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<v Speaker 1>Hi, and welcome back to part two of our double

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<v Speaker 1>episode about the strike wave in the US during the

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<v Speaker 1>Vietnam War. If you haven't listened to part one yet,

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<v Speaker 1>I'd go back and listen to that.

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<v Speaker 2>First Alamatina Happenalta or the larger, very largile there Larchild

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<v Speaker 2>child chi Alamatina.

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<v Speaker 1>Before we get onto the main episodes. We thought it

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<v Speaker 1>was worth making a bit of an announcement because this

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<v Speaker 1>is our one hundredth episode, which seems like quite a milestone,

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<v Speaker 1>and one that is only possible because of support from you,

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<v Speaker 1>our listeners on Patreon. We don't have wealthy backers or

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<v Speaker 1>get funding from any political party or government or corporation

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<v Speaker 1>or anything like that. All of our work is funded

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<v Speaker 1>by you. In return, patrons get exclusive early access to

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<v Speaker 1>podcast episodes without ads, bonus episodes every month free, and

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<v Speaker 1>discount in merchandise and other content. As we're recording this,

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<v Speaker 1>we've got just under nine hundred patrons. If we could

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<v Speaker 1>get up to twelve hundred patrons, this would really help

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<v Speaker 1>us cover our costs, make our projects sustainable for the

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<v Speaker 1>long term, and help us fund production of more regular episodes.

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<v Speaker 1>So if you can, please consider joining our community and

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<v Speaker 1>keeping people's history alive in these trying times. Learn more

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<v Speaker 1>and sign up at patreon dot com slash working class

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<v Speaker 1>history link. In the show notes, we left off last

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<v Speaker 1>time about to talk about the mass strike of US

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<v Speaker 1>postal workers in the US posts work for the United

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<v Speaker 1>States Postal Service USPS and are employees of the federal government,

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<v Speaker 1>and so they were and still are banned from striking.

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<v Speaker 1>Despite a Congressional commission recommending postal workers be given the

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<v Speaker 1>right to collective bargaining in nineteen sixty eight, Congress itself rejected.

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<v Speaker 1>Its workers got no pay increase at all from nineteen

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<v Speaker 1>sixty seven to nineteen sixty nine, while their union did

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<v Speaker 1>nothing about it. This meant that, counting inflation, they had

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<v Speaker 1>real pay cuts of nineteen point five percent over this

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<v Speaker 1>time period. In early nineteen seventy, they were eventually offered

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<v Speaker 1>an increase of just five point four percent. Union members

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<v Speaker 1>called for a ballot for strike action, which officials succeeded

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<v Speaker 1>in delaying but ultimately couldn't prevent. A majority of workers

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<v Speaker 1>voted to strike, and workers in New York City, without

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<v Speaker 1>waiting for authorization from union officials, set up picket lines

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<v Speaker 1>around post offices in the city.

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<v Speaker 2>It was a wildcast strike, never supported by the unions.

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<v Speaker 2>It was the largest strike of postal workers and in

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<v Speaker 2>fact the largest strike of public employees that there had

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<v Speaker 2>ever been. It started in New York Wish a few

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<v Speaker 2>locals that decided to go on strike, and then spread

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<v Speaker 2>and became extremely widespread in New York, and then within

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<v Speaker 2>days people from all over the country began calling in

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<v Speaker 2>and said we're going out too, We're going out too,

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<v Speaker 2>and it became a strike that involved hundreds of thousands

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<v Speaker 2>of people around the country. It grew out of near

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<v Speaker 2>poverty conditions or actual poverty conditions that postal workers were facing,

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<v Speaker 2>with many postal workers on welfare in order to get

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<v Speaker 2>by and just thought a not read what was regarded

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<v Speaker 2>as something that was acceptable if you were working. So

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<v Speaker 2>the union completely opposed it ordered people to go back

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<v Speaker 2>to work. They did not go back to work. Does

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<v Speaker 2>National Guard was sent in. Ultimately, the United States Army

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<v Speaker 2>was sent in. Twenty five thousand troops occupied the post

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<v Speaker 2>office in New York. There used to be an old saying,

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<v Speaker 2>when they send the military end to force the miners

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<v Speaker 2>back to work. You can't dig coal with bayonets, and

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<v Speaker 2>so the postal workers adopted the slogan you can't sort

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<v Speaker 2>mail with bayonets. And from what we were told, the

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<v Speaker 2>army went into the post office and started slarting mail,

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<v Speaker 2>but it's not clear that the mail was better sorted

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<v Speaker 2>after they went to work than it was before they

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<v Speaker 2>went to work. There was not a successful military operation

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<v Speaker 2>from the point of view of just getting the mail out.

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<v Speaker 1>This unsuccessful military operation in breaking the postal strike was

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<v Speaker 1>mirroring the unsuccessful nature of US military intervention in Vietnam itself.

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<v Speaker 2>It might have been successful and that they got to

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<v Speaker 2>troops into the post office, but it was not successful

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<v Speaker 2>from the point of view getting the mail out of

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<v Speaker 2>the post office. And there was essentially a fake settlement

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<v Speaker 2>that was worked out between the union officials and the

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<v Speaker 2>Postal service, and then the workers were told to go

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<v Speaker 2>back to work and they didn't.

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<v Speaker 1>By this point, the striant could spread to over two

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<v Speaker 1>hundred cities and towns across the country.

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<v Speaker 2>There became a complicated situation, and I don't want to

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<v Speaker 2>go into all the details, but essentially there was a

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<v Speaker 2>taskit arrangement that negotiations would not begin and tell the

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<v Speaker 2>workers had gone back to work, but as soon as

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<v Speaker 2>they went back to work, not only the Postal Service,

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<v Speaker 2>but the President and both houses of the Congress agreed

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<v Speaker 2>that they would make a major raise for postal workers

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<v Speaker 2>and meet many of the other demands. And that's essentially

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<v Speaker 2>what happened. The postal workers went back to work, but

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<v Speaker 2>they created an independent organization and told the union leadership,

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<v Speaker 2>if you don't have this settled in a week or so,

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<v Speaker 2>we're just going to go back out, and we have

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<v Speaker 2>the organization to do it. So they went back into

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<v Speaker 2>the post offices, and the Congress passed the legislation necessary

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<v Speaker 2>to give them a raise put him on a decent

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<v Speaker 2>footing for the future.

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<v Speaker 1>Congress awarded an immediate six percent pay increase to all

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<v Speaker 1>government workers, with postal workers to receive an additional eight

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<v Speaker 1>percent with a reorganization plan later.

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<v Speaker 2>It was not everything that they wanted, but it made

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<v Speaker 2>a huge difference in the power of the postal workers.

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<v Speaker 2>There was a point at which the head of the

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<v Speaker 2>Federal Employees Union AFGE said he was being overwhelmed by

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<v Speaker 2>telegrams and calls from local unions all over the country

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<v Speaker 2>who represented other government employees, saying, if the postal workers

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<v Speaker 2>can do it, why can't we and demand that he

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<v Speaker 2>called strikes for them, and that was part of the

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<v Speaker 2>reason that management decided that the government decided it had

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<v Speaker 2>to settle fast with the postal workers because damn thing

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<v Speaker 2>was really threatening to get out of control. One of

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<v Speaker 2>the most vociferous locals, he said, for demanding a strike,

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<v Speaker 2>was one that organized the logistics for the American war

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<v Speaker 2>in Vietnam. Now that doesn't mean that workers were striking

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<v Speaker 2>against the war, but it meant that the demands that

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<v Speaker 2>they be patriotic and support the war had lost the

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<v Speaker 2>power and credibility to direct their action.

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<v Speaker 1>In wartime, governments and national media typically denounce any kind

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<v Speaker 1>of strike as an attack on the nation and say

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<v Speaker 1>it's putting the troops, the war effort, and the country

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<v Speaker 1>at risk. So any wartime strike is significant because it

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<v Speaker 1>is seen and reported as an attack on the troops

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<v Speaker 1>and the nation.

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<v Speaker 2>It's certainly true in the context of the Vietnam War

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<v Speaker 2>is that the strikes were portrayed as unpatriotic, as undermining

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<v Speaker 2>the war effort, partially directly if they know we were

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<v Speaker 2>producing things that were needed. Also, because inflation and the

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<v Speaker 2>economic conditions, high demand for labor meant that if people

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<v Speaker 2>struck effectively on a large scale, they actually were able

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<v Speaker 2>to win substantial wage increases, and that was something that

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<v Speaker 2>then the government blamed inflation on those ways increases. This

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<v Speaker 2>in fact happened with the teams strikes that we'll probably

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<v Speaker 2>get to here. It wasn't just not producing what was

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<v Speaker 2>needed for war, but also adding to inflation, and inflation

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<v Speaker 2>was of course actually caused by the war, but something

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<v Speaker 2>that was portrayed as itself interfering with a successful prosecution

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<v Speaker 2>of the war, and the United States actually established wage

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<v Speaker 2>and price controls in the latter stages of the Vietnam

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<v Speaker 2>War as a way of trying to prevent eWays increases

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<v Speaker 2>above inflation.

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<v Speaker 1>The next major dispute involved truck drivers in the Teamsters Union.

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<v Speaker 2>One of the most powerful of American unions was called

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<v Speaker 2>the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, and they were usually known

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<v Speaker 2>as the Teamsters Union. It went back to the era

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<v Speaker 2>of people who hauled freight using horses, a team of horses,

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<v Speaker 2>and so they were known as Teamsters, and they were

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<v Speaker 2>a very powerful union throughout the country, a very essentialized union.

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<v Speaker 2>So the local groups had a lot of control and

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<v Speaker 2>were both very important in terms of their numbers, but

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<v Speaker 2>also very very important in the labor movement because their

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<v Speaker 2>ability to tie up traffic to make the delivery of

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<v Speaker 2>goods to factories difficult if they wanted to. Many many

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<v Speaker 2>strikes were won by industrial workers, auto workers of other

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<v Speaker 2>kinds of industrial workers because Teamsters refused to deliver across

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<v Speaker 2>their picket lines. So they had a very important role

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<v Speaker 2>in the labor movement and in labor solidarity. The Teamsters

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<v Speaker 2>union was another case where the trade union leadership had

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<v Speaker 2>been in cooperation with management to very extreme extent. The

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<v Speaker 2>head of the Teamsters said that the Teamsers will never

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<v Speaker 2>tie up American Free with a nationwide strike for example.

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<v Speaker 1>This leadership then negotiated a new pay deal with management.

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<v Speaker 2>The union leadership negotiated a contract for the essentially the

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<v Speaker 2>central part of the country that was where all afraid

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<v Speaker 2>for the entire country was in there and going across there.

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<v Speaker 1>The agreement broke it between management and the union in

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen seventy gave pay increases of one dollar ten an

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<v Speaker 1>hour over thirty nine months.

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<v Speaker 2>The workers rejected it and began going out on strike

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<v Speaker 2>and doing truckers blockades.

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<v Speaker 1>Drivers in sixteen cities, including to lead you know Columbus,

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<v Speaker 1>Kansas City, Milwaukee, Cleveland, Saint Louis, Atlanta, Chicago, and others

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<v Speaker 1>walked out on wildcat strike and set up mobile picket

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<v Speaker 1>lines to intercept drivers at key locations, for example, at

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<v Speaker 1>crossings of the Mississippi River.

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<v Speaker 2>Essentially, somebody would be come bringing a truckle on and

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<v Speaker 2>they would pull the truck in front of them and say,

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<v Speaker 2>essentially like roadblocks in a wartime situation. And then the

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<v Speaker 2>workers who were driving the trucks through might say, yeah,

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<v Speaker 2>I agree, this is great and enjoying them, or if

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<v Speaker 2>they weren't crazy enough to do that, they might go

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<v Speaker 2>back to their boss and said, oh, I can't go

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<v Speaker 2>through there. They're threatening my life. You know, I'll never

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<v Speaker 2>see my wife and choulder and again if you make

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<v Speaker 2>me go through that trucker's blockade. It was not clear

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<v Speaker 2>exactly what the balance of intimidation and support was, but

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<v Speaker 2>it was predominantly support as we could tell.

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<v Speaker 1>Still, that definitely was some violence. The New York Times

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<v Speaker 1>reported that some trucks had rocks thrown at them, windows

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<v Speaker 1>had been smashed, tires slashed, and air hose is severed.

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<v Speaker 1>The mayor of Cleveland claimed that strike related violence had

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<v Speaker 1>affected two thirds of all counties in Ohio.

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<v Speaker 2>The West Coast companies said we can't get our trucks through,

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<v Speaker 2>and the entire travel between the West Coast and throughout

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<v Speaker 2>the country was largely cut off. This is an old

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<v Speaker 2>tactic in American labor. It used to be called a

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<v Speaker 2>flying squadron. It came in with the coming in of

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<v Speaker 2>cars in the nineteen twenties and thirties. So you'd have

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<v Speaker 2>a highly mobile team of workers and somebody heard that

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<v Speaker 2>somebody was trying to break a strike. They would go

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<v Speaker 2>to the location and put up a picket line, or

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<v Speaker 2>you go and go and talk to people and say,

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<v Speaker 2>you know, we're on strike, suaded them to join. And

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<v Speaker 2>this was essentially a revival of rolling picket line strategy,

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<v Speaker 2>and it was incredibly effective.

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<v Speaker 1>The United Press estimated that overall half a million people

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<v Speaker 1>were off work because of the strike. The national head

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<v Speaker 1>of the union told members to get back to work,

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<v Speaker 1>as did the Federal Mediation Service. Trucking companies then started

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<v Speaker 1>getting injunctions against the strike. Workers in Saint Louis ignored

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<v Speaker 1>an injunction for a month. In California, strikers instead called

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<v Speaker 1>in saying that they were sick. Ten thousand strikers were fired,

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<v Speaker 1>but workers responded demanding a full amnesty as well as

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<v Speaker 1>ten days sick pay.

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<v Speaker 2>The ultimate response was that the National Guard was called

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<v Speaker 2>up in dozens of counties in Ohio and elsewhere in

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<v Speaker 2>the Middle West to try to break the strike.

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<v Speaker 1>Soldiers with helmets, trucks and m one rifles guarded roads,

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<v Speaker 1>escorted trucks, and protected truck terminals. In some cases, strikers

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<v Speaker 1>throwing rocks managed to repel police and National Guard troops.

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<v Speaker 2>It was very unsuccessful. The just were not able to

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<v Speaker 2>get people to start driving again or to let the

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<v Speaker 2>trucks go through, and it ended up with the union

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<v Speaker 2>going back and negotiating a new contract with a several

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<v Speaker 2>times as large a wage increase as had been negotiated previously,

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<v Speaker 2>and then the truck drivers went back to work.

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<v Speaker 1>The strike ended up lasting twelve weeks and management had

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<v Speaker 1>to accept a pay increase two thirds high than the

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<v Speaker 1>one originally agreed to.

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<v Speaker 2>It was very much in violation of the federal wage guidelines,

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<v Speaker 2>and the impact of it was that other workers immediately

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<v Speaker 2>began making demands for a similar kind of wage increase,

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<v Speaker 2>and you had within a year major increases in the

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<v Speaker 2>average wages for the entire country basically because of workers

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<v Speaker 2>who were involded by the Keemsers wildcats. So it's a

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<v Speaker 2>very interesting dynamic. Each of these is in some ways

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<v Speaker 2>a unique situation, as most strike situations are, but certainly

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<v Speaker 2>something that you could look at and learn some lessons

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<v Speaker 2>from for the future.

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<v Speaker 1>In contrast to the unofficial wildcat strikes, in nineteen seventy,

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<v Speaker 1>workers at General Motors took part in an official strike

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<v Speaker 1>called by the United Auto Workers' Union.

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<v Speaker 3>The nineteen sixties is distinctive in that almost all the

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<v Speaker 3>major strikes and labor struggles took place as wildcats and

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<v Speaker 3>in opposition to union officialdom.

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<v Speaker 2>And there's one big exception which we haven't mentioned, which

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<v Speaker 2>was the General Motors strike, and that was the situation

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<v Speaker 2>in which it was just about universally recognized that the

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<v Speaker 2>purpose of the strike was for the union and the

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<v Speaker 2>company to not this out of the workers, get them

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<v Speaker 2>to be less feisty by making them be on the

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<v Speaker 2>street for a month or two. And it was essentially

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<v Speaker 2>a strike by unions and management against the workers. If

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<v Speaker 2>this seems bizarre to you, you're right, but it's thoroughly

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<v Speaker 2>documented in articles in the Wall Street Journal and a

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<v Speaker 2>book called The Company in the Union at the Time

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<v Speaker 2>that leaves no doubt that this is what was going

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<v Speaker 2>on now.

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<v Speaker 1>The GM strike is an unusual one, but it served

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<v Speaker 1>an important purpose both for General Motors Management and the UAW.

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<v Speaker 1>For the workers, they wanted more money and better conditions,

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<v Speaker 1>and especially given the other disputes which were taking place,

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<v Speaker 1>felt that they could win them. The UAW wanted to

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<v Speaker 1>assert their control over the workers. More than ten percent

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<v Speaker 1>of all agreements being made by UAW officials at the

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<v Speaker 1>time were being rejected by rank and file members, and

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<v Speaker 1>the recent death of the popular UAW leader Walter Royt

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<v Speaker 1>had also resulted in increasing division within the union. For

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<v Speaker 1>the company, they wanted to reassert control on the shop floor,

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<v Speaker 1>and so they were happy for workers to blow off

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<v Speaker 1>a bit of steam in a controlled fashion in order

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<v Speaker 1>for workers to be able to get back to work

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<v Speaker 1>and follow orders from management thereafter. So the intention was

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<v Speaker 1>to have a prolonged all out strike. As one UAW

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<v Speaker 1>official admitted to the Wall Street Journal quote, the guys

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<v Speaker 1>go out on strike expecting the moon. But after a

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<v Speaker 1>few weeks of mounting bills and the wife raising hell

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<v Speaker 1>about his hanging around the house all day watching TV

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<v Speaker 1>while she works, the average worker tends to soften his

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<v Speaker 1>demands end quote. A strike would also unite different factions

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<v Speaker 1>within the union behind their leadership against the common enemy management,

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<v Speaker 1>So in September nineteen seventy, an all outstrike began of

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<v Speaker 1>four hundred thousand GM workers across one hundred and fifty

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<v Speaker 1>five different local bargaining units around the US. The union

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<v Speaker 1>and management agreed that all local issues had to be

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<v Speaker 1>resolved by the strike as well as the national ones

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<v Speaker 1>in order to try to draw a line under all

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<v Speaker 1>of the turmoil nationwide. But while UAW officials thought they

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<v Speaker 1>could reach a national agreement with management in around ten days,

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<v Speaker 1>rank and file GM workers were refusing to settle their

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<v Speaker 1>local agreements. The strike started dragging on, and so General

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<v Speaker 1>Motors even loaned the UAW ten million dollars to help

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<v Speaker 1>cover the costs of the ongoing dispute. After two months,

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<v Speaker 1>it started to look like perhaps the union management plan

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<v Speaker 1>was backfiring, as the workers were so determined that even

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<v Speaker 1>a long running strike wasn't demobilizing or demoralizing them. In

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<v Speaker 1>the end, UAW leaders and GM management held secret meetings

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<v Speaker 1>in which they agreed to just settle the national dispute,

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<v Speaker 1>leaving many local issues unresolved, and so after sixty seven days,

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<v Speaker 1>the strike inn did and workers won a thirteen percent

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<v Speaker 1>pay increase. Like the car industry, most of the other

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<v Speaker 1>major disputes that happened at that time were also in

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<v Speaker 1>predominantly male industries like mining and trucking, but women were

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<v Speaker 1>deeply involved as well in these working class struggles.

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<v Speaker 2>The backstory here is that women flooded into the industry

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<v Speaker 2>during World War two and then were largely pushed out

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00:19:26.039 --> 00:19:29.519
<v Speaker 2>again afterward, and there was an effort to return to

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<v Speaker 2>the traditional male breadwinner concept of society and how the

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<v Speaker 2>economy worked, But in fact it didn't happen. After they

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<v Speaker 2>pushed back, they came back in larger numbers than By

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<v Speaker 2>the mid nineteen fifties, there was a higher proportion of

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<v Speaker 2>women in the workforce than there had been at the

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<v Speaker 2>end of World War Two. However, they were concentrated in

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<v Speaker 2>a very small number of occupations that were overwhelmingly women's work.

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<v Speaker 2>The largest number who came in went to world and

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<v Speaker 2>clerical occupations in sales occupations, stores and all salers, and

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<v Speaker 2>the traditional women's industries like the garment textel industries were

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<v Speaker 2>in the clawing in terms of numbers, and there was

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<v Speaker 2>huge discrimination against women in the heavy industry jobs that

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<v Speaker 2>they had briefly filled but then been pushed out of.

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<v Speaker 2>So you had a growing number of women in the workforce,

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<v Speaker 2>but concentrated in low wage jobs, but also in white

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<v Speaker 2>collar jobs that didn't have traditions of labor organizing and

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<v Speaker 2>resistance and didn't have in most cases the economic power

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<v Speaker 2>that steel worker or garbage worker was believed to have.

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<v Speaker 2>So you have also a labor movement that is almost

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<v Speaker 2>entirely male in its leadership and not interested in most

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<v Speaker 2>cases and organizing women workers. There are death and exceptions.

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<v Speaker 2>For example, hospital workers in New York, social workers and

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<v Speaker 2>above all teachers both male and female, engaged in very

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<v Speaker 2>militant strikes, lots of arrest, city ins, and so on,

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<v Speaker 2>but on a local basis, because the industries were generally

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<v Speaker 2>organized on a local basis.

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<v Speaker 1>For example, in July nineteen seventy, following a one day strike,

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<v Speaker 1>fifteen thousand hospital workers in New York one pay increases

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<v Speaker 1>of thirty dollars a week or twenty five percent, whichever

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<v Speaker 1>was greater, and in November nineteen seventy three, around thirty thousand,

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<v Speaker 1>mostly black and put a Rican hospital workers in New

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<v Speaker 1>York walked out on strike, demanding the seven point five

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<v Speaker 1>percent pay increase they were contractually owed. Nixon's Cost of

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<v Speaker 1>Living Council was trying to cap pay rises at five

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<v Speaker 1>point five percent, and so they blocked the increase, even

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<v Speaker 1>though the hospitals were happy to pay it. Strikers defied

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<v Speaker 1>a federal injunction and hundreds of thousands of dollars in

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<v Speaker 1>fines until after eight days the government shifted and agreed

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<v Speaker 1>for them to receive a six percent increase. Both struggles

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<v Speaker 1>were important in the development of unions which persist today,

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<v Speaker 1>like the Service Employees International Union SDIU.

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<v Speaker 2>The forerunner to the large organizations of public employees. Service

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<v Speaker 2>employees and teachers that we know today are back essentially

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<v Speaker 2>the largest unions the largest numbers of workers in the

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<v Speaker 2>labor movement, but it didn't manifest itself by and large

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<v Speaker 2>in large strikes. However, the largest protests in American history

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<v Speaker 2>was conducted by women, where we were at that time

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<v Speaker 2>generally referred to as housewives, in the nineteen seventy three

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<v Speaker 2>consumer meat boycott. I've talked about the inflation of that era,

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<v Speaker 2>and the biggest piece of inflation was in food, or

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<v Speaker 2>one of the biggest, and that was largely concentrated in very,

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<v Speaker 2>very large increases in the quest of meat.

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<v Speaker 1>The Nixon government had implemented price and wage controls, but

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<v Speaker 1>he'd loosened them by this point, and Nixon had specifically

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<v Speaker 1>stated that he didn't want price controls on food. Initially,

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<v Speaker 1>the government advised people unhappy with the high cost of

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<v Speaker 1>meat to instead eat fish, cheese, or just eat less.

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<v Speaker 1>This predictably caused outrage.

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<v Speaker 2>The idea of boycotting meat sprang up in a thousand places.

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<v Speaker 2>For example, one woman who got outraged about it just

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<v Speaker 2>started calling random numbers in the phone book and asking

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<v Speaker 2>people what they thought about the price of meat. And

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<v Speaker 2>then when many as the women she talked to said

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<v Speaker 2>it's terrible and my family won't talk to me because

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<v Speaker 2>I can't feed the meat anymore, or whatever, it was, swell.

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<v Speaker 2>He held a meeting in a local bowling alley. This

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<v Speaker 2>was in Staten Island, but the same thing was happening

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<v Speaker 2>all over the country. No national organization, no call, no

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<v Speaker 2>pre existing network beyond the very local level, and yet

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<v Speaker 2>it became coordinated on a colossal national scale.

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<v Speaker 1>Thousands of women protested in the streets, picket lines were

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<v Speaker 1>set up outside supermarkets, and The New York Times reported

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<v Speaker 1>that quote in some stores, militant women snatched cuts of

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<v Speaker 1>meat out of their neighbors shopping carts and restored them

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<v Speaker 1>to the freezer bins end quote. But at the same time,

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<v Speaker 1>the paper pointed out that quote, in general, no external

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<v Speaker 1>pressure was used or needed to enforce the don't buy

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<v Speaker 1>movement end quote. Retailers reported that meat sales fell by

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<v Speaker 1>fifty to sixty seven percent, and up to two hundred

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<v Speaker 1>thousand meat workers were temporarily laid off.

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<v Speaker 2>There was a gallup pol that was done immediately afterwards

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<v Speaker 2>that asked did you participate in the meatboycutt and twenty

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<v Speaker 2>five percent of family said yes, which is about fifty

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<v Speaker 2>million people at that time. So this is really not

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<v Speaker 2>anything that I'm aware of in American history that compares

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<v Speaker 2>to it. Richard Nixon, a free market Republican, actually declared

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<v Speaker 2>a freeze on the price of meat, and that was

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<v Speaker 2>supposed to stop the boycott.

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<v Speaker 1>On the eighth of April nineteen seventy three, Nixon was

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<v Speaker 1>forced to reverse course and appear on TV to announce

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<v Speaker 1>new price ceilings on beef, pork, and lamb to prevent

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<v Speaker 1>them rising any further. The boycott was hailed by Time

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<v Speaker 1>magazine as a quote triumph and the most successful boycott

399
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<v Speaker 1>by women since Lysistrata, referring to the ancient Greek comedy Lysistrata,

400
00:25:41.880 --> 00:25:44.880
<v Speaker 1>in which women try to stop a war by boycotting sex.

401
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<v Speaker 1>While the boycott didn't reduce the price of meat as such,

402
00:25:49.200 --> 00:25:52.119
<v Speaker 1>it had been going up by over five percent per month,

403
00:25:52.359 --> 00:25:55.680
<v Speaker 1>and analysts predicted it would have just kept rising until

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<v Speaker 1>at least July. So although The New York Times attempted

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00:25:59.400 --> 00:26:02.240
<v Speaker 1>to claim that the boycott had little impact, it does

406
00:26:02.240 --> 00:26:06.000
<v Speaker 1>seem clear that it was successful in preventing prices rising further.

407
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<v Speaker 2>Boycott actually ended because it had made its point. It

408
00:26:10.200 --> 00:26:14.440
<v Speaker 2>didn't have a vehicle to go forward and have some

409
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<v Speaker 2>kind of continuing impact, and probably exhausted what could have

410
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<v Speaker 2>been achieved with that tactic. But it put the economic

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<v Speaker 2>problems of American families and put what women's responsibilities at

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<v Speaker 2>that time largely were front and center in the national dialogue.

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<v Speaker 1>From all of these different disputes over the period of

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<v Speaker 1>the Vietnam War. Jeremy thinks there are a lot of

415
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<v Speaker 1>lessons we can take from them which are equally valid today.

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<v Speaker 2>Let's learn from it that the relations between rank and

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<v Speaker 2>file workers and unions can become truly antagonistic. Clearly there

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<v Speaker 2>are situations at the opposite pole, and even in the

419
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<v Speaker 2>nineteen sixties, the campaigns by teachers and social workers and

420
00:27:01.799 --> 00:27:07.799
<v Speaker 2>hospital workers involved much more synergistic and positive relation. There

421
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<v Speaker 2>are always going to be tensions in any organization between

422
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<v Speaker 2>leadership and rank and file, but that shouldn't be confused

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<v Speaker 2>with a situation where interests and practices have become completely opposed.

424
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<v Speaker 2>There is a set of structural endemic problems with organized labor.

425
00:27:25.119 --> 00:27:28.079
<v Speaker 2>I can only speak about the United States with any

426
00:27:28.799 --> 00:27:33.599
<v Speaker 2>serious knowledge, and other places maybe different and similar in

427
00:27:33.720 --> 00:27:38.559
<v Speaker 2>various ways. But in the United States, the principal orientation

428
00:27:38.680 --> 00:27:41.960
<v Speaker 2>of unions, starting from the beginning of the twentieth century,

429
00:27:42.440 --> 00:27:47.920
<v Speaker 2>has been to establish collective bargaining with their employers and

430
00:27:48.000 --> 00:27:53.039
<v Speaker 2>to establish a stable bargaining relationship, and that has been

431
00:27:53.799 --> 00:27:57.680
<v Speaker 2>reinforced by the rise of labor law starting in the

432
00:27:57.759 --> 00:28:03.559
<v Speaker 2>nineteen thirties, which will use designed to allow workers to

433
00:28:03.880 --> 00:28:09.079
<v Speaker 2>organize and bargain collectively, but also designed to create a

434
00:28:09.119 --> 00:28:12.759
<v Speaker 2>structure that limited the scent to which workers were able

435
00:28:12.799 --> 00:28:15.599
<v Speaker 2>to act on their own pursue what they perceived of

436
00:28:15.640 --> 00:28:20.079
<v Speaker 2>their interest as opposed to operating within a tightly defined

437
00:28:20.160 --> 00:28:24.799
<v Speaker 2>legal and institutional structure. And the reason that you get

438
00:28:24.839 --> 00:28:27.799
<v Speaker 2>wildcat strikes and where you have workers opposing their union

439
00:28:27.920 --> 00:28:33.160
<v Speaker 2>leaders is primarily because the unions, either because of their

440
00:28:33.200 --> 00:28:40.799
<v Speaker 2>own structure and leadership, or because of governmental laws, regulations, institutions, policies,

441
00:28:41.519 --> 00:28:46.839
<v Speaker 2>but for a variety of reasons, the unions are functioning

442
00:28:46.960 --> 00:28:50.279
<v Speaker 2>in ways that workers don't perceive as following their interests,

443
00:28:50.599 --> 00:28:54.400
<v Speaker 2>and they don't have an institutional handle electing new officials.

444
00:28:55.000 --> 00:28:58.319
<v Speaker 2>Things like that don't prove not to be effective as

445
00:28:58.359 --> 00:29:01.039
<v Speaker 2>a means of dealing with that situation. And when you

446
00:29:01.079 --> 00:29:06.440
<v Speaker 2>get that kind of conflict of interest between workers and

447
00:29:06.480 --> 00:29:13.200
<v Speaker 2>their concerns and the union leadership, official and institutional structure,

448
00:29:14.000 --> 00:29:17.279
<v Speaker 2>then you get a situation where workers they either have

449
00:29:17.359 --> 00:29:20.359
<v Speaker 2>to suck it up and accept the status quo or

450
00:29:20.839 --> 00:29:23.640
<v Speaker 2>they find they have to organize themselves outside the union

451
00:29:23.920 --> 00:29:28.480
<v Speaker 2>or quasi outside operate at one level of the union

452
00:29:28.519 --> 00:29:33.440
<v Speaker 2>in order to oppose another level, make connections with workers

453
00:29:33.680 --> 00:29:37.680
<v Speaker 2>elsewhere that are distinct from the ones that are mediated

454
00:29:37.720 --> 00:29:41.160
<v Speaker 2>through the union officials, and find ways that they can

455
00:29:41.559 --> 00:29:44.680
<v Speaker 2>utilize what they still have, which is a degree of

456
00:29:44.720 --> 00:29:47.519
<v Speaker 2>power over production, and use those things to meet the

457
00:29:47.559 --> 00:29:50.720
<v Speaker 2>needs that are not being met or are even being

458
00:29:50.720 --> 00:29:51.839
<v Speaker 2>opposed by the union.

459
00:29:53.079 --> 00:29:55.680
<v Speaker 1>So, in order to truly be able to assert our

460
00:29:55.720 --> 00:29:58.920
<v Speaker 1>own interests, workers have to have our own forms of

461
00:29:59.039 --> 00:30:03.599
<v Speaker 1>organization outside and beyond just the structures of union officialdom.

462
00:30:04.200 --> 00:30:07.319
<v Speaker 1>This is still the case today, as for example, during

463
00:30:07.359 --> 00:30:10.920
<v Speaker 1>the teacher strikes in West Virginia in twenty eighteen, union

464
00:30:11.000 --> 00:30:14.920
<v Speaker 1>leaders agreed to a terrible deal without consulting members, but

465
00:30:15.039 --> 00:30:17.599
<v Speaker 1>rank and file teachers had set up their own communication

466
00:30:17.720 --> 00:30:21.440
<v Speaker 1>and organization networks on Facebook in this case, and so

467
00:30:21.599 --> 00:30:24.880
<v Speaker 1>were able to collectively decide to continue the strike until

468
00:30:24.880 --> 00:30:28.000
<v Speaker 1>they got an offer they were actually happy with. Some

469
00:30:28.119 --> 00:30:30.759
<v Speaker 1>left groups often argue that these sorts of issues are

470
00:30:30.839 --> 00:30:34.039
<v Speaker 1>just issues of leadership, and so by electing union leaders

471
00:30:34.039 --> 00:30:37.079
<v Speaker 1>from their group or from other left groups, you can

472
00:30:37.160 --> 00:30:41.119
<v Speaker 1>ensure members are adequately represented. But historically this is not

473
00:30:41.160 --> 00:30:44.519
<v Speaker 1>what happened, as unions over this time period, such as

474
00:30:44.559 --> 00:30:48.519
<v Speaker 1>the Auto Workers' Union, did have predominantly left leaderships, and

475
00:30:48.559 --> 00:30:50.519
<v Speaker 1>the fundamental problems were the same.

476
00:30:51.440 --> 00:30:55.960
<v Speaker 2>That's what's frequently a problem in is by and large

477
00:30:56.079 --> 00:30:59.839
<v Speaker 2>you didn't have pattern. You had a number of caucuses

478
00:31:00.160 --> 00:31:03.839
<v Speaker 2>might be called rank and file caucuses or the Caucus

479
00:31:03.839 --> 00:31:07.839
<v Speaker 2>for Democratic Union, that kind of thing that attempted to

480
00:31:07.880 --> 00:31:12.519
<v Speaker 2>address the situation by running candidates against union leadership. And

481
00:31:13.200 --> 00:31:15.680
<v Speaker 2>they certainly in cases at least for a time, were

482
00:31:15.720 --> 00:31:19.279
<v Speaker 2>able to have leaderships there were more effective on behalf

483
00:31:19.359 --> 00:31:23.000
<v Speaker 2>of workers, but they were not able buy and large

484
00:31:23.039 --> 00:31:27.200
<v Speaker 2>to break out of the fundamental limitations that the institutional

485
00:31:27.200 --> 00:31:29.279
<v Speaker 2>and legal structure imposed.

486
00:31:30.160 --> 00:31:33.440
<v Speaker 1>So even with left leaderships, unions still had a situation

487
00:31:33.519 --> 00:31:37.039
<v Speaker 1>where they had contracts with employers with no strike clauses.

488
00:31:37.359 --> 00:31:41.359
<v Speaker 1>So wildcat strikes by workers breached these contracts, putting the

489
00:31:41.480 --> 00:31:45.759
<v Speaker 1>union in financial and legal jeopardy and potentially jeopardizing relations

490
00:31:45.799 --> 00:31:49.960
<v Speaker 1>between union officials and the corporations in discussions elsewhere about

491
00:31:49.960 --> 00:31:54.440
<v Speaker 1>gaining union recognition in additional plants. In the US, most

492
00:31:54.559 --> 00:31:58.799
<v Speaker 1>unionized workplaces are union shops, known as closed shops. In

493
00:31:58.839 --> 00:32:02.599
<v Speaker 1>the UK, union closed shops have been illegal for decades

494
00:32:02.720 --> 00:32:06.039
<v Speaker 1>under European human rights laws, namely the right to freedom

495
00:32:06.039 --> 00:32:09.559
<v Speaker 1>of association, now it's worth exploring the origins of the

496
00:32:09.640 --> 00:32:13.279
<v Speaker 1>union shop in the US. They emerged during World War II,

497
00:32:13.559 --> 00:32:16.480
<v Speaker 1>when employers and the US government wanted to ensure no

498
00:32:16.599 --> 00:32:20.079
<v Speaker 1>strikes would take place. The unions, on the other hand,

499
00:32:20.160 --> 00:32:23.880
<v Speaker 1>wanted stable dues paying memberships, and they didn't have this

500
00:32:24.039 --> 00:32:27.359
<v Speaker 1>at the time. Typically, many workers would join a union

501
00:32:27.440 --> 00:32:30.279
<v Speaker 1>during a big dispute and pay their dues to local

502
00:32:30.400 --> 00:32:34.279
<v Speaker 1>union reps, but over time they would lapse so as

503
00:32:34.319 --> 00:32:37.720
<v Speaker 1>an example, in nineteen thirty seven, after a successful wave

504
00:32:37.799 --> 00:32:40.799
<v Speaker 1>of sit down strikes in the auto industry, over eight

505
00:32:40.799 --> 00:32:45.799
<v Speaker 1>thousand workers joined the UAW in Lansing. By the following year,

506
00:32:45.839 --> 00:32:50.079
<v Speaker 1>though only one thousand were still paying dues. Some unions

507
00:32:50.079 --> 00:32:52.640
<v Speaker 1>would have representatives set up picket lines to try to

508
00:32:52.680 --> 00:32:56.359
<v Speaker 1>collect dues from members, and often workers would even skip

509
00:32:56.400 --> 00:32:59.359
<v Speaker 1>work on dues collection days to try to avoid paying.

510
00:33:00.119 --> 00:33:03.319
<v Speaker 1>In the steel industry, absenteeism went up to twenty five

511
00:33:03.359 --> 00:33:07.480
<v Speaker 1>percent on dues paying days. Also, initially, the Congress of

512
00:33:07.519 --> 00:33:12.359
<v Speaker 1>Industrial Organizations the CIO Union Confederation agreed to a no

513
00:33:12.519 --> 00:33:16.559
<v Speaker 1>strike pledge to support the war effort. After the German

514
00:33:16.599 --> 00:33:20.240
<v Speaker 1>invasion of Russia in nineteen forty one, the Communist Party

515
00:33:20.359 --> 00:33:24.400
<v Speaker 1>and their affiliated union officials also became strong supporters of

516
00:33:24.440 --> 00:33:28.319
<v Speaker 1>the no strike pledge. But then workers had no incentive

517
00:33:28.359 --> 00:33:31.400
<v Speaker 1>to be union members because the unions had promised not

518
00:33:31.519 --> 00:33:36.240
<v Speaker 1>to fight. Unions as organizations therefore had a big incentive

519
00:33:36.319 --> 00:33:40.359
<v Speaker 1>to support union shops with compulsory union membership. And as

520
00:33:40.400 --> 00:33:43.799
<v Speaker 1>World War Two continued to try to ensure industrial peace

521
00:33:43.960 --> 00:33:47.599
<v Speaker 1>and stop wildcat strikes, the National War Labour Board determined

522
00:33:47.599 --> 00:33:51.519
<v Speaker 1>that only union shops quote would give labour officials the

523
00:33:51.640 --> 00:33:55.119
<v Speaker 1>self confidence and firmness to deal with their members and

524
00:33:55.319 --> 00:33:59.920
<v Speaker 1>enforce their contracts end quote, so they started being implemented

525
00:34:00.079 --> 00:34:03.279
<v Speaker 1>on a wide scale through the introduction of so called

526
00:34:03.519 --> 00:34:09.039
<v Speaker 1>union security clauses in contracts with employers. While the union

527
00:34:09.119 --> 00:34:13.199
<v Speaker 1>shop structure does strengthen workers in some obvious ways, like

528
00:34:13.360 --> 00:34:16.599
<v Speaker 1>ensuring that no non union workers are available to scab

529
00:34:16.639 --> 00:34:20.599
<v Speaker 1>on potential strikes, it does also give unions a sometimes

530
00:34:20.679 --> 00:34:24.360
<v Speaker 1>problematic role in managing the workplace along with the employer.

531
00:34:25.079 --> 00:34:28.360
<v Speaker 1>For example, it means that when workers breach union rules

532
00:34:28.599 --> 00:34:32.800
<v Speaker 1>and take wildcat or unofficial industrial action, unions can and

533
00:34:32.880 --> 00:34:36.559
<v Speaker 1>do discipline them, and in a union shop, expulsion from

534
00:34:36.559 --> 00:34:40.440
<v Speaker 1>the union means losing your job. This weapon was used

535
00:34:40.440 --> 00:34:44.320
<v Speaker 1>many times against militant workers over this period. For example,

536
00:34:44.480 --> 00:34:48.039
<v Speaker 1>in the US, in nineteen forty four, tire builders in Akron,

537
00:34:48.079 --> 00:34:51.519
<v Speaker 1>Ohio walked out on strike in protest at a reduction

538
00:34:51.719 --> 00:34:56.039
<v Speaker 1>in peace rates. The United Rubber Workers Union expelled seventy

539
00:34:56.079 --> 00:34:59.639
<v Speaker 1>strikers and got them fired from their jobs. Then when

540
00:34:59.679 --> 00:35:03.039
<v Speaker 1>other US union activists complain, they were expelled and fired

541
00:35:03.039 --> 00:35:06.320
<v Speaker 1>as well. So this is just one example of a

542
00:35:06.360 --> 00:35:10.800
<v Speaker 1>way in which legal and contractual frameworks bind unions as

543
00:35:10.960 --> 00:35:14.960
<v Speaker 1>organizations to management, and how it can result in negative

544
00:35:15.000 --> 00:35:20.039
<v Speaker 1>consequences for workers. From our current vantage point, at a

545
00:35:20.079 --> 00:35:23.800
<v Speaker 1>time when levels of workplace struggles are at a generally

546
00:35:23.880 --> 00:35:26.519
<v Speaker 1>very low level, it can be easy to forget that

547
00:35:26.559 --> 00:35:29.440
<v Speaker 1>the interests of unions and their members may not be

548
00:35:29.519 --> 00:35:33.000
<v Speaker 1>the same because often it's only in times of these

549
00:35:33.079 --> 00:35:37.440
<v Speaker 1>really widespread, mass and intense struggles, like at the end

550
00:35:37.440 --> 00:35:40.000
<v Speaker 1>of World War II and during the Vietnam War, that

551
00:35:40.119 --> 00:35:44.119
<v Speaker 1>these internal divisions really become apparent. So it's important to

552
00:35:44.119 --> 00:35:46.960
<v Speaker 1>look back at times like this to learn lessons on

553
00:35:47.039 --> 00:35:49.880
<v Speaker 1>how we can really begin to fight for our own interests.

554
00:35:50.840 --> 00:35:52.960
<v Speaker 2>One of the lessons we can learn from the Vietnam

555
00:35:53.000 --> 00:35:56.280
<v Speaker 2>era is if we're going to starry a new labor movement,

556
00:35:56.440 --> 00:35:59.079
<v Speaker 2>let's do it in a way that freeze us from

557
00:35:59.119 --> 00:36:01.480
<v Speaker 2>some of those constrains, because we're going to have to

558
00:36:02.280 --> 00:36:06.559
<v Speaker 2>act in ways that go outside institutional and leal constraints anyway,

559
00:36:07.239 --> 00:36:10.920
<v Speaker 2>as the teachers' strikes have shown us. If we're going

560
00:36:10.960 --> 00:36:17.119
<v Speaker 2>to have anything but individual, isolated workers dominated by powerful employers,

561
00:36:17.199 --> 00:36:20.159
<v Speaker 2>if we're going to have any kind of collective response

562
00:36:20.199 --> 00:36:24.679
<v Speaker 2>and ability for workers collectively to affect their conditions, we're

563
00:36:24.679 --> 00:36:29.400
<v Speaker 2>going to have to go outside through constraints of American

564
00:36:29.679 --> 00:36:34.800
<v Speaker 2>labor law and the established institutional patterns of trade unions.

565
00:36:35.239 --> 00:36:38.199
<v Speaker 2>By luck out, by luck out, and luck out out.

566
00:36:46.679 --> 00:36:49.960
<v Speaker 1>Well, that's it for this double episode. As always, we've

567
00:36:49.960 --> 00:36:53.679
<v Speaker 1>got links to sources further reading, and eventually a transcript

568
00:36:53.719 --> 00:36:56.519
<v Speaker 1>in the web page for this episode. We've also got

569
00:36:56.559 --> 00:36:58.679
<v Speaker 1>a link where you can get hold of Jeremy's book

570
00:36:58.880 --> 00:37:03.079
<v Speaker 1>Strike links in the show notes. We would highly recommend

571
00:37:03.119 --> 00:37:04.599
<v Speaker 1>you get hold of this book because it's one of

572
00:37:04.639 --> 00:37:07.159
<v Speaker 1>the best books ever written on the US workers movement

573
00:37:07.199 --> 00:37:10.360
<v Speaker 1>in our opinion. It's available in our online store and

574
00:37:10.519 --> 00:37:13.039
<v Speaker 1>you can get ten percent off it and anything else

575
00:37:13.239 --> 00:37:17.960
<v Speaker 1>using the discount code wh podcast. It's only support from you,

576
00:37:18.199 --> 00:37:21.480
<v Speaker 1>our listeners, which allows us to make these podcasts. So

577
00:37:21.760 --> 00:37:24.559
<v Speaker 1>if you appreciate our work, please do think about joining

578
00:37:24.639 --> 00:37:28.840
<v Speaker 1>us at Patreon dot com slash working class History link

579
00:37:28.880 --> 00:37:31.679
<v Speaker 1>in the show notes. In return for your support, you

580
00:37:31.760 --> 00:37:35.039
<v Speaker 1>get early access to content, as well as add three episodes,

581
00:37:35.360 --> 00:37:39.440
<v Speaker 1>exclusive bonus content, discounted merch and more. If you can't

582
00:37:39.480 --> 00:37:42.440
<v Speaker 1>spare the cash, don't worry about it at all, but

583
00:37:42.679 --> 00:37:45.320
<v Speaker 1>do tell your friends about this podcast and give us

584
00:37:45.360 --> 00:37:48.800
<v Speaker 1>a five star review on your favorite podcast app. Thanks

585
00:37:48.800 --> 00:37:52.280
<v Speaker 1>to our Patreon supporters for making this podcast possible. Special

586
00:37:52.320 --> 00:37:56.800
<v Speaker 1>thanks to Jamison D. Saltzman, Jazz Hands, Fernando Lopez Ojeda,

587
00:37:57.199 --> 00:38:01.920
<v Speaker 1>Jeremy Kusimano, and Nick Williams. Our theme tune is Bella Chaw.

588
00:38:02.480 --> 00:38:04.920
<v Speaker 1>Thanks for permission to use it from Disky del Sole.

589
00:38:05.519 --> 00:38:07.480
<v Speaker 1>You can buy it or stream it on the links

590
00:38:07.519 --> 00:38:11.119
<v Speaker 1>in the show notes. This improved episode was edited by

591
00:38:11.159 --> 00:38:16.320
<v Speaker 1>Jesse French with original editing by Emma Cortland. Thanks for listening,

592
00:38:16.840 --> 00:38:18.079
<v Speaker 1>Catch you next time.

593
00:38:21.599 --> 00:38:32.719
<v Speaker 2>Lini monto belie
