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<v Speaker 1>Chapter seventeen of Considerations on Representative Government. This LibriVox recording

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<v Speaker 1>is in the public domain. Considerations on Representative Government by

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<v Speaker 1>John Stuart Mill, Chapter seventeen of Federal Representative Governments. Portions

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<v Speaker 1>of mankind who are not fitted or not disposed to

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<v Speaker 1>live under the same internal government may, often, with advantage,

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<v Speaker 1>be federally united as to their relations with foreigners, both

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<v Speaker 1>to prevent wars among themselves and for the sake of

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<v Speaker 1>more effectual protection against the aggression of powerful states. To

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<v Speaker 1>render a federation advisable, several conditions are necessary. The first

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<v Speaker 1>is that there should be a sufficient amount of mutual

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<v Speaker 1>sympathy among the populations. The federation binds them always to

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<v Speaker 1>fight on the same side, and if they have such

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<v Speaker 1>feelings toward one another, or such diversity of feeling toward

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<v Speaker 1>their neighbors, that they would generally prefer to fight on

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<v Speaker 1>oppas sides. The federal tie is neither likely to be

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<v Speaker 1>of long duration nor to be well observed while it subsists.

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<v Speaker 1>The sympathies available for the purpose are those of race, language, religion,

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<v Speaker 1>and above all of political institutions, as conducing most to

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<v Speaker 1>a feeling of identity of political interest when a few

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<v Speaker 1>free states, separately insufficient for their own defense, are hemmed

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<v Speaker 1>in on all sides by military or feudal monarchs who

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<v Speaker 1>hate and despise freedom even in a neighbor, those states

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<v Speaker 1>have no chance for preserving liberty and its blessings, but

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<v Speaker 1>by a federal union. The common interest arising from this

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<v Speaker 1>cause has in Switzerland for several centuries been found adequate

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<v Speaker 1>to maintain efficiently the federal bond, in spite not only

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<v Speaker 1>of difference of religion, when religion was the grand source

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<v Speaker 1>of irreconcilable political enmity throughout Europe, but also in spite

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<v Speaker 1>of great weakness in the constitution of the federation itself

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<v Speaker 1>in America, where all the conditions for the maintenance of

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<v Speaker 1>union existed at the highest point with the sole drawback

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<v Speaker 1>of difference of institutions in the single but most important

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<v Speaker 1>article of slavery. This one difference goes so far in

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<v Speaker 1>alienating from each other's sympathies the two divisions of the

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<v Speaker 1>Union as to be now actually effecting the disruption of

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<v Speaker 1>a tie of so much value to them both. A

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<v Speaker 1>second condition of the stability of federal government is that

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<v Speaker 1>the separate states be not so powerful as to be

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<v Speaker 1>able to rely for protection against foreign encroachment on their

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<v Speaker 1>individual strength. If they are, they will be apt to

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<v Speaker 1>think that they do not gain by a union with

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<v Speaker 1>others the equivalent of what they sacrifice in their own

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<v Speaker 1>liberty of action. And consequently, whenever the policy of the

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<v Speaker 1>confederation in things reserved to its cognizance is different from

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<v Speaker 1>that which any of its members would separately pursue, the

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<v Speaker 1>internal and sectional breach, will, through absence of sufficient anxiety

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<v Speaker 1>to preserve the union, be in danger of going so

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<v Speaker 1>far as to dissolve it. A third condition, not less

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<v Speaker 1>important than the two others, is that there be not

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<v Speaker 1>a very marked inequality of strength among the several contracting states.

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<v Speaker 1>They cannot, indeed be exactly equal in resources. In all federations,

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<v Speaker 1>there will be a gradation of power among the members.

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<v Speaker 1>Some will be more populous, rich, and civilized than others.

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<v Speaker 1>There is a wide difference in wealth and population between

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<v Speaker 1>New York and Rhode Island, between Berne and Zug or Glaris.

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<v Speaker 1>The essential is that there should not be any one

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<v Speaker 1>state so much more powerful than the rest as to

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<v Speaker 1>be capable of vying in strength with many of them combined.

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<v Speaker 1>If there be such a one and only one, it

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<v Speaker 1>will insist on being master of the joint deliberations. If

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<v Speaker 1>there be two, they will be irresistible when they agree,

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<v Speaker 1>and whenever they differ, everything will be decided by a

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<v Speaker 1>struggle for ascendency between the rivals. This cause is alone

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<v Speaker 1>enough to reduce the German Bund to almost a nullity.

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<v Speaker 1>Independently of its wretched internal constitution, it affects none of

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<v Speaker 1>the real purposes of a confederation. It is never bestowed

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<v Speaker 1>on Germany a uniform system of customs, nor so much

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<v Speaker 1>as a uniform coinage. It has served only to give

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<v Speaker 1>Austria and Prussia a legal right of pouring in their

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<v Speaker 1>troops to assist the local sovereigns in keeping their subjects

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<v Speaker 1>obedient to despotism, while in regard to external concerns, the

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<v Speaker 1>Bund would make all Germany a dependency of Prussia if

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<v Speaker 1>there were no Austria, and of Austria if there were

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<v Speaker 1>no Prussia. And in the meantime, each petty prince has

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<v Speaker 1>little choice but to be a partisan of one or

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<v Speaker 1>the other, or to intrigue with foreign governments against both.

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<v Speaker 1>There are two different modes of organizing a federal union.

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<v Speaker 1>The federal authorities may represent the governments solely, and their

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<v Speaker 1>acts may be obligatory only on the governments as such,

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<v Speaker 1>or they may have the power of enacting laws and

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<v Speaker 1>issuing orders which are binding directly on individual citizens. The

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<v Speaker 1>former is the plan of the German so called Confederation

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<v Speaker 1>and of the Swiss Constitution previous to eighteen forty seven.

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<v Speaker 1>It was tried in America for a few years immediately

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<v Speaker 1>following the War of Independence. The other principle is that

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<v Speaker 1>of the existing Constitution of the United States, and has

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<v Speaker 1>been adopted within the last dozen years by the Swiss Confederacy.

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<v Speaker 1>The Federal Congress of the American Union is a substantive

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<v Speaker 1>part of the government of every individual state within the

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<v Speaker 1>limits of its attributions. It makes laws which are obeyed

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<v Speaker 1>by every citizen individually, executes them through its own officers,

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<v Speaker 1>and enforces them by its own tribunals. This is the

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<v Speaker 1>only principle which has been found or which is ever

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<v Speaker 1>likely to produce an effective federal government. A union between

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<v Speaker 1>the governments only is a mere alliance and subject to

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<v Speaker 1>all the contingencies which render alliances precarious. If the acts

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<v Speaker 1>of the President and of Congress were binding solely on

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<v Speaker 1>the governments of New York, Virginia, or Pennsylvania, and could

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<v Speaker 1>only be carried into effect through orders issued by those

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<v Speaker 1>governments to officers appointed by them under the responsibility to

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<v Speaker 1>their own courts of justice. No mandates of the federal

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<v Speaker 1>government which were disagreeable to a local majority would ever

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<v Speaker 1>be executed. Requisitions issued to a government have no other

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<v Speaker 1>sanction or means of enforcement than war, and a federal

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<v Speaker 1>army would have to be always in readiness to enforce

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<v Speaker 1>the decrees of the Federation against any recalcitrant state, subject

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<v Speaker 1>to the probability that other states, sympathizing with the recusant

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<v Speaker 1>and perhaps sharing its sentiments on the particular point in dispute,

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<v Speaker 1>would withhold their contingents, if not send them to fight

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<v Speaker 1>in the ranks of the disobedient state. Such a federation

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<v Speaker 1>is more likely to be a cause than a preventive

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<v Speaker 1>of internal wars, and if such was not its effect

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<v Speaker 1>in Switzerland until the events of the years immediately preceding

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen forty seven, it was only because the federal government

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<v Speaker 1>felt its weakness so strongly that it hardly ever attempted

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<v Speaker 1>to exercise any real authority in America, The experiment of

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<v Speaker 1>a federation on this principle broke down in the first

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<v Speaker 1>few years of its existence, happily, while the men of

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<v Speaker 1>enlarged knowledge and acquired ascendancy who founded the independence of

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<v Speaker 1>the Republic were still alive to guide it through the

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<v Speaker 1>difficult transition. The Federalist, a collection of papers by three

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<v Speaker 1>of these eminent men, written in the explanation and defense

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<v Speaker 1>of the new Federal Constitution, while still awaiting the national acceptance,

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<v Speaker 1>is even now the most instructive treatise we possess on

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<v Speaker 1>federal government. In Germany. The more imperfect kind of federation,

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<v Speaker 1>as all know, has not even answered the purpose of

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<v Speaker 1>maintaining an alliance. It has never, in any European war

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<v Speaker 1>prevented single members of the confederation from allying themselves with

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<v Speaker 1>foreign powers against the rest. Yet this is the only

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<v Speaker 1>federation which seems possible among monarchical states. A king who

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<v Speaker 1>holds his power by inheritance, not by delegation, and who

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<v Speaker 1>cannot be deprived of it nor made responsible to any

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<v Speaker 1>one for its use, is not likely to renounce having

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<v Speaker 1>a separate army, or to brook the exercise of sovereign

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<v Speaker 1>authority over his own subjects, not through him, but directly

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<v Speaker 1>by another power. To enable two or more countries under

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<v Speaker 1>kingly government to be joined together in an effectual confederation,

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<v Speaker 1>it seems necessary that they should all be under the

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<v Speaker 1>same king. England and Scotland were a federation of this

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<v Speaker 1>description during the interval of about a century between the

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<v Speaker 1>union of the crowns and that of the Parliaments. Even

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<v Speaker 1>this was effective not through federal institutions, for none existed,

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<v Speaker 1>but because the regal power in both constitutions was so

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<v Speaker 1>nearly absolute as to enable the foreign policy of both

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<v Speaker 1>to be shaped according to a single will. Under the

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<v Speaker 1>more perfect mode of federation, where every citizen of each

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<v Speaker 1>particular state owes obedience to two governments, that of his

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<v Speaker 1>own state and that of the federation, it is evidently

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<v Speaker 1>necessary not only that the constitutional limits of the authority

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<v Speaker 1>of each should be precisely and clearly defined, but that

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<v Speaker 1>the power to decide between them in any case of

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<v Speaker 1>dispute should not reside in either of the governments, or

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<v Speaker 1>in any functionary subject to it, but in an umpire

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<v Speaker 1>independent of both. There must be a supreme court of

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<v Speaker 1>justice and a system of subordinate courts in every state

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<v Speaker 1>of the Union, before whom such questions shall be carried,

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<v Speaker 1>and whose judgment on them in the last stage of

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<v Speaker 1>appeal shall be final. Every state of the Union and

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<v Speaker 1>the federal government itself, as well as every functionary of each,

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<v Speaker 1>must be liable to be sued in those courts for

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<v Speaker 1>exceeding their powers or for non performance of their federal duties,

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<v Speaker 1>and must in general be obliged to employ those courts

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<v Speaker 1>as the instrument for enforcing their federal rights. This involves

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<v Speaker 1>the remarkable consequence actually realized in the United States, that

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<v Speaker 1>a court of justice, the highest federal tribunal, is supreme

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<v Speaker 1>over the various governments, both state and federal, having the

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<v Speaker 1>right to declare that any law made or act done

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<v Speaker 1>by them exceeds the powers assigned to them by the

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<v Speaker 1>Federal Constitution, and in consequence has no legal validity. It

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<v Speaker 1>was natural to feel strong doubts before trial had been made,

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<v Speaker 1>how such a provision would work, whether the tribunal would

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<v Speaker 1>have the courage to exercise its constitutional power if it did,

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<v Speaker 1>whether it would exercise it wisely, and whether the governments

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<v Speaker 1>would consent to submit peaceably to its decision. The discussions

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<v Speaker 1>on the American Constitution before its final adoption give evidence

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<v Speaker 1>that these natural apprehensions were strongly felt, But they are

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<v Speaker 1>now entirely quieted. Since during the two generations and more

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<v Speaker 1>which have subsequently elapsed, nothing has occurred to verify them,

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<v Speaker 1>though there have at times been disputes of considerable acrimony

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<v Speaker 1>and which became the badges of parties respecting the limits

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<v Speaker 1>of the authority of the federal and state governments. The

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<v Speaker 1>eminently beneficial working of so singular a provision is probably,

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<v Speaker 1>as Monsieur Destouqueville remarks, in a great measure attributable to

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<v Speaker 1>the peculiarity inherent in a court of justice acting as such, namely,

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<v Speaker 1>that it does not declare the law i nominee and

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<v Speaker 1>in the abstract, but waits until a case between man

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<v Speaker 1>and man is brought before it judicially involving the point

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<v Speaker 1>in dispute, from which arises the happy effect that its

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<v Speaker 1>declarations are not made in a very early stage of

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<v Speaker 1>the controversy, that much popular discussion usually precedes them. That

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<v Speaker 1>the court decides, after hearing the point fully argued on

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<v Speaker 1>both sides by lawyers of reputation, decides only as much

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<v Speaker 1>of the question at a time as is required by

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<v Speaker 1>the case before it, and its decision, instead of being

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<v Speaker 1>volunteered for political purposes, is drawn from it by the

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<v Speaker 1>duty which it cannot refuse to fulfill of dispensing justice

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<v Speaker 1>impartially between adverse litigants. Even these grounds of confidence could

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<v Speaker 1>not have sufficed to produce the respectful submission with which

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<v Speaker 1>all authorities have yielded to the decisions of the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court on the interpretation of the Constitution, were it not

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<v Speaker 1>that complete reliance has been felt not only on the

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<v Speaker 1>intellectual pre eminence of the judges composing that exalted tribunal,

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<v Speaker 1>but on their entire superieriority over either private or sectional partialities.

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<v Speaker 1>This reliance has been, in the main justified. But there

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<v Speaker 1>is nothing which more vitally imports the American people than

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<v Speaker 1>to guard with the most watchful solicitude against everything which

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<v Speaker 1>has the remotest tendency to produce deterioration in the quality

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<v Speaker 1>of this great national institution. The confidence on which depends

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<v Speaker 1>the stability of federal institutions has been for the first

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<v Speaker 1>time impaired by the judgment declaring slavery to be of

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<v Speaker 1>common right and consequently lawful in the territories. While not

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<v Speaker 1>yet constituted as states, even against the will of a

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<v Speaker 1>majority of their inhabitants. The main pillar of the American

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<v Speaker 1>Constitution is scarcely strong enough to bear many more such shocks.

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<v Speaker 1>The tribunals, which act as umpires between the federal and

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<v Speaker 1>the state governments, naturally also decide all disputes between two states,

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<v Speaker 1>or between a citizen of one state and the government

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<v Speaker 1>of another. The usual remedies between nations, war and diplomacy

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<v Speaker 1>being precluded by the federal Union, it is necessary that

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<v Speaker 1>a judicial remedy should supply their place. The Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>of the Federation dispenses international law, and is the first

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<v Speaker 1>great example of what is now one of the most

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<v Speaker 1>prominent wants of civilized society, a real international tribunal. The

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<v Speaker 1>powers of a federal government naturally extend not only to

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<v Speaker 1>peace and war, and all questions which arise between the

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<v Speaker 1>country and foreign governments, but to making any other arrangements

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<v Speaker 1>which are, in the opinion of the states necessary to

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<v Speaker 1>their enjoyment of the full benefits of union. For example,

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<v Speaker 1>it is a great advantage to them that their mutual

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<v Speaker 1>commerce should be free without the impediment of frontier duties

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<v Speaker 1>and custom houses. But this internal freedom cannot exist of

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<v Speaker 1>each state has the power of fixing the duties on

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<v Speaker 1>interchange of commodities between itself and foreign countries, since every

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<v Speaker 1>foreign product let in by one state would be let

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<v Speaker 1>into all the rest, and hence all custom duties and

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<v Speaker 1>trade regulations in the United States are made or repealed

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<v Speaker 1>by the federal government exclusively. Again, it is a great

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<v Speaker 1>convenience to the states to have but one coinage and

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<v Speaker 1>but one system of weights and measures, which can only

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<v Speaker 1>be ensured if the regulation of these matters is entrusted

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<v Speaker 1>to the federal government. The certainty and celerity of post

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<v Speaker 1>office communication is impeded and its expense increased if a

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<v Speaker 1>letter has to pass through half a dozen sets of

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<v Speaker 1>public offices subject to different supreme authorities. It is convenient, therefore,

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<v Speaker 1>that all post offices should be under the federal government.

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<v Speaker 1>But on such questions, the feelings of different communities are

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<v Speaker 1>liable to be different. One of the American states under

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<v Speaker 1>the guidance of a man who has displayed powers as

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<v Speaker 1>a speculative political thinker superior to any who has appeared

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<v Speaker 1>in American per politics. Since the authors of the Federalist footnote,

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<v Speaker 1>mister Calhoun end footnote claimed a veto for each state

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<v Speaker 1>on the custom of laws of the Federal Congress, and

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<v Speaker 1>that statesman, in a posthumous work of great ability, which

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<v Speaker 1>has been printed and widely circulated by the legislature of

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<v Speaker 1>South Carolina, vindicated this pretension on the general principle of

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<v Speaker 1>limiting the tyranny of the majority and protecting minorities by

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<v Speaker 1>admitting them to a substantial participation in political power. One

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<v Speaker 1>of the most disputed topics in American politics during the

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<v Speaker 1>early part of this country was whether the power of

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<v Speaker 1>the federal government ought to extend, and whether, by the Constitution,

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<v Speaker 1>it did extend to making roads and canals at the

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<v Speaker 1>cost of the union. It is only in transactions with

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<v Speaker 1>foreign powers that the authority of the federal government is

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<v Speaker 1>of necessity complete on every other subject. The question depends

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<v Speaker 1>on how closely the people in general wish to draw

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<v Speaker 1>the federal tie, what portion of their local freedom of

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00:17:05.960 --> 00:17:08.680
<v Speaker 1>action they are willing to surrender in order to enjoy

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00:17:09.039 --> 00:17:13.799
<v Speaker 1>more fully the benefit of being one nation. Respecting the

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<v Speaker 1>fitting constitution of a federal government within itself, much need

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<v Speaker 1>not be said. It, of course, consists of a legislative

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<v Speaker 1>branch and an executive, and the constitution of each is

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<v Speaker 1>amenable to the same principles as that of representative governments. Generally,

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<v Speaker 1>as regards the mode of adapting these general principles to

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<v Speaker 1>a federal government, the provision of the American Constitution seems

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<v Speaker 1>exceedingly judicious that Congress should consist of two houses, and

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<v Speaker 1>that while one of them is constituted according to population,

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<v Speaker 1>each state being entitled to representatives in the ratio of

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<v Speaker 1>the number of its inhabitants, the other should represent not

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00:17:51.920 --> 00:17:55.599
<v Speaker 1>the citizens but the state governments, and every state, whether

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<v Speaker 1>large or small, should be represented in it by the

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00:17:59.200 --> 00:18:03.279
<v Speaker 1>same number of men members. This provision precludes any undue

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<v Speaker 1>power from being exercised by the more powerful states over

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<v Speaker 1>the rest, and guarantees the reserved rights of the state

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<v Speaker 1>governments by making it impossible, as far as the mode

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00:18:14.079 --> 00:18:18.559
<v Speaker 1>of representation can prevent, that any measure should pass Congress

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<v Speaker 1>unless approved not only by a majority of the citizens,

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<v Speaker 1>but by a majority of the states. I have before

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<v Speaker 1>adverted to the further incidental advantage obtained of raising the

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00:18:29.559 --> 00:18:34.079
<v Speaker 1>standard of qualifications in one of the houses being nominated

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<v Speaker 1>by select bodies the legislatures of the various states whose choice,

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<v Speaker 1>for reasons already indicated, is more likely to fall on

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<v Speaker 1>eminent men than any popular election, who have not only

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<v Speaker 1>the power of electing such but a strong motive to

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<v Speaker 1>do so, because the influence of their state in the

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00:18:52.319 --> 00:18:56.599
<v Speaker 1>general deliberations must be materially affected by the personal weight

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<v Speaker 1>and abilities of its representatives. The Senate of the United States,

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00:19:00.920 --> 00:19:04.920
<v Speaker 1>thus chosen, has always contained nearly all the political men

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<v Speaker 1>of established and high reputation in the Union, while the

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00:19:08.359 --> 00:19:12.519
<v Speaker 1>Lower House of Congress has, in the opinion of competent observers,

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00:19:12.839 --> 00:19:17.240
<v Speaker 1>been generally as remarkable for the absence of conspicuous personal

301
00:19:17.400 --> 00:19:22.160
<v Speaker 1>merit as the Upper House for its presence. When the

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<v Speaker 1>conditions exist for the formation of efficient and durable federal unions,

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<v Speaker 1>the multiplication of them is always a benefit to the world.

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<v Speaker 1>It has the same salutary effect as any other extension

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00:19:33.680 --> 00:19:37.640
<v Speaker 1>of the practice of cooperation, through which the weak, by uniting,

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00:19:37.720 --> 00:19:41.400
<v Speaker 1>can meet on equal terms with the strong. By diminishing

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00:19:41.440 --> 00:19:44.079
<v Speaker 1>the number of those petty states which are not equal

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<v Speaker 1>to their own defense, it weakens the temptations to an

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<v Speaker 1>aggressive policy, whether working directly by arms or through the

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00:19:52.359 --> 00:19:56.000
<v Speaker 1>prestige of superior power. It, of course puts an end

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<v Speaker 1>to war and diplomatic quarrels, and usually also to restricttions

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<v Speaker 1>on commerce between the states composing the Union, while in

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<v Speaker 1>reference to neighboring nations, the increased military strength conferred by

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<v Speaker 1>it is of a kind to be almost exclusively available

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<v Speaker 1>for defensive scarcely at all for aggressive purposes. A federal

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00:20:17.759 --> 00:20:22.519
<v Speaker 1>government has not a sufficiently concentrated authority to conduct with

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<v Speaker 1>much efficiency any war but one of self defense, in

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<v Speaker 1>which it can rely on the voluntary cooperation of every citizen.

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<v Speaker 1>Nor is there anything very flattering to national vanity or

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<v Speaker 1>ambition in acquiring by a successful war, not subjects or

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<v Speaker 1>even fellow citizens, but only new and perhaps troublesome independent

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<v Speaker 1>members of the confederation. The warlike proceedings of the Americans

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<v Speaker 1>in Mexico was purely exceptional, having been carried on principally

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<v Speaker 1>by volunteers, under the influence of the migratory propensity, which

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<v Speaker 1>prompts individual rual Americans to possess themselves of unoccupied land,

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<v Speaker 1>and stimulated, if by any public motive, not by that

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<v Speaker 1>of national aggrandizement, but by the purely sectional purpose of

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<v Speaker 1>extending slavery. There are few signs in the proceedings of

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<v Speaker 1>Americans nationally or individually, that the desire of territorial acquisition

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<v Speaker 1>for their country as such has any considerable power over them.

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<v Speaker 1>Their hankering after Cuba is in the same manner merely sectional,

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<v Speaker 1>and the Northern States, those opposed to slavery, have never

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<v Speaker 1>in any way favored it. The question may present itself,

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<v Speaker 1>as in Italy at its present uprising, whether a country

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<v Speaker 1>which is determined to be united should form a complete

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<v Speaker 1>or a merely federal union. The point is sometimes necessarily

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<v Speaker 1>decided by the mere territorial magnitude of the United whole.

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<v Speaker 1>There is a limit to the extent of country which

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<v Speaker 1>can advantageously be governed, or even whose government can be

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<v Speaker 1>conveniently superintended from a single center. There are vast countries

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<v Speaker 1>so governed, but they, or at least their distant provinces,

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00:22:07.160 --> 00:22:10.680
<v Speaker 1>are in general deplorably ill administered, and it is only

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<v Speaker 1>when the inhabitants are almost savages that they could not

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<v Speaker 1>manage their affairs better. Separately, this obstacle does not exist

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<v Speaker 1>in the case of Italy, the size of which does

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<v Speaker 1>not come up to that of several very efficiently governed

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<v Speaker 1>single states. In past and present times. The question, then,

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<v Speaker 1>is whether the different parts of the nation require to

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<v Speaker 1>be governed in a way so essentially different that it

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<v Speaker 1>is not probable the same legislature and the same ministry

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<v Speaker 1>or administrative body will give satisfaction to them all. Unless

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<v Speaker 1>this be the case, which is a question of fact,

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<v Speaker 1>it is better for them to be completely united. That

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<v Speaker 1>a totally different system of laws and very different administrative

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<v Speaker 1>institutions may exist in two portions of a country without

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<v Speaker 1>being any obstacle to legislative unity is proof by the

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<v Speaker 1>case of England and Scotland. Perhaps, however, this undisturbed coexistence

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<v Speaker 1>of two legal systems under one united legislature making different

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<v Speaker 1>laws for the two sections of the country in adaptation

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<v Speaker 1>to the previous differences, might not be so well preserved,

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<v Speaker 1>or the same confidence might not be felt in its

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<v Speaker 1>preservation in a country whose legislators are more possessed, as

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<v Speaker 1>is apt to be the case on the continent with

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<v Speaker 1>the mania for uniformity, a people having that unbounded toleration

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<v Speaker 1>which is characteristic of this country for every description of anomaly,

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<v Speaker 1>so long as those whose interests it concerns do not

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<v Speaker 1>feel aggrieved by it, afforded an exceptionally advantageous field for

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<v Speaker 1>trying this difficult experiment. In most countries, if it was

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<v Speaker 1>an object to retain different systems of law, it might

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<v Speaker 1>probably be necessary to retain distinct legislatures as guardians of them,

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<v Speaker 1>which is perfectly compatible the national parliament and king, or

372
00:24:02.319 --> 00:24:06.319
<v Speaker 1>a national parliament without a king supreme over the external

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00:24:06.359 --> 00:24:10.559
<v Speaker 1>relations of all the members of the body. Whenever it

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<v Speaker 1>is not deemed necessary to maintain permanently in the different

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<v Speaker 1>provinces different systems of jurisprudence and fundamental institutions grounded on

376
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<v Speaker 1>different principles, it is always practicable to reconcile minor diversities

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<v Speaker 1>with the maintenance of unity of government. All that is

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<v Speaker 1>needful is to give a sufficiently large sphere of action

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<v Speaker 1>to the local authorities under one and the same central government.

380
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<v Speaker 1>There may be local governors and provincial assemblies for local purposes.

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<v Speaker 1>It may happen, for instance, that the people of different

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<v Speaker 1>provinces may have preferences in favor of different modes of taxation.

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<v Speaker 1>If the general legislature could not be depended on for

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<v Speaker 1>being guided by the members for each province. In modifying

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<v Speaker 1>the general system of taxation to suit that province. The

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<v Speaker 1>constitute tuition might provide that as many of the expenses

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<v Speaker 1>of the government as could by any possibility be made local,

388
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<v Speaker 1>should be defrayed by local rates imposed by the provincial assemblies,

389
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<v Speaker 1>and that those which must of necessity be general, such

390
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<v Speaker 1>as the support of an army and navy, should, in

391
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<v Speaker 1>the estimates for the year, be apportioned among the different

392
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<v Speaker 1>provinces according to some general estimate of their resources, the

393
00:25:24.200 --> 00:25:27.640
<v Speaker 1>amount assigned to each being levied by the local assembly

394
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<v Speaker 1>on the principles most acceptable to the locality, and paid

395
00:25:32.160 --> 00:25:37.000
<v Speaker 1>umbloc into the national treasury. A practice approaching to this

396
00:25:37.160 --> 00:25:40.240
<v Speaker 1>existed even in the old French monarchy, so far as

397
00:25:40.279 --> 00:25:44.200
<v Speaker 1>regarded the pay destas, each of which, having consented or

398
00:25:44.240 --> 00:25:47.559
<v Speaker 1>been required to furnish a fixed sum, was left to

399
00:25:47.599 --> 00:25:51.640
<v Speaker 1>assess it upon the inhabitants by its own officers, thus

400
00:25:51.799 --> 00:25:57.319
<v Speaker 1>escaping the grinding despotism of the royal intendant and subde

401
00:25:57.400 --> 00:26:01.839
<v Speaker 1>la gay. And this privilege is always mentioned as one

402
00:26:01.880 --> 00:26:05.079
<v Speaker 1>of the advantages which mainly contributed to render them, as

403
00:26:05.119 --> 00:26:08.160
<v Speaker 1>some of them were, the most flourishing provinces of France.

404
00:26:09.160 --> 00:26:12.839
<v Speaker 1>Identity of central government is compatible with many different degrees

405
00:26:12.880 --> 00:26:18.400
<v Speaker 1>of centralization, not only administrative, but even legislative. A people

406
00:26:18.440 --> 00:26:21.319
<v Speaker 1>may have the desire and capacity for a closer union

407
00:26:21.599 --> 00:26:25.160
<v Speaker 1>than one merely federal, while yet their local peculiarities and

408
00:26:25.279 --> 00:26:30.400
<v Speaker 1>antecedents render considerable diversities desirable in the details of their government.

409
00:26:31.440 --> 00:26:33.599
<v Speaker 1>But if there is a real desire on all hands

410
00:26:33.640 --> 00:26:37.720
<v Speaker 1>to make the experiment successful, their needs seldom be any

411
00:26:37.720 --> 00:26:42.000
<v Speaker 1>difficulty in not only preserving these diversities, but giving them

412
00:26:42.039 --> 00:26:47.400
<v Speaker 1>the guarantee of a constitutional provision against any attempt at assimilation,

413
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<v Speaker 1>except by the voluntary act of those who would be

414
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<v Speaker 1>affected by the change. End of Chapter seventeen. Recording by

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<v Speaker 1>Bill Burst
