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I want to welcome everyone back to the Peking Yona Show.
We're gonna switch things up today. I'm gonna do an
episode where I'm gonna throw a bunch of topics at
Thomas and get his opinion on them, and some might
be controversial to the listeners. So that's good. That's good. Thomas.
First of all, how are you doing today?
Speaker 2: I know it well, thanks for hosting me.
Speaker 1: Of course, of course, let's start talking about immigration. When
you look at I think we've done a pretty good
job of discussing immigration in Europe. And how the only
way you think that the issue that they're having their ends,
How does our the United States issue with immigration get solved?
In your eyes?
Speaker 3: Well, the problem in the United States is complicated by
the fact that in Europe it's very contrived, and it's
very artificial, and it's nakeadly political, which in some ways
is worse. But on the other hand, in the Erica,
like I discussed in this series with my friend Anthony,
you know, on the Mind Phaser podcast, there's structural barriers
to a policy based solution, you know, And that's why
I think people misunderstood what I was saying. I'm not
opposed to immigration enforcement at the level of you know,
a violation, you know, rounding up people who are breaking
the law by being here, overstaying their visas are by
credashing the border. I don't have a problem with. But
these ice raids where they show up twenty deep and
just around over a bunch of people. That's not even
a stopgap effort. It's performative, and there's not if you're
one of these big agribusiness conglomerates. You know, like Anthony
was pointing out, the I don't think people understand these
guys are handing out you know, uh, fake social Security
numbers to these people and helping them fill out fraudulent paperwork.
This is above board. You know, they're the irs knows
about it. It's not hidden. You know, there's a lack
of political will to penalize market actors who profit by
this system. I mean, that's the essence of a narco tyranny.
It's this hush hush, wink wink. You know, we let
people break the law kind of because just by non enforcement.
But you know, in other capacities, the selective enforcement that's
really bad. I mean, just an ethical terms, aside from
the obvious deleterious effects of you know, things like tolerating
people crashing the border. There's I mean that that represents
a deep level of corruption and unless they're until that changes,
you know, the the problem.
Speaker 2: Is not going to be mitigated by.
Speaker 3: Just ramping up enforcement that you know, again at the
level of individual violations of.
Speaker 2: The law, you know, I mean, that's the issue. And
it's also.
Speaker 3: It's America is complicated because America is literally the the
center of the world for praidical purposes. It's the size
of the continent. We've got this massive border and unfortunately
there's a lot of dysfunction in you know, Latin America,
I mean, particularly in Mexico, but that's it's you know,
it's throughout the entire throughout the entire you know, both continents.
It's you know, it's not localized. It's structural and endemic
at scale, so that I don't really see I mean
the problem as I see it, it gets resolved, like
I said, by nullification. And most of these problems in
America of a social nature. There's other there's a storical problem.
There's plabal ones too, but you know, these these these issues,
a lot of the immigration issue and you know, just
like a lot of the problems emerging from the civil
rights regime. These things that go away if people had
free association rights. These you know, these things were forced
on populations by social engineering, literally at gunpoint in some cases.
Speaker 2: You know, you take that away suddenly. Uh.
Speaker 3: You know, at the local level, people are able once again,
I mean, assuming they have the.
Speaker 2: Will and.
Speaker 3: Fortitude and cojone is to be crious about it to
do so. You know, people can I mean, you decide
who you're going to allow or not allow to live
in your communities, you know. I mean, that's that takes
care of the problem. People gotta stop looking at things
in a status capacity. It's not some libertarian talking point.
It's just not realistic anymore. And globalism at scale is
a reality. This idea that well, we got to elect
the right kind of government and then implement some top
down federalist solution by you know, some some president invoking
Article to emergency power and then imposing this this kind
of new continent wide regime. That's not that's not not
things work anymore, you know. And and that's that's fine.
I mean, I because that that that that wouldn't solve
the problem anyway. That the problem is going to be
solved from the bottom up, not the top down. But again,
I mean, like we talked about the situation in Europe,
totally different. But as far as the American situation, that's
that's how it shakes out.
Speaker 2: And you know we got here. I mean, we got
hit harder by.
Speaker 3: The Venezuelan crime wave brought to you by Biden than
pretty much anybody other than I'm I'm sure some people
in the border States got hit harder, but you know,
I there's completely food barred things here in Greater Chicago Land,
so I'm not I'm sure that you know, people are
gonna say I don't know what I'm talking about because
I I don't experience the effects of immigration persue, and
I absolutely do more than probably ninety percent of the
fucking country.
Speaker 1: So you know, so when it comes to the immigration issue,
well there's also another issue, and that is that a
lot of people you know, in our in our tribe
talk about and it's blacks and they I think one
of the reasons why I wanted to do this with
you today and talk to you is because when you
have platforms like us, you can't escape bumper sticker solutions
like you're just you know, you're like watching the comments
and there's a bumper stick. They're all going back. We s,
we're sending them to Liberia. Uh, you know, we got
to get rid of the blacks and and everyone else
and the Jews. The United States is going to be
one ten. I mean, how would you even I mean,
is it even possible? No, we know that it's not.
Speaker 2: What's als it too.
Speaker 3: I mean, blacks are if you're talking about legs population's
American slaves. They've got the right to be here like
other th like heritage, White Americans, Indians, and black folks
are the only people who've got like an absolute right
to be here. You can't you don't have to like
black folks who want to live next to him or
think of you know, think positive about him at all.
Speaker 2: But you can't.
Speaker 3: You can't say that some dude who's the descendant of
a slave who came here in you know, fifteen ninety
has no right to be in America, or that he's
actually African because he's not. You know, that just stupid.
You know, it's also say this idea that for the
past four hundred years, close to five hundred years, the
history of blacks and our people in America is just
like Blacks committing huge amounts of crime or whatever, or
you know, this ongoing race war that's totally at odds
with precedent. The reason why things are foo bar is
because of the social engineering. That's what's causing it, you know,
and it created these totally perverse circumstances. It by design
a breakdown and social authority was curated whereby there was
no there's no social penalty to people going totally feral.
There's the mechanisms in place that you know, prevented that
kind of thing for centuries, were targeted for destruction, you know.
Speaker 2: I mean, that's why this happened. It's not because there's some.
Speaker 3: Five dred years a long race war going on and
Blacks or some alien element or something like. Don't get
me wrong, us us in them are very different people. Okay, uh,
and that and that only, I mean, that's that's insurmountable.
But the idea that we can't live on the same
continent at appropriate social distance and you know, figuratively and literally,
that's preposterous because obviously that's not the case. And the
reason why the last seventy years have been dysfunctional is
because of what I just said, you know. Plus I
mean it's uh, I don't know. I mean, I mean,
if your whole jive is to avoid black folks, you
can do that pretty easily. I mean I can't because
we're right live. But I mean, nobody I choose to
live here. Is that that doesn't bother me. But I
but this idea, it's not It's not like it's not
like in a country at three hundred and twenty million
people blacks or one hundred and fifty million of them
or something, it's like, Okay, don't live around black folks
if that's an issue, And that's totally fine. I mean,
if that's people's notion, I'm not saying anything wrong with
that being your notion. But you know, this idea that
people see these these horrible things happen, like the lump
and sy Go stabbing that poor immigrant lady, and that
that's horrible. I mean, don't get me wrong. I you know,
I there's there's no way to characterize it as anything
but horrible. But these these but these one off horrible things,
and I mean, don't get me be wrong. Obviously there's
serious corruption in that littlecal that allows this kind of
thing to happen.
Speaker 2: But again, I mean that this isn't happening by accident.
You know it's.
Speaker 3: But but also you know that's that's that that's that's
one incident. Yeah, unfortunately, that kind of stuff happens all
too often. But it's not as if there's some it's
not as if there's thousands or millions of those events
happening every day. And it's not as if this is
a natural state of things that's curated. You know, in
a normal society, you wouldn't have some judge who's who's
who was running some ng O mass grading as a
charity whereby there's incentives. I mean, it's not the fact
that you know, this judge obviously had no interest in
punishing her own people because you know she's unfit for
the role she's in. But there's also that, you know,
this conflict of interest waiting to this NGO A, this
alternative sentencing regime. You know, she was literally pocketing money
from that whole structure. I mean that that doesn't just happen,
you know, like all this stuff is curated. You know,
it's that that you don't need, you don't need some
top down or form package you know, by authoritarian means
you you essentially just need free association if you reinstated,
and you need the harmful element excised from the government,
and you know, you you need.
Speaker 2: To reign in government from this.
Speaker 3: Role that it's taken on since the nineteen thirty three Revolution,
whereby its its primary raise on deat true as as
a social engineering apparatus that you know, by punitive sanction
and the threat thereof it forces these unnatural and harmful
and deliberately uh hostile patterns of life on people, you know,
so that that's the thing to maintain. But I say, too,
it's a sociological problem, Like I'm not I'm not saying
that there's not problems with having a this black lumping
population in periodical revolt, like that's fucked up and that's
not sustainable.
Speaker 2: But they do.
Speaker 3: But it's not really a political problem. It becomes that
way because it's exploited as such on purpose, but it's
it's not it's not a political problem in the way
this conventionally or or I mean that's that's not in
the way it's conventionally understood.
Speaker 2: But also factually that's not what it is.
Speaker 3: It's a sociological problem, and they're not the same thing,
despite what people have been habituated to believe.
Speaker 1: All Right, so we talk about the black issue mostly
because of crime and things like that. Violence. You talked
about the social engineering regime, and the social engineering regime
can lead me into the next group I wanted to
talk about, and that's the Jewish people. And it seems
like the social engineering regime, you know, once you really
start getting down in the weeds, is drawn out of
this culture of critique, as Kevin McDonald would call it,
that it insinuates itself into high levels of places where
social engineering can be done, press culture, Hollywood, things like that.
How do we deal with that going forward? Because I
mean it's you know, people are screaming, Oh, we just
we're not gonna be able to deal with this. I mean,
the spurg Gius of the Spurgs dealing. We're not gonna
be able to deal with this until every last one
is kicked out of the country. Well that's not going
to happens. So you know, how do we deal.
Speaker 2: Well, you've got you've got to look at you've got
to look at.
Speaker 3: Jewish revolutionary tendencies and cunative impulses and the ambitions of
the regime and its structural aspects as being synonymous, did
the same thing. One reflects the other and a symbiotic relationship,
and each feeds and facilitates the other. And this is
why I'm always emphasizing that the revolutions of the first
you know, decades of the twentieth century, whether you're talking
about Red October or the National Socialist Revolution that culminated
in in Hitler being appointed Reich's consuler, and the New
Deal Revolution, I mean, though you've got to look at
those as having equivalent impact. I mean, obviously it was
much more punctuated in case the Soviet Union.
Speaker 2: The other two examples were perfectly.
Speaker 3: Within the law of the extant polity, and the Bolsheviks
literally killed their way into a position of authority. So
I mean, I'm not suggesting some equivalents with the German
Reich or the or New Deal America. But these these
the ideological imperatives were just as radical and total in
a top down way, you know. And so that that's
the legacy government you live under. You don't live under
the legacy government at George Washington and John Adams or something,
you know. So it's not That's one of the reasons
why when it's it's kind of as a nine. You know,
especially a lot of guys on the academic side of
of of the law and stuff, like the kinds of
guys you find, uh who end up teaching law school.
You know that there's definitely some intelligent people who come
out of that milleu, like John Hughes one of them,
but he's kind of the exception. Most of these guys,
you know, they write this polemical stuff, you know where
they where they stump in favor of concepts like originalism,
the standard Kerna there.
Speaker 2: I mean, they'd be like they'd be like some.
Speaker 3: Guy in in in Prudence Russia, you know, like falling
back on Czarist precedents or something like it's not you
know you you don't you don't live under the government
of seventeen eighty three or seventeen eighty nine. Though those
assumptions were totally done away with. You know, the epistemic
priors that were invoked to validate early America have absolutely
nothing to do with the present situation, and such that
they are invoked, they're invoked as a punitive counterexample. That's
what the regime wants to accomplish.
Speaker 2: So the way.
Speaker 3: The privilege, the privileged position of Zionism is totally done
that conceptually people hate Israel and they hate Zionism like
they're they're a total pariah. So that changes things because
you know, the regime has really been obsolete since you know,
November eighty nine. Let me, let me qualify that that
the Clinton administration derailed was supposed to succeed.
Speaker 2: That regime.
Speaker 3: Okay, Like I'm not saying that Bush, Baker and Gorchov
model was good in absolute terms, but it would have
been workable, okay. But because that was totally monkey wrenched
by the neo cons and and and these Clinton liberals
and others. You know, the the regime in the twenty
worth century is kind of dead on arrival, but it
took it took a few decades for that to fully
come to fruition. But like the issue of Zionism and
Jewish radicalism again, it's you've got to look at this
synonymous with the American regime, and that's taking care of itself.
And I mean in historical terms. You know, like I
said before, it's going to be a couple of centuries
before that transition is fully realized and before the current
structure truly dies, but it's it's actively happening.
Speaker 2: You know. The thing to do is.
Speaker 3: To continue to facilitate its demise and work towards but
the main thing is to work towards rebuilding as we
look to a horizon where the regime no longer exists.
And that's what we're doing. That's why social capital is
so important, you know, because we're laying I mean not
just because that's essential to people's equlity of life and
you know, raising healthy children and being productive and transmitting
our culture to future generations. I mean, obviously all those
things are paramount importance, but we were basically future oriented.
You know, we're building the structure that is willing to
sustain our people moving forward when actual freedom is restored
and realizable again. And you know, the mentioned material and
the communities that those people constitute, and the social bonds
that and communitarian aspects of that structure. You know, that's
that's the future. That's the way for And you know,
and that's why people too, like they when they talk
about hypothetically, I assume I I would hope that nobody's
actually talking about trying to stage some sort of Shadze
rebellion right now, But that'd be that they'd be like
plotting the murder a guy who's dying of cancer, you know,
the overthrowing a dying regime. Yeah, sometimes that And that's
that's what the Jacobins did. I maintaining that's one of
the reasons they weren't along for this earth. But that's
sort of tangential. But the and I realize people aren't patient.
And don't get me wrong, I mean, if there's some
if there is gene, decide it's not going to allow
itself to exit stage of history without taking as many
of us down with it as possible. Yeah, obviously you
need to fight back, to defend yourself and defend your
family and defend your community and everything else.
Speaker 2: But that's the issue.
Speaker 3: The issue, isn't that if somebody doesn't Hypothetically speaking again,
I'm not advocating violence or criminality at all, but this
idea that there's not going to be a paradigm shift
there absent some punctuated revolutionary catalyst, that's the wrong way
to look at it, you know, it's the best finanswer
I can give.
Speaker 1: Do you think that everybody that that attitude of oh,
it has to be done now. I'm not going to
work for Yeah, I'm not going to work towards the
future in you know, even after I'm gone and know
that I built something now, No, I want to win
right now. Do you think that has something to do
with like the you know, like the Industrial revolution and
technology just like just this momentous just acceleration of being
able to get things done at a moment's notice, and
then people want to apply that to historical and social phenomena.
Speaker 2: Yeah, that's a big part of it.
Speaker 3: And it's also people have trouble even intelligent people who
might intellectually understand that you've got to look at historical events,
you know, like you do macroeconomics or anything else. You've
got to look at it in the centuries long increments,
you know, they intellectually understand that. Instinctively, people have a
hard time seeing or conceptualizing a horizon outside of the
their immediate situated in this So even if even if
you argue the point to somebody or have a discussion
like wherevering now and they acknowledge the inherent frailties and
you know, fatal contradictions of the extent regime and acknowledge
that it's you know, a process of historical transitions underway.
They instinctively they reject that because they look at they
look at the current system as this kind of megalith.
You know, I've been invoked the metaphor before. It's I
think going like an obelisk, like in two thousand and one,
those monolists that appear. If you're in the middle of
a desert and you're smacked up against an object like that,
you can't really discern its parameters and its size and
its features. You know, you need to you need to
get far away from it to establish an advantage point
and understand what it's true dimensions are. That's kind of
the way people are in terms of their temporal situatedness.
And because because the state is very very powerful, you know,
even states and precipitous decline are are very powerful. They
can bring to bear a tremendous amount of wealth, violence,
you name it. So people become inculcated with this sense
of it being this you know, immortal leviathan that could
only be that could only be altered or done away
with by violent force, but that that itself. You get
people plause you're not You're not gonna win in a
fight against the government at present. You know, that's not
And I mean again, I yeah, I'm not trying to
be controversial, and I with qualifications, you know, Like I said,
I got a lot of respect for guys like Gusty
Spence and that was that was his sensibility, even when
he was at his most radical, is you know, we're
we're going to defend our people in our communities from
our sectarian enemies or the or the or the British
Army or the Crown government or anybody else. But we're
not We're not gonna spoil for fights to make some
kind of point, you know. So you do need to
return to serve to protect yourself and your people, but
there's not some vainglorious don Quixote charge at the government
isn't going to accomplish anything. I mean, you shouldn't do
that anyway. Again, people shouldn't break the law, but that
would also be counterproductive.
Speaker 1: So one of the things that I've I said on
my my live stream recently, and I think I said
it on somebody else's live stream the other night, was
that a lot of people, a lot of our guys,
you know, people that you know, we would like if
we met them. They they have this thing like, oh,
everything is stacked up against white men. It's a war
against white men. And what I've taken to saying is
if you're a white man, you could defeat anything, you
can do anything. So if you have that attitude of oh,
you know, they it's a war on white people. Look
at all, Look at all these things these people said
about white people. They want to kill us, they want
to everything. I mean, that's really just a part of
the social engineering regime, trying to make it so that
you're miserable, you're never going to you're never going to try,
and it just keeps them in power, right.
Speaker 2: Well yeah, and also the regimes terrified of.
Speaker 3: The power potential of the silent majority, particularly radicalize youth
cadre they're in.
Speaker 2: And uh well yeah, it's also.
Speaker 3: I mean, I yeah, the the the the white man
rules the culture and everything of significance. You don't why
why do you need validation or why do you need
some pathetic government apparatic to like you or think positively
of you?
Speaker 2: Now? Thad matter is too all these.
Speaker 3: These people whether it's uh, this GoF who's running for
a mayor of New York City, or whether it's that
ridiculous and very corrupt woman who is you know, trying
to subpoene other records of our friends in d Air
And you know, in the most comically enough way. Everything
from the way these people dress, the way they talk,
you know, the their habits, their tastes, the food they e,
the technologies they use, the concepts they invoke of an
ethical nature. They were rationales for everything they do in
their life. Their wants, their desires, their fears and their anxieties.
Literally everything is what they learned from anglophone white people
in their culture. They literally don't exist without my tribe.
So I'm supposed to I'm supposed to be like worried
about them not liking me or acting like the is
it a wayward idiot children of some rich guy. I mean,
it's basically what they are, you know, So it's okay
the government. I mean, like I'm only saying too, And
this isn't some kind of stupid flex or something. It's
just reality. I maybe because I've always been an outlaw,
this is always this has a bit like easy for me.
I always realize that the government doesn't like me. They
do me as a bad guy, they want to do
bad things to me. I mean, I guess it's different
if you grow up in like an all white town
in Colorado, when you go to the same church as
everybody else in that town, and you know, the local
government is like the dads of guys you go to
high school with. I mean, yeah, okay, I guess maybe
that insinuates with an idea that official dumb are good
guys and that the country belongs to guys like you
at street level or something. I mean, obviously I never
had that experience, but yeah, it's uh, like, on the
one hand, you can't be flippant and haughty and pretend
that these people can't harm you, because they absolutely can't
and they want to. But this idea they only exist
because of my people. There's a power disparity there that's
so massive, it's basically unprecedented. Like people an't eveny Helots,
because the Helots did have their own culture, and I
think they probably even had their own language that's disputed,
you know, Like these people literally don't exist without us,
you know, and even they're even they're they're their entire
rays on death rou and there even even the punitive.
You know, notions that they harbor towards us are derived,
admittedly from a very unfortunate body of theory, but that
body of theory is again like white Western post Christian.
These people literally don't exist without us. So I'm supposed
to I'm supposed to get all upset when you know,
they they act as if they have some sort of
mandate to to run things. You know, they're they're literally kolies.
You know, I'm not afraid of koolies. I'm not afraid
of anybody. You know, becaund like a big bad ass,
but I mean, I'm only afraid of God, you know,
and that you shouldn't be afraid of anyone or anything else.
But you know, such that bringing kind of back to
earth to I mean, these people are not long for
this world. You know that this is all coming to
an end. I mean, admittedly, I if my horizon in
discussing this is a couple of centuries, and I realized
people and I'm not I'm not minimizing some of these people
go through. You know, there's very bad things underway, and
people are suffering in real ways from it, and they
want relief from that. But at the same time, will
must keep a big picture in mind and according to
that reality, you know, these people around their way out,
they're exiting history.
Speaker 1: If if some of our guys came to you and said,
you know, look, i'm gonna all these jobs came open
with this uh, with this government, and I'm gonna get
I'm gonna get hired on what do you think should
be their motivation and expectation as far as doing that
or do you even think it's a good idea at all.
Speaker 3: I don't think it's a good idea, but I don't
know all the answers. And I've run across well, it
depends where you're at. Like I've run across at events
and stuff and just other places when I've been out
and about on the road. I've run across guys, particularly
in the South, and they're you know, they're on the
staff of the congressmen of the district where they live
and their their notion is. And then that's a very
Southern thing, is you know, get getting involved locally in
you know, the political apparatus, and you know, at least
trying to mitigate some of them are harmful. Top down
programmatic efforts, you know, social engineer the culture and what
have you, and I mean only to reconstruction and stuff.
I get why guys do that arguably that you know,
you need you need our people in place there to
act as kind of stop gap, you know, agents. But
you know, generally unless you truly don't have a choice,
because the only way you can earn what you need
to earn, you know, to provide for your wife and
kids or something, is by taking a straight job with
a big company or with the government or something adjacent
to that.
Speaker 2: I mean, they get it. Some people don't have a choice.
Speaker 3: But those people who don't have a choice, that's a
shrinking demographic, you know, you said, he said, it's a
seed from regime stuff as much as possible, and that's
one of the positive things. Like Charlie Kirk, he did
this before, I mean about a month before he was murdered.
He did this interview on Tucker Carlson. I watched Targer
Carlson on and off. Some of his guests really interest me.
Some of them, I'm kind of like whatever.
Speaker 2: They bore me.
Speaker 3: But Tuger Carlson for a mainstream pundit, I think he
I think he's basically a good guy, you know. And
but he and Kirk were talking about nullification. I mean,
and they weren't using that word, but that's what they
were talking about, and all but name and they were
making a lot of those same points, you know, the
fluid of the capital and the ability to work remote
leagues at telecommon things. You know that this has changed everything,
you know. I mean, that's how I can make a
living and large measure by writing and stuff. I mean,
admittedly I'm a single man, you know, changed things with
a family, but I'm not an outlier. And you know,
there's opportunities abound if you're willing to be creative, and
especially if you're willing to do without certain things.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: I don't mean like basic essentials are like wearing decent clothes.
I mean like maybe you don't maybe don't need to
take three vacations a year and you know, have three
cars for a you know, a family consisting of like
a husband and wife and two kids, you know, like
a stuff like that.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: So I my notion has always been in what remains
of this day, you know, secede from regime regime stuff
as much as possible. Especially in the way you make
a living and your laborers, but also like who you
hang out with, the kinds of girls you court, and
the woman you marry or the guy you marry. If
you're a lady, obviously you know who you socialize with.
You've got to take this on as a partisan commitment
that in every aspect of your life. If you know
you're if you are for X y Z company and
your cowtew to bullshit, like when they you know, when
they when they observe Pride Month or something. You know,
if you like hold your peace when there's real injustice underway,
and you know, some regime, like some like system regime
coded job you have, if the people you hang out
with or a bunch of like brain dead liberals, I
think Donald Trump is you know, causing the psoriasis. I mean,
it's like you're living a fucked up life. And if
you just like talk trash and the internet to like
blow off steam, or you're like you gottahote it, but
you don't just go to soak it up. It's like no,
you're you're being a bitch and or you're just a phony.
And your whole thing is you know, you just like
mess around on the internet, you know, because like in
your review, it's like transgressive to say politically incorrect things
or something. But you know, no people I am, I
mean convinced that people need to secede from regime culture
as much as possible, especially in the way they make
a living.
Speaker 1: So guys in our thing, every once in a while
contact me or somebody will reach out to me and go, hey,
you know, I found out that this guy who you
know is in our cadre and is very influential. His
great grandfather was Jewish and they they converted to Christianity
and now he's a third generation Messianic Jew. But I
never hear him bringing up the JQ. So when it
comes to like our thing, what's the separation because everybody,
you know, he wanted to make it about race, and
race is really important. But you know what, when you know,
I know a lot of the guys that you hang
out with, you know, like there's there's a bunch of
mischelings that I know of, and you know in our
crew definitely, But what how do you judge it? How
do you judge it going forward? If you're going to
have these small cadres, if you're going to break things down,
you know, is there any is there any group that
you see as like a no go.
Speaker 3: Yeah, I mean it's uh well, I mean I mean,
I mean er Harden Milts was a racial view, like
it's not.
Speaker 2: The way.
Speaker 3: Uh, I don't. I don't join any organizations. I've contemplated
the idea of formalizing something, but I mean, I don't
that that that that'd be different than this above board
kind of stuff.
Speaker 1: You don't seem the joiner type to me at all.
Speaker 3: There, No, And my notion was I've got a big
tent sensibility like anybody who's you know, if you're if
you're white, whatever, Ethnos or Middle Eastern, you know, uh,
any any any Christian sect other than like phony stuff
like Unitarians. I have no problem don Our Cadre are
Moslem friends, obviously, I I I have a lot of
respect for them, you know. So there's that kind of
big tent new resistance write coded Cadre. But then within that,
you know, the reason why I opted to start spending
more time in Lynchburg and stuff is because there's a
community of heritage Americans, a lot of whom have got
Ulster blood, you know, like my dear friend g Burden
does a church there I like where all of them attend.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: That's uh. I want to be around my own Ethnos. Okay,
sometimes I need to be. So that's the way to
look at it. Like within the broader political pastiche and
resistance element, there's gonna be guys who you find relatable
and who are friends and comrades yours who are of
a different ethnos.
Speaker 2: That I mean that.
Speaker 3: Doesn't really matter. Doesn't mean we're being like race blind
or something. It's you know, it is what I said
it is. And it's also too like I don't you
know if you're gonna go around checking people's DNA, Like
I mean, the problem is the problem with people with
respect to that kind of thing, with respect to the
heritage of people who they accept in their cadre. The
problems to you, it is some guy who'll like work
with some crazy Zionist guy or something, but then decide
this guy's based for some asinine reason or he finds
him personally likable, so it's like, oh no, it's okay
because you know he's a right wing view or whatever.
It's like no, no, no, no, no no. If you're if
you're if you're a self identified you, and that's your culture,
you you identify with it, you you practice it like
you're not. That's ridiculous, you know, And doesn't mean you
go around personally hating people because that's lame and that
that's that's bitch made.
Speaker 2: But you don't.
Speaker 3: You don't pretend people are your political allies because you
personally like them or something. But you know, most of these,
most of these supposedly right wing guys, don't get it,
you know, they're They're just mainstream people with with certain reservations.
So I don't I it's not complicated who you should
or shouldn't accept as a comrade in arms or as
part of your cadre. And if anyone who finds this
confusing as something of a cretan or doesn't really understand
what we're doing, you know, and that's my take on it.
Speaker 1: Well, let me ask you a couple of things that
are you know, can bring a chuckle in or kind
of ridiculous. Do you think there is going to be
an awakening in the United States and all of a
sudden the United States is going to adopt national socialism?
Speaker 2: No?
Speaker 3: The uh, well, I mean that there already has been
an awakening. I mean, that's why the regime is shooting
his pants over that Trump ascendency. Like Trump, the guy
isn't important, and it's not important either that Trump's obviously
like a a regime actor. It's what he represented to
the silent majority, and that demographic self consciously mobilizing around
an identitarian imperative. That's what terrifies them and that's what
they can't tolerate. There's nothing to do with Trump and
its policies and the fact now that everybody hates Zionism
and zion is that is the awakening. Like what, there's
a perennial aspect and a timeless aspect to the Third Reich.
But the reason why is because that was It's that
that was, that was one iteration of this perennial thing.
You know, it's the form it took, and the organizational
permutations and things are historically contingent.
Speaker 2: That's not important, you know.
Speaker 3: But the reason why it has a a timeless significance
and the reason why I identify with those things is
for the reason I just said, you know, not not
not because there's going to be some party political mobilization
along sort of lines that were in the nineteen thirties,
and that's going to change everything. But in America, like
in America, you don't have political parties. In America, you
don't do things that way. That's the European way of
doing things. The American way of doing things is nullification, localism,
you know, the yeomanry or it's equivalent, you know, mobilizing
a cadre structure to essentially force the government to not
interfere with this process of nullification. I mean, that's what
the War between the States was about. And this is
an ongoing thing. You know, every couple generations that re emerges. Obviously,
I mean, thank god it doesn't culminate in a massive
war that kills half a million people. But you know
that was never really resolved, you know, and it still
remains unresolved. I mean, that's the American situation, you know,
and is not europe.
Speaker 1: Well, I guess because of the just how it spread
out everything is how many. You know, you can have
somebody who's a heritage American who lives in Utah and
someone who's a Heritage American who lives in New York
and they believe in completely they're completely at odds when
it comes to anything socially and politically. So yeah, Basically,
what I hear all the time is, well, you know,
we just got to radicalize people. We got to radicalize people.
And what what what I try to tell people is
most people are not going to be radicals.
Speaker 3: They just don't want to be anyway. I mean that
what would you do with them? We're not democrats, you know.
The I don't mean you know, the media branding. I mean,
you know, in the actual sense. You know, it's like
like Tommy Metsker said, he even if we had these people,
what would we do with them? You know, we're not
We're not We're not trying to We're not trying to
make our own version of you know, the regime or
like our own Walmart brand or something.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: I mean plus plus two, I mean political revolutions. I
don't just mean a of a violent nature or a
kinetic nature, right, you know. Any you said a revolutionary
paradigm shift, there's always gonna be a van with by definition,
there's always gonna be a vanguard that leads that. And
what the vanguard is if it's people who for whatever
reason are astride the zeitgeist and for somehow they embody
the prime symbols and imperatives and and and literal spirit
of the age in a way that other people don't.
They're almost a conduit for this stuff. Okay, that's what
the vanguard is, you know, it's not And and when
these movements emerge, they don't. They don't come about like
the Jehovah's Witnesses. It's not because a bunch of guys
went door to door saying I have like a pamphlet
for you to tell you about why you want to
be radicalized and why you know, like Jews are bad
guys or whatever like That's that's as nine, you know.
But that's also but the fact that people think that
way that proves my point, like they're not built for this.
They don't understand what we're doing. They don't understand what's underway,
you know, and it's best, uh, they not try and
get involved in it like that.
Speaker 2: That's my whole point about Trump's.
Speaker 3: Arrangement syndrome and stuff like On the other side, I
when I come across these people, I mean generally I
ignore them because they're because they're pooh like there's they're
just obnoxious difference assholes. But when I do choose engagement,
say this doesn't affect you. You have no skin in
the game. You're an NPC, Like, stop stop curating us
like a random rage at Donald Trump right or at
conservatives or of I mean, it doesn't make any sense
and it's fake because it's like this is it's like,
you know, you you don't play a role in these processes.
You know, you're you're You're just the background. You're you're, you're,
you're just the background elements. You know, so people this
idea that uh that this this idea that you know,
some majoritarian element. Once you convinced them, they become radical.
The things change. That wasn't even i mean one of them.
It's fasting to read about the schism between the Bolsheviks
and the Mensheviks. I mean, there's there's a there's a
lot of nuances to that. But at the end of
the day, you know, letting this were vand guardists, they're like, no,
this isn't this isn't some Yes, this is a broad front,
but we're not We're not Democrats. This isn't some uh
get out the vote campaign. This isn't you know, we're
not We're not trying to capture parliamentary parliamentary majorities.
Speaker 2: You know, we are the proletarian vanguard. We are forcing.
Speaker 3: Revolutionary imperative because we're the ones that can perceive the
political process and are willing to sacrifice therein you know,
there was a there wasn't really an equivalent for that
in the National Socialist Revolution.
Speaker 2: Like Strasserous.
Speaker 3: They they had some reservations about the fear of principle,
but they weren't They weren't really broad front.
Speaker 2: Strategists either. It was its own thing.
Speaker 3: So I mean, but you know, point being I I
I'll never understand why people think that we're involved in
some get out the vote activity or something.
Speaker 2: I don't know why they think that.
Speaker 3: I don't know why they desperately want some ad i
Q like Rando to like agree with them, you know.
And most people aren't capable of understanding political scale. It's
just beyond them, which is fine. There's all kinds of
things that are beyond me, Okay, I happen to understand
and of instincts for political theory and praxis and scaled
systems of a social and political nature and theoretical things.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: The overall majority of people that is not for them,
you know, it's it's not it's not a question of
intelligence either. I mean, obviously, if you're if you're extraordinarily unintelligent,
that's an obstacle to whole kinds of stuff. But I'm
not I'm not talking about there's talking to people who
are always smarter than me, who don't understand politics. It's not
We're not talking about intelligence or something, to be clear,
And I'm not saying I'm so smart because it has
nothing to do with it.
Speaker 1: Well, yeah, it's one of the things that you know,
people who are out there that I like, I mean,
and they're like, well, race is everything, race is you know, Well,
it comes down to scale. Okay, if you want to
do that in an area where you go and you
do it, you can do it. You're not going to
do that in a three hundred and fifty million, four
hundred million that has been importing people from other cultures
unless you kick them all out. And how are you
going to do that. I think people have this idea
that they're going to have the Turner Diaries and you know,
not realizing that that's a piece of fiction, and not
realizing that if you had the Turner Diaries. You wouldn't
want to be there, you'd be leaving, You're be taking
your family and going somewhere else.
Speaker 3: No, it's not realistic. And it's also Yeah, I mean,
obviously race is important. It's an essential human characteristic, you know,
and along with other essential characteristics.
Speaker 2: It's something that that's got it. It's always relevant.
Speaker 3: And but this idea that everything is reducible to raise
and nobody thinks that way anymore, other than like at
Randos who aren't really in the game. The reason why
there was such this I mean, I mean everybody in
the twentieth century thought that way, you know, Like I
make the point often there wasn't some national socialist fixation
on biological racialism. That's the way everybody thought, Like, that's
the way socialist thought, that's the way liberals thought.
Speaker 2: That's why reactionaries thought. Everybody thought that way.
Speaker 3: You know, the twentieth century, every everybody was an atheist,
everybody was a biological reductionist.
Speaker 2: Nobody thinks that way anymore.
Speaker 3: You know, say, you come off like a weirdo if
you talk that way anyway, I mean, because you're not
a serious person. You know, we don't wat we don't.
We don't sit around devising like public eugenics programs based
on the idea that your blood or your DNA programs
you to act certain ways. I mean, yeah, sociobiology is
a real thing. But this idea that you're Jewish, could
you have a certain kind of DNA that makes you
act Jewish? Nobody thinks that way. That's not and and
anybody who does doesn't understand genetics and biological science.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 3: Plus, it's not like a political question. It's like, Okay,
it's like if this is this idea.
Speaker 2: That uh.
Speaker 3: We you know, we we we we can only live
among people with a certain IQ who don't come in crimes.
Speaker 2: Like that, that's autistic and it's not.
Speaker 3: Again, it's not a political solution, but I mean it
doesn't matter because that's like people vote that got of
still for the same kind of people who still invoked
like bullshit like Richard dawkint as if it's meaningful and
it's not the fact that some bullshit like again that
it's that that's shit's out of date.
Speaker 2: Nobody thinks that way, you know. So that's plus two.
Speaker 3: I mean, like there's with some exceptions, you always find
outliers here and there, some like mixed race guy or
some Eurasian guy who is very much nevertheless part of
like a white culture. And you know it's like Phil
why not syndrome? You know they have him thin Lizzy,
But uh, you know that's just that that those are
the outliers. And obviously ethnos is Ethnos and race aren't synonymous,
but I mean obviously they're inextricably linked, so that it's
you know, and I mean ethnos is what matters. Like, yeah,
there is a white race, Yeah, there is a there
is an Indo European derived culture. And and you know
that whether where there's common moral, intellectual, and practical assumptions
that kind of tether these several populations together. And what
can be called Christiendom or the West that turnsment hygien x.
Not only use term the West. It's just big of
a stand in for you know, like late capitalist society,
your modern society or something. But I mean, you know
what I mean, this idea, this idea that we've got
to have some hardest fuck you on biological race, otherwise
it's going to corrupt the process of decision making. It's like,
how like I you know, but people think that way
too are often themselves super derastinated, Like I sa, I
wasn't making the point, like, yes, again, race is real
and there's a white race, but I'm not first and
foremost the people I have affinity for in in political
terms are I mean, if you're like me, like you know,
your your confession is your ethnos, I don't. I don't
hang around Ukrainian village and say to a bunch of
you know, UK's won't speaking goes like, yeah, we're the
white people. I mean, like, that's not how things work.
And then you know, again, if you think that way,
you're you don't leave your house, you're you know, you're
some internet guy, or or you're some deracinated person who
doesn't isn't connected with his own culture as you've decided,
you know that the source of fellow feeling and it's
common historical destiny like derives from you know, some some
some criteria like group anatomy or something. Yeah, that's the
best I can answer.
Speaker 1: Yeah, I know we have to finish up here. But
I always I find it very odd that a lot
of the people who talk about race are also the
kind of people who are like yeah, you know the
United States and everything. It's like localism. No, localism is bullshit.
It's like what do you what are you talking about?
It's like, look at the United States, what do you
where do you go to?
Speaker 3: Their whole notion is that they were ascinated Liros, And
their notion is they don't like black people because they
commit crimes. They like, Jews are standing in for like
the rules in their mind. So their notion is they
want them all of America or Walmart. But you know
without black people who like hassle you and steal your shit,
and without liberals and to them, you know, liberals and
Jews are sort of synonymous, you know. So that's not
where they're coming at it from. They they're not looking
at it as you know, I'm part of this chain
of being that spans a past, the present, and a future,
you know that orbits around a confessional heritage and uniquely
situated population that came here from somewhere else, but you know,
nonetheless did so in a way that was ordained by God,
and you know, based on you know, the the living
memory of my ancestors and the prime symbols that trigger
or sustain those things, and the kind of fellow feeling.
I I am able to cultivate with people of my
same you know, confession and race and ethnos like you know,
there's there's nothing They're not engaging in that at all.
Speaker 2: It's you know, Blackie commit crimes and threaten me. Jew
is liberal.
Speaker 3: I want all of America, but without Blackie and Jew
it's like that basic you know.
Speaker 1: All right, well let's finish that up there. Thank you
for doing this today. Yeah, you know, we could have
we could we could have went into uh Sombard or
the Frankfurt School. But let's take you know, take a
little break. And I think this is important because I'm
I know for a fact that the overwhelming majority of
the people who listen to our content, view our content
that we interact with pretty much have a nuanced view
of how the futures going to look, how society is
going to work. And you know, I'm basically by doing
something like this, it's like just I'm trying to create
a Spurg free zone. Yeah, you know, you know it's there.
I'm not gonna let them bother me anymore, just gonna
block them and just you know whatever. You know, have
a good time, go into your bubble, and you know,
you keep keep complaining. But there's a big difference between
complaining about you know, oh, you know, look at what's
happened to say, look at look at what's happened to civilization,
look at what's happened to order because of certain groups
and how things have been shaped, and complaining about oh
I can't I can't get a job because I'm white.
I mean, it's one is literally inward behavior.
Speaker 3: Like a lot of these like I'm always saying, like
not in words are black, some of them are. Some
of them are at least biologically white. And that's that,
Like there's there's there's like a lot of like white
anwordism in supposedly right wing circles, you know, with these
Internet people. No, I just you know, gate keep heartists,
fucking don't don't even engage with these fools.
Speaker 2: So my time is valuable to me.
Speaker 3: I know yours is too, So I don't I don't
waste my time with with fools because because again, like
my time is valuable to me.
Speaker 1: You know, all right, everybody go to Thomas's substack. You
can connect to Thomas off of his substackle. The I'm
sure he spends most of his time support Thomas on
the substack. So you can get the episodes which are
behind a paywall. Believe me, you want to hear the
latest one with Taylor from mandeloup Hill talking about uh
was it the last? Is it last battle?
Speaker 2: It's yeah, yeah, yeah, No, Taylor is a great guy.
Speaker 3: The Nlfhill guys are dear friends and they're very kind,
and you know, they send me all kinds of great stuff.
And the Irving book, I'm in getting it extensively in
my own manuscript so is. But having the addle up
Hill hard copy was really nice. I got the original
copy from focal Point or like the focal Point one
from like the nineties, and I got a PDF version
of the original from I think, like nineteen eighty seven
or in thineteen eighty nine I think. But no, it's
it's a great addition. And yeah, not very blessed man,
and thanks for the endorsement. And yeah, Taylor, I really
appreciate him taking time out to record with me.
Speaker 1: All right, Thomas, thank you as always.
Speaker 2: Yeah, like was very well s