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<v Speaker 1>Section thirty six of the Anti Coup. This is a

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<v Speaker 1>LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain.

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<v Speaker 1>For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox dot org.

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<v Speaker 1>The Antiku by Gene Sharp and Bruce Jenkins, Appendix two.

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<v Speaker 1>Preparations by the civil society for anti coup defense cou

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<v Speaker 1>DETA are less likely to be attempted and more likely

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<v Speaker 1>to be defeated if the institutions of civil society are

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<v Speaker 1>prepared and able to resist any attempted seizure of the state.

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<v Speaker 1>This defense would be prepared and waged by the non

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<v Speaker 1>governmental organizations and associations, educational institutions, economic organizations, communications and

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<v Speaker 1>transportation bodies, religious organizations and institutions, and other bodies. This

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<v Speaker 1>resistance action by civil society may be waged either in

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<v Speaker 1>support of planned governmental defense measures, or in their absence,

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<v Speaker 1>may be waged independently and directly at the initiative of

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<v Speaker 1>the citizenry. In either case, advanced preparations for anti coup

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<v Speaker 1>resistance by the society's independent institutions are likely to make

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<v Speaker 1>any coup plotters think twice before attempting such an attack.

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<v Speaker 1>If they nevertheless attempt at putish these preparations would increase

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<v Speaker 1>the power of the anti coup defense. These preparations and

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<v Speaker 1>resistance can be grouped roughly into five types of activity

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<v Speaker 1>one public education, two media, three political organizations, four religious institutions,

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<v Speaker 1>and five specific groups and institutions. One public education. The

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<v Speaker 1>tasks of these non governmental bodies would include education their

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<v Speaker 1>members and the general citizenry about effective means to reject

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<v Speaker 1>as illegitimate any usurpers, and how to wage widespread non

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<v Speaker 1>cooperation and defiance of the Buddhist's efforts to govern. The

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<v Speaker 1>aim would be to make illegitimate controls and rule impossible.

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<v Speaker 1>While all institutions of civil society should participate in these

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<v Speaker 1>efforts to educate their own members, certain institutions would be

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<v Speaker 1>especially suitable for reaching the general public. These would include

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<v Speaker 1>the formal educational system and various branches of the media,

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<v Speaker 1>such as newspapers, magazines, radio, television, the internet, and the cinema.

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<v Speaker 1>The political content of such public education measures would include

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<v Speaker 1>both one the importance of denying legitimacy to any poo

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<v Speaker 1>and two the importance of non cooperation and defiance to

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<v Speaker 1>make it impossible for them to establish and maintain their

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<v Speaker 1>illegitimate rule. In addition to explicit instructions on how to resist,

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<v Speaker 1>documentaries and film dramas about cases of earlier anti coup

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<v Speaker 1>resistance could be used. Information on consequences in other countries

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<v Speaker 1>of the failure to resist ACCOUDATA could also be important.

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<v Speaker 1>The public will need to be informed about the characteristics

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<v Speaker 1>of non violent struggle, including its mini methods and the

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<v Speaker 1>way it operates in conflicts. At times, open street demonstrations

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<v Speaker 1>may be useful to communicate opposition to an illegal seizure

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<v Speaker 1>of the state. However, at other times such action as

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<v Speaker 1>street marches toward the guns of the pouchus's troops may

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<v Speaker 1>be most unwise. Such action may lead not only to

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<v Speaker 1>mass of casualties, but also strike fear into the public

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<v Speaker 1>and therefore submission. Because of these situations, the public must

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<v Speaker 1>be informed well in advance of the crisis about alternative

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<v Speaker 1>forms of protest and defiance that are less obviously dangerous,

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<v Speaker 1>but that make popular opposition unmistakably clear. For example, if

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<v Speaker 1>the mass of the urban population for specified periods simply

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<v Speaker 1>stayed indoors in their homes, schools, or other buildings, the

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<v Speaker 1>streets will be largely empty of people and therefore not

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<v Speaker 1>be suitable shooting ranges to kill and intimidate resistors. The

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<v Speaker 1>empty streets will, however, communicate widespread opposition. Two Media, the

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<v Speaker 1>members of society's media. Journalists, newspaper and magazine editors, radio

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<v Speaker 1>and television reporters and directors, printing unions, communication aids and

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<v Speaker 1>the like can organize advanced resistance against Akoudata. This would

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<v Speaker 1>include plans to resist csorship by the poochists, plans to

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<v Speaker 1>communicate messages from the constitutional government to the general citizenry,

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<v Speaker 1>and plans to refuse to communicate messages from the poochists

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<v Speaker 1>to the population. In addition, media personnel can make advanced

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<v Speaker 1>preparations for communications in case they lose their operational centers

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<v Speaker 1>or must go into hiding if the pouchists take control

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<v Speaker 1>of the society's media apparatus. Printers, unions, radio operators and

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<v Speaker 1>others can claim mechanical failures and inability to carry out

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<v Speaker 1>the poochist's instructions. Plans for underground printing presses and secret

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<v Speaker 1>radio broadcasting capacity can also be developed. Preparations to broadcasts

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<v Speaker 1>from neighboring countries can be arranged as well. All of

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<v Speaker 1>these actions will significantly limit the legitimacy and control that

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<v Speaker 1>people could give to coup leaders, because those leaders will

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<v Speaker 1>be unable to exercise full control over the information to

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<v Speaker 1>which the society has access, and the defenders will be

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<v Speaker 1>able to communicate widely among themselves and with the public.

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<v Speaker 1>Three political organizations, both political parties and nonpartisan organizations devoted

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<v Speaker 1>to advancing their social, economic, and political agendas should include

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<v Speaker 1>in their missions efforts at educating their members and the

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<v Speaker 1>public as to the importance and methods of anti coup defense.

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<v Speaker 1>Their prior organizational contacts and networks can also help significantly

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<v Speaker 1>in communicating guidance about needed resistance and conducting the anti

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<v Speaker 1>coup defense. Four religious institutions. Religious and moral leaders and

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<v Speaker 1>groups should urge their believers in supporters to regard a

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<v Speaker 1>coup as an attack on constitutional democracy that is both

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<v Speaker 1>immoral and a violation of the codes of behavior by

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<v Speaker 1>which their adherents and believers should live. Consequently, if such

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<v Speaker 1>an attack occurs, those religious and moral leaders and groups

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<v Speaker 1>should urge their believers in supporters to apply their beliefs

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<v Speaker 1>by refusing to give any legitimacy to the puchists, refusing

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<v Speaker 1>all cooperation with an obedience to them and instead by

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<v Speaker 1>participating actively in the anti cou defense five specific groups

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<v Speaker 1>and institutions. The members of officials of individual groups and

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<v Speaker 1>institutions in the society could also organize around preventing the

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<v Speaker 1>pouchists from controlling the areas of the society that they operate.

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<v Speaker 1>For example, members of civil society who work in transportation,

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<v Speaker 1>economic activities, mass media, communications, religious institutions, and all other

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<v Speaker 1>major functioning components and services of the society need to

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<v Speaker 1>prepare and apply non cooperation and defiance to retain their

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<v Speaker 1>independence from pouchists. It will be highly important for these

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<v Speaker 1>bodies and institutions to block attempts by the pouchists or

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<v Speaker 1>their supporters to seize internal control of these bodies and institutions.

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<v Speaker 1>Attackers may also even attempt to destroy these independents groups

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<v Speaker 1>and institutions and replace them with new institutions controlled by

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<v Speaker 1>the pouchas or their collaborators. Those efforts, too, will need

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<v Speaker 1>to be defeated. The citizens and their non governmental institutions

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<v Speaker 1>should launch preparations and in a crisis, should initiate actual resistance.

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<v Speaker 1>This anti coup resistance could be in accordance with an

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<v Speaker 1>advanced governmental anti coup defense plan, or as noted earlier,

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<v Speaker 1>could be launched independently if no such plan has been prepared.

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<v Speaker 1>Those population groups and institutions that operate or control important social, economic, political,

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<v Speaker 1>or industrial functions will usually be more skilled in determining

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<v Speaker 1>what specific forms of non cooperation and defiance may be

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<v Speaker 1>most effective in keeping that area of the society out

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<v Speaker 1>of the control of usurpers than the theorists of such resistance.

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<v Speaker 1>A few examples follow One. Transportation workers, such as truck drivers,

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<v Speaker 1>railroad employees, or airline operators, are likely to be far

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<v Speaker 1>more skilled in determining how best to slow or paralyze

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<v Speaker 1>the transportation system and to keep it out of the

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<v Speaker 1>hands of the pouchas than staff in a government office.

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<v Speaker 1>They are also likely to be more skilled in knowing how,

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<v Speaker 1>despite partial paralysis by resistors or blockages of transportation by pouchas,

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<v Speaker 1>to move food and other important supplies to places where

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<v Speaker 1>they are most needed. Two. In the communications field, as

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<v Speaker 1>long as cell phones and email systems are still operating,

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<v Speaker 1>they can be used creatively to help communication resistance plans,

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<v Speaker 1>to initiate resistance activities, and to report the status of

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<v Speaker 1>Poochus controls and resistance struggle. Reserve broadcast equipment that has

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<v Speaker 1>been hidden away for an emergency can be used for

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<v Speaker 1>defense purposes even when government offices or previous broadcasting stations

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<v Speaker 1>have been occupied. Three Civil servants and government offices can

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<v Speaker 1>continue to function independently even if their directors have joined

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<v Speaker 1>the Poochists. In addition to open defiance, civil servants can

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<v Speaker 1>also quietly resist the coup through bureaucratic slowness, misfiling important papers,

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<v Speaker 1>and similar non provocative but effective activities that limit the

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<v Speaker 1>pouchus control. Four Labor unions can defiantly refuse to follow

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<v Speaker 1>Poochus's efforts to direct economic activities, and can continue those

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<v Speaker 1>activities that have been prohibited whatever the poochus leaders, collaborating administrators,

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<v Speaker 1>or corporation officials may say. Five Special days that honor persons, events,

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<v Speaker 1>or principles of significance to the nation and to the

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<v Speaker 1>democratic resistors may be observed even when the poochas spanned them,

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<v Speaker 1>and new such days may be instituted to honor events

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<v Speaker 1>or casualties of the anti coup resistance. End of Section

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<v Speaker 1>thirty six