and the infrastructure that once tracked people by

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<v Speaker 1>decards addresses they all made it easier to find them.

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<v Speaker 1>In Cambodia, the population was sent into rural labor camps.

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<v Speaker 1>The killing began slowly, though people who complained disappeared little

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<v Speaker 1>by little. Execution sites were called killing fields. Victims were

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<v Speaker 1>often told they were being relocated again, but instead they

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<v Speaker 1>were being led to Maps decimated that nearly two million

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<v Speaker 1>people died, almost a quarter of the population. In Bosnia,

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<v Speaker 1>the violence was fast. In July of nineteen ninety five,

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<v Speaker 1>more than eight thousand Bosniak Muslim men and boys were

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<v Speaker 1>separated from their families under the watch of peacekeepers. They

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<v Speaker 1>were loaded into buses, driven into forests and fields and shot.

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<v Speaker 1>Their bodies were dumped into mass graves, and later, to

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<v Speaker 1>cover up the crime, the graves were dug up and scattered.

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<v Speaker 1>Survivors of the towns evacuation never saw their loved ones again.

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<v Speaker 1>In the forests of eastern Poland and Ukraine during the Holocaust,

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<v Speaker 1>entire Jewish communities were taken outside of town and shot.

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<v Speaker 1>Men with lists walked door to door, collected families and

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<v Speaker 1>marched them to the edge of the woods. Children were

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<v Speaker 1>killed two Though these weren't hidden massacres, they happened near farms,

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<v Speaker 1>roads and villages. Ordinary people saw them and most stayed silent.

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<v Speaker 1>It often starts with the idea of removal, but eventually

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<v Speaker 1>the question becomes why keep feeding, guarding, or transporting people

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<v Speaker 1>as they're just not welcome here anymore. Now, the logic titans,

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<v Speaker 1>the solution shifts, it becomes final, and by this point

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<v Speaker 1>most of the outside world is either looking away or

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<v Speaker 1>struggling to believe it. Governments speak in vague terms. The

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<v Speaker 1>bodies are hidden or denied. There are no images from

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<v Speaker 1>inside the worst places, only rumors, fragments, testimonies that sound

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<v Speaker 1>too awful to be real. The killing stage is about

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<v Speaker 1>the system accepting that people marked as them have no future.

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<v Speaker 1>It's about society turning away or worse, participating. Seven change

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<v Speaker 1>the story now. In the years after the Armenian genessid,

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<v Speaker 1>the Ottoman government fell, but the denial remained to this day.

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<v Speaker 1>Turkey refuses to recognize what happened in nineteen fifteen as genocide. Instead,

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<v Speaker 1>it's called a tragedy of war or mutual suffering. After

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<v Speaker 1>the Holocaust, much of the world said never again, and

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<v Speaker 1>Germany built monuments, changed school curriculums, prosecuted many of the perpetrators,

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<v Speaker 1>but even there, denial crept in Neo Nazi groups were

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<v Speaker 1>emerged and conspiracy theory started circulating. In Cambodia, the Khmer

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<v Speaker 1>Rouge trials took decades to begin. Many of the regime's

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<v Speaker 1>leaders lived long, quiet lives before ever seeing a courtroom.

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<v Speaker 1>For years, the genocide was barely taught in schools. Survivors

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<v Speaker 1>often kept silent, unsure who to trust. It wasn't until

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<v Speaker 1>a new generation pushed for truth that museums, memorials, and

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<v Speaker 1>textbooks began to fill the gap. In Bosnia, workrooms were

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<v Speaker 1>convicted at the Hague, but back home, many were honored.

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<v Speaker 1>Streets were named after them, murals were painted. Some schools

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<v Speaker 1>teach at the Surrey bernitza of massacre never happened in

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<v Speaker 1>the United States. The government eventually apologized for the internment

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<v Speaker 1>of Japanese Americans. Survivors were given reparations, but most of

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<v Speaker 1>the camps are gone now. Many people don't know that

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<v Speaker 1>they even existed. And this is what bothers me, even

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<v Speaker 1>as I tell you about it. With so much killing

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<v Speaker 1>and tragedy, all these stories begin to sound like just

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<v Speaker 1>numbers and facts. It's the same reason why we react

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<v Speaker 1>the way we do when we hear about a mass

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<v Speaker 1>shooting on the news. As time passes, the clarity fades,

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<v Speaker 1>the photos seem too old, or the stories just too distant.

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<v Speaker 1>Becomes easier to think that it couldn't happen again, that

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<v Speaker 1>maybe now we actually value lives. The same is true

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<v Speaker 1>for the force removal of Native American tribes. The trail

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00:21:59.880 --> 00:22:02.319
<v Speaker 1>of tears is taught in schools, but often without the

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<v Speaker 1>weight that it deserves. There are few monuments marking the

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<v Speaker 1>thousands who died, few preserved homes or gravestones. The people

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00:22:11.039 --> 00:22:13.799
<v Speaker 1>are still here, but the history is usually told in

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<v Speaker 1>past tense, as if it belongs to another country. If

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<v Speaker 1>you take something away from this episode, please let it

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<v Speaker 1>be this. The constant pattern of a fascist movement follows

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<v Speaker 1>these steps, and it's based on works by Jason Stanley,

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<v Speaker 1>Madeline Albright, Umberto Eeko, and Hannah Arendt. Create an enemy class,

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<v Speaker 1>cultivate a mythic national identity, undermine truth and expertise, glorify

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<v Speaker 1>law and order, militarize politics, euro democratic institutions control education

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<v Speaker 1>and culture, suppress dissent, promote rigid gender roles, normalize cruelty.

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<v Speaker 1>Doesn't this sound familiar? Now? From all this I've told

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<v Speaker 1>you so far, none happen in the same place, different ideologies,

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<v Speaker 1>different enemies, different borders. But the steps, they're familiar, and

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<v Speaker 1>they repeat most of the time. The people inside these

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<v Speaker 1>stories didn't believe it would go that far. They told

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<v Speaker 1>themselves that it was just a phase politics or just talk.

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<v Speaker 1>They believe their institutions would stop it, that the neighbors

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<v Speaker 1>wouldn't allow it, that their country wasn't like that. And

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<v Speaker 1>they were wrong, not all of them, though some helped

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<v Speaker 1>people escape, some resisted until the end, but many, most

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<v Speaker 1>watched it unfold and waited for someone else to act.

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<v Speaker 1>That's why these stories are remembered, because of how many

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<v Speaker 1>people let it happen. History whispers and repeats itself. What

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<v Speaker 1>looks like bureaucracy today might be the bones of something

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<v Speaker 1>far worse tomorrow. No country is immune, no society is

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<v Speaker 1>too advanced. The truth is, any place can build the

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<v Speaker 1>wrong system if the wrong story is told long enough,

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<v Speaker 1>and if enough people choose to look away. So remember

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<v Speaker 1>the steps, Remember how normal they looked as they began,

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<v Speaker 1>and remember how hard it was to stop once they started.

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<v Speaker 1>I was born in California and now lived in the

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<v Speaker 1>US for most of my life. I remember being in

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<v Speaker 1>second grade during the racist Pete Wilson's policies in the state.

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<v Speaker 1>I understood them much later, but I remember the fear

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<v Speaker 1>on banning bilingual education, saying that undocumented immigrants should be

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<v Speaker 1>excluded from schools in public services. Instead of focusing on

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<v Speaker 1>the efforts on legalization, ICE feels more like a machine

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<v Speaker 1>built to show us that we don't belong. The patrols

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<v Speaker 1>like an occupying force. Its job is to intimidate, to divide,

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<v Speaker 1>and to disappear people. Parents drop off their kids at

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<v Speaker 1>school and never come home. Children left and after school

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<v Speaker 1>programs crying for someone who wasn't coming back, and somehow

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<v Speaker 1>it's legal. When Trump said they're not sending their best,

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<v Speaker 1>he was talking about my parents. When he said animals

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<v Speaker 1>infestation and they're invading our country, he gave permission to eyes,

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<v Speaker 1>to customs and border patrol, to racist communities that refuse

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<v Speaker 1>to read, to travel, or explore ideas outside of their

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<v Speaker 1>own echo chambers. That kind of language was chosen. That's

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<v Speaker 1>the language of fascism. And let's not excuse previous presidents too.

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<v Speaker 1>No one has come up with a solution that also

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<v Speaker 1>gets accepted by the majority. In fascist regimes, the first

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<v Speaker 1>step is to dehumanize a group, usually one that's racially,

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<v Speaker 1>religiously or culturally different. The second step is to remove them,

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<v Speaker 1>or to control them so fully that they can't resist.

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<v Speaker 1>Ice rates, family separation, border camps, militarized checkpoints, and politicians

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<v Speaker 1>telling us to go back to where we came from.

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<v Speaker 1>That's not immigration policy. That's literally ethnic cleansing by paper work.

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<v Speaker 1>I've shown you examples, and yes, I understand the points

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<v Speaker 1>of not wanting people to keep coming into the country

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<v Speaker 1>for safety. Reasons or whatever. But some of the very

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<v Speaker 1>problems they're escaping from were created by the US foreign

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<v Speaker 1>policy to begin with. And I've heard the arguments and

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<v Speaker 1>I understand them, I really do. Some people say if

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<v Speaker 1>they came to illegally, they should face the consequences. But

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<v Speaker 1>what's the same energy for corporations that employment documented labor

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<v Speaker 1>laws are adjusted for them white only for them? What's

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<v Speaker 1>the outrage for the white Europeans who overstay visas. They're

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<v Speaker 1>not putting cages, their kids aren't taken. Others might say,

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<v Speaker 1>my grandparents came here legally. Why can't they please understand

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<v Speaker 1>that your grandparents weren't blocked by laws designed to keep

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<v Speaker 1>out people who look like mine. Before nineteen sixty five,

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00:27:14.400 --> 00:27:19.079
<v Speaker 1>US immigration law gave massive preference to white Europeans. Records

379
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<v Speaker 1>show this. The National Origins quota system from nineteen twenty

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<v Speaker 1>four to nineteen sixty five was designed to preserve a white,

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<v Speaker 1>Northern or Western European demographic majority. Meanwhile, quotas on Mexicans

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<v Speaker 1>and Central Americans were harsh and arbitrary, even though US

383
00:27:37.680 --> 00:27:42.119
<v Speaker 1>companies recruited US for labor. They say, you should have

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<v Speaker 1>come the right way. The thing is there is no

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<v Speaker 1>right way for most of us. Please please ask a

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<v Speaker 1>friend who's from a Latin American country what it's like

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00:27:51.359 --> 00:27:54.359
<v Speaker 1>for them to travel. It's the simple question, and not

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<v Speaker 1>just to the US, but to other places. Ask them

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<v Speaker 1>about the paperwork and sufficient proof they must show the

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<v Speaker 1>agents while crossing borders. Plus, there's no visa for fleeing

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<v Speaker 1>gang threats, no green card for working fourteen hour shifts

392
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<v Speaker 1>under the table the meat packing plants. Then they say,

393
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<v Speaker 1>why should we be paying for them to have benefits?

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<v Speaker 1>Undocumented immigrants cannot receive food stamps, Medicaid, or welfare. They

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<v Speaker 1>are eligible. And yes, undocumented immigrants pay taxes through individual

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<v Speaker 1>tax payer ID numbers. That's how they file returns, and

397
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<v Speaker 1>they pay into Social Security and Medicare but cannot access it.

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<v Speaker 1>Survival cannot be a crime. Our presence challenges a myth

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<v Speaker 1>of what the United States is supposed to be. There's

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00:28:42.079 --> 00:28:44.759
<v Speaker 1>this imaginary vision that the US is supposed to look

401
00:28:44.799 --> 00:28:47.759
<v Speaker 1>a certain way, feel a certain way, and sound a

402
00:28:47.799 --> 00:28:50.519
<v Speaker 1>certain way. As a kid, did you ever hear about

403
00:28:50.519 --> 00:28:54.240
<v Speaker 1>the manifest destiny? It was literally a belief that the

404
00:28:54.359 --> 00:28:58.200
<v Speaker 1>United States was destined by God and history to expand

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<v Speaker 1>as territory across North America that's from ocean to ocean,

406
00:29:02.680 --> 00:29:05.359
<v Speaker 1>and it was coined in eighteen forty five, and it's

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<v Speaker 1>deeply rooted in racism. It treated non white populations like

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<v Speaker 1>Indigenous peoples and Mexicans as inferior and obstacles to progress.

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<v Speaker 1>The movement assumed that Anglo American culture was superior and

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<v Speaker 1>that non white people had no rightful claim to land

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<v Speaker 1>or sovereignty, reflecting and reinforcing white supremacist ideas. Perhaps the

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<v Speaker 1>majority is afraid, afraid that our kids will speak more

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<v Speaker 1>languages than them and graduate college, that will run for office,

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<v Speaker 1>that will own land, that will remember everything they did

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<v Speaker 1>to us and demand justice. So what can we do?

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<v Speaker 1>We tell our stories. We start to pass to legalization

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<v Speaker 1>and naturalization so we can vote. We protect each other,

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<v Speaker 1>We sue ice, We build sanctuaries. We raise a next

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<v Speaker 1>generation to know that fear is not Their inheritance was

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<v Speaker 1>stolen long before we crossed any line. Some of our

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<v Speaker 1>ancestors lived on it, their hands built it. We don't

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<v Speaker 1>need permission to exist. They want to make us ghosts,

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<v Speaker 1>but we're still here. If you have any questions about

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<v Speaker 1>anything I mentioned in this episode, please reach out. This

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<v Speaker 1>episode was intended to share with you the truth of

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<v Speaker 1>the darkest times in human history, and perhaps you can

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<v Speaker 1>help in spotting patterns
