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Speaker 1: And we are back with another edition of the Federalist

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Radio Hour. I'm Matt Kittle, Senior Elections correspondent at the Federalist,

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and your experienced Shirpa on today's quest for Knowledge. As always,

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you can email the show at radio at the Federalist

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dot com, follow us on x at FDR LST, make

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sure to subscribe wherever you download your podcast, and of

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course to the premium version of our website as well.

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Our guest today is Clyde Wayne Cruz of the Competitive

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Enterprise Institute. He joins us to talk about the latest

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ten thousand Commandments, the cost burden of the massive mountains

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of federal regulations that each American American big businesses are facing. Clyde,

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thank you so much for joining us in this edition

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of the Federalist Radio Hour.

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Speaker 2: You bet, I appreciate you having me. Thanks for thinking

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of us and taking all this interest in the regulatory state.

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Speaker 1: Oh, we're being buried by it every day. I don't think.

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I don't think the average American knows just how much.

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That's what the focus of this podcast today is really

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all about. You write that Washington regulations got worse under

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President Joe Biden, and I think we can understand that

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having lived through it. Yes, because his administration sought to

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impose progressive rules against energy, consumer appliances, labor, banking, online speech,

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and other sectors of the economy. There's looking over the

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previous four years, it would seem if it was moving,

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as former President Ronald Reagan said, this administration was going

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to try to tax it or regulate it. Is that

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an over statement of the problem.

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Speaker 2: No, you got it exactly right. I was you know,

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I was noticing the other day. This is now thirty

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two years that I've been putting this report together.

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Speaker 1: And let me just say, wow, you've done this a while.

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Speaker 2: Yes, I've been doing this a while. And you know

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I took I got interested in this study in economics

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at George Mason University, and you know, so many groups

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in town focused on tax and budget. But I'm here

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to tell you if you're missing the regulatory state, you're

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missing the biggest part of what the of what the

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federal government's intervention in the economy is. You might remember, well,

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just just for framing this year, the federal government is

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set to spend seven trillion dollars with a deficit of

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two trillion dollars. Now that's a two trillion dollar deficit

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without the excuse of COVID right, and no means place

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so you you've already got a gargantuan federal regulatory state.

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In that respect, we have been tabulating. And the way

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to think of this, I do this report ten thousand

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commandments surveying trends in federal regulations. That's environmental, health and safety, labor, paperwork, burdens,

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all that sort of thing. And if you compare to

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that seven trillion dollar federal budget, I use a placeholder

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for the cost of regulation matter of two trillion dollars, well,

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two point one point five to five. You know, obviously

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it's not that exact. We're not economic planners. In fact,

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you can't even say that we on the outside can

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observe and determine what regulatory costs faced by others are.

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But we can say two trillion is a good baseline

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because I'm using older numbers from the federal government, which

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is supposed to measure itself based on the regulatory right

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to no act, but surprise, surprise, it doesn't. It's supposed

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to tabulate then aggrega regulation, but it doesn't do it.

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But since the nineties, there's been at least, you know,

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close to a trillion that the federal government did admitted to.

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I've compiled figures from various studies. There's a new NAM

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National Association of Manufacturer study that puts that puts the

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cost at three trillion. I'm comfortable using this two trillion

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placeholder because what I'm trying to do is get Congress

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to force agencies to own up to the cost of regulation,

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but more than that, for Congress to take back that power,

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because our real problem is over delegation. Congress disregards its

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Article one powers of it's supposed to be the only

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one making laws. Found our founder, Fred Smith would say,

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the Constitution isn't perfect, but it's better than what we

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have now in terms of regulation and the administrative state.

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Congress has delegated so much of that power. And that's

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what you were asking about Biden, and that's what set

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Biden on his path to pursuing progressive regulatory ends and

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climate equity, the care economy, all of these progressive pursuits

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that kind of replace the original Constitution. But I'll just

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say quick on that two trillion figure, it's equivalent to

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the deficit as we touched on, but two trillion is

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also what the individual income tax seats are now roughly,

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and if you think of corporate tax receipts, those are

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around five hundred billions, So regulatory costs four times what

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the corporate income tax is. Corporate pre tax profits around

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three and a half trillion, so regulatory costs are over

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fifty percent of corporate pre tax profit. So it's a

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huge amount of money. So putting this kind of in

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the framework of what Biden did, well, what Trump tried

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to do the first time, and what Biden did a

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few years back. We were taking an interest in executive overreach,

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which is a big, big concern of yours. And you

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might remember Obama would say, I've got a pen, I've

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got a phone. If Congress doesn't act, I'm going to

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We're going to act without Congress. Oh yeah, yeahs change Obamacare.

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Speaker 1: Elections have consequences. Whatever happened to the Democrats on that run, right.

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Speaker 2: Yeah, they sure knew, and at that time, very much

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contrast to now. I was, in fact, it was doing

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a piece on this yesterday. The progressives are attacking Trump

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over abuses of executive power. There's some areas where that's valid.

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There's somewhere, I think where what Trump is trying to

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do is reduce governmental power as such. And each of

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his executive orders does have a disclaimer this applies to

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the extent valid by law, and he's not being authoritarian

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in that respect. But Obama seemed to be. He's got

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that pen and phone, and he expanded the federal state.

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He changed Obama Care's application to small business without you know,

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with a press release, and his Department of Labor would

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change the way that franchisees and independent contractors work. No law,

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no notice in common rule, just a executive and administrative interpretation.

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That's what those were called. So at that time, Matt

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I started thinking, well, every year you've got about you've

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got a few dozen laws from Congress. But at the

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same time, you've got three thousand rules and regulations, and

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I tabulate, I joke and call this the unconstitutionality index.

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In ten thousand commandments, you've got this multiple of nineteen

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laws nineteen regulations for every law, at least in terms

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of pace. But more than that, Matt and Obama is

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what really brought this to the four for me, and

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by extension, now Joe Biden and now the potential Trump reversals.

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But Obama was doing it notices, circulars, bulletins, guidance documents, interpretations,

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policy statements, and I took to calling this stuff regulatory

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dark matter, and we tried to do anory of it,

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because if you've got a few dozen laws, three thousand

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rules and regulations, you've got a lot more regulatory dark matter.

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That's the big challenge. I would say for folks like

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you who are interested in challenging the administrative state, the

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big problem you've got on your hands now is even

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if we crack down on notice and comment regulation, as

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Trump is doing, I think he's doing some good things

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in that respect, but so much of the regulatory state

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is now laundered through regulatory dark matter. And of that

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seven trillion that I mentioned to you, that is federal spending,

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hundreds of billions of that is contracts, grants, grants, in aids, subsidies, procurement.

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Federal government even under Trump, boast of being the largest

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purchaser of goods and services on planet Earth. So you

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can have a lot of regulation get laundered in So

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if I had I would say, you know, I've been

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doing this report a long time to say, if I

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get one thing across to you in this is that

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there's now a fusion of spending and regulation that the

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liberty movement has to grapple with. That I don't think

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it is quite done. But in terms of trying to

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fix it, first, Trump administration the guideline, the kind of

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the pedaltone. There was one end two out for regulations, right,

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and that was base a cost freeze. And he also

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within each of the departments and agencies he put in

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place so called regulatory reform officers. Biden came in swept

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all that aside on day one. He literally had a

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memoranda on day one called modernizing Regulatory Review, by which

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he meant not reviewing regulation. But he wiped out all

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of the Trump streamlining agenda when he did that, and

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he replaced it with what they called And you can

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go back and find these these these these statements and

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fact sheets and press releases from the Biden administration. But

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he was pursuing, as I mentioned, those whole of government

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campaigns on equity and climate and justice and net zero

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and the care economy and long COVID, all of these

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areas where there was a whole of government approach such

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that you know, we would normally think, well, you block

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environmental regulation at DEEPA or you labor. He he was.

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He charged every agency with equity plans, justice plans, climate plans,

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even pulled the so called the alleged independent agencies financial

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agencies like the SEC, the Consumer Financial Production Bureau into

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these gargantuan environmental concerns. It was a huge shift such

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that if you get rid of one agency and its

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authority on that progressive conceit doesn't change anything. It all

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just gets picked up by some other agency. So in

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prior editions of ten thousand commandments before this one, I

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spent a good deal of time cataloging Biden's wholesale replacement

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of the Trump streamlining, which was a very very interesting era.

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So that Biden has had deleted all of that. Trump

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has come back in and so far has done one

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hundred and forty two executive orders. And I was looking

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the other day, I was wondering how many were regulatory.

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As I was saying about now the fusion of spending

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and regulation, all of them are regulatory. But of the

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one hundred and forty two executive orders there there were

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over a dozen that were addressing regulation, and of those

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about about six that directly invoke the Department of Government Efficiency.

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The DOGE that Elon Musk heads up and that Vieback

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Ramaswami used to be the co head of. And the

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interesting thing about DOGE and this was just we're just

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compiling this yesterday. You know that you got folks on

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our side, you know, fighting about DOGE. Oh, this is

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this is Bologne. Ah, this is going to do great things.

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DOGE was set up to go away in a year.

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It has to go away next year at America two fifty.

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That's the charter that it has. It's the renamed US

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Digital Service. And I was looking at comparing it to

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comparing its reductions of workforce to what had been done

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by Don Devine and his great book. In fact, I

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had it right here, Reagan's Terrible Swift Sword by Don Devine,

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who was Reagan's Officer Personnel Management Director, and DOGE is

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kind of like the Swift but not so terrible Sword.

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They've put together some great things in terms of reductions

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of the federal state. Musk might have promised two trillion

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back in October. We didn't get that, but we have

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gotten around one hundred and fifty billion in reductions that

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has claimed, oh, we.

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Speaker 1: Need to be on that road. I mean, that's the

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bottom line here that we're talking about. And I guess

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with all of this and what you have been reporting

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on for a long time, you know better than anybody

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that the roots of the problem run very deep and

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they're decades old. The Supreme Court has taken care of

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some of this really opened the door to the end

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of what had been long referred to and long drawn

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out as the deferential state of things, deference deference to

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these bureaucracies. In bureaucrats, you talk about Congress abdicating its

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responsibilities under the Constitution, under the first branch responsibilities, that's

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for sure, and that was assisted through you know, the

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old Chevron case and all of these other cases that said, well,

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let the let the experts, because they know this subject

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matter better than anybody, We're going to defer to them.

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And that's exactly what happened under Obama in particular, all

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of the experts, and remember these same experts were the

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ones who were telling us to follow the science and

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violating every principle of science during COVID. So how do

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we get to I know, as I mentioned the Supreme

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Court decision. A couple of decisions have straightened that out

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a bit. But how do we get to the point

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where we're not we're no longer longer deferring to the

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bureaucracy and giving the bureaucracy outsized power that has taken

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place over decades in this country.

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Speaker 2: Well, boy, I'm I'm glad you brought that up. The

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Chevron deference had been the notion, you know, it started

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back in the eighties, the notion that, well, the agencies

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are the experts, so they've got the knowledge that Congress

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doesn't have. And in fact, that's why Congress delegated the

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power to the agency in the first place, because it

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wanted these independent, rational, apolitical experts to make the decision.

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And this goes back to early progressive era. Conceits is

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what I often call them. And you know, to put

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this in perspective too, our founder Fred Smith said, the

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genius of those progressives was any when they got into power,

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anything that was under government control, airsheds, watersheds, spectrum, especially

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air spaces, anything that was in government hands that remained

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there so they were able to latch on and claim

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to be the expert allocations allocators of these resources and

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claim that expertise. But I would say, here's what I

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would say, you have to be careful about you know.

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I put it this way. You can't just think up

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a value and then name an agency after it and

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think you're regulating and doing it, doing expert regulation because

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often I think agency interventions and their silos, you know,

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the you know the labor environment, UH, transportation, you know

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their air space, energy, telecom. Regulating all of these entities

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in the silos like we do often removes them from

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the competitive marketplace and the competitive disciplines and from real expertise. Ideally,

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even if agencies did have the experts, the expertise that

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progresses and and you got to you got to acknowledge too.

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Even John Roberts in the Chevron decision talked about agency expertise.

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He said, you know where there's agency expertise that needs

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to come in to play. But we're not just going

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to let agencies interpret their own statutes. Even in the

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legal environment, even in the judiciary, there's still this notion

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that expertise is what agencies do. I think it's important

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for our liberty movement in the same way I was

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saying the big theme earlier is the fusion of spending

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and regulation. I also have to challenge the notion that

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the agencies are experts, because I mean, just just as

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a for example, drones a new technology that came that

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came upon the scene a few years back. Almost immediately

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you had the FAA putting out four hundred page rules

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governing drones, a brand new technology, and rather than taking

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advantage of the new expertise in terms of geolocation and

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so forth, I would joke that with the ability to

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for geolocation and GPS and tracking, you could pack the

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sky like a neutron star with drone quarters and property rights.

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I'm really getting at property rights and you know, flying

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over homes and may generating new rules for this new environment. Instead,

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what the FAA does takes the entire drone industry, dumps

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it into eighty year old airspace mechanisms that it governs,

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and then it governs everything pilot certification, airworthiness, how high

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your package has got to be before Amazon drops it off.

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When we get to drone deliveries and things like that. That's

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just one example that you know, flying taxis where the

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expertise really comes from. In terms of energy conservation is

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another one. If you've bought a gas can lately at

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home depot or Walmart, it's got all these springs on it.

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You gotta have you gotta have three hands to operate it.

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Speaker 1: Yes, I hate those. Can we stop that? I mean,

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if we can do one thing and ending regulation, can

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we do that? My son and I were trying to

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cut the lawn the other day. We couldn't get the

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damn thing open. And I think so many Americans are

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feeling the same frustration. But that is I think you

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said it right there. That's a that's a great example

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of the not just the over thing, yeah, but how

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much control these bureaucrats have over the average American. And

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the sick punchline to the joke is, as you note

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here in your study, we are paying for that obsessive,

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compulsive behavior on the part of the regulators. And once

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they get their foot in the door, as it is

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with all of these spending programs that we talk about

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during the pandemic era that remain in place, that level

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of spending remains in place, it is almost impossible, it seems,

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to get rid of it. So how do we get

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rid of it? These things that are impacting the everyday American.

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Speaker 2: I wish I had this little It was an upside

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down funnel of the Capitol Dome. Showed the easy stuff

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that we can do, Matt versus the stuff that's harder.

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And it's Congress is over delegation. That's the problem here.

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But I would submit also that it's Congress's own disregard

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of enumerated powers that we've got to grapple with as well.

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Because you've brought up COVID a couple of times, and

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I was doing a c SPAN interview the other day

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and I mentioned what had struck me about that time

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of COVID. And I've mentioned to you, as you said,

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you know, the spending rockets up and then it stays

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at that level. Well, now we have a two trillion

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dollar deficit. Well, the first time that happened was during COVID.

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And I was mentioning to the host that I remember

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the signing of the CARES Act, the Coronavirus Response Act,

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and Trump was signing it and he looks up at

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Mitch McConnell and says, Mitch, this has got a t

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on it. I've never signed anything this big. I'm not

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sure I can sign this thing and we can't turn

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back now, though, can we? And everybody nervously laughs in

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the Oval Office as they're signing the CARES Act. But

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then look what that led to. That led to It

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had provisions in it like the viction moratory, and we

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talk about Biden extending those kind of things, but Trump

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did too. And you know, all of these interventions that

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COVID set in place quickly, it was followed up on.

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They often say there's gridlock in Congress. I'm here to

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tell you there hasn't been any gridlock since COVID because

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after that, then the American Rescue Plan came through, more spending,

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then the Inflation Law, the Infrastructure Law, the Chips and

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Science Act, So these gargantuan pieces of legislation that I

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try to get across every chance I get, they were

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already hyper regulatory before the administrators start writing the first

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the first rule. So here I'm in this pickle. I've

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been spending my career talking about over delegation and agencies

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issuing too many rules, you know, three thousand a year,

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and it all stacks up with no release. And later

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we can talk about some solutions too. Because I'm not

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a pessimist. I think there's some optimistic solutions, but you know,

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you have these kinds of interventions. But Congress has got

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to grapple with the fact and I think the Trump

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administration and I think Doge too. Doge could lead at

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least in terms of the public relations campaign. But you

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talked about agency expertise. Congress has delegated that power and

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created enabling statutes with these these regulators all across the

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board in the economy. And it's only the only way

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we can get rid of all of the rule writing

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is actually the step back and get rid of the

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agencies and get rid of the enabling statues that created them.

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And the only ones we're hearing up so far are

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Department of Education. You know, that's that's one where you know,

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the new administrator said, you know, just like Alfred Kahan

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back in the days of the Civil Aeronautics Board, you know,

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my job will be done here. There's no job when

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I leave it to leave the Department of Education. But

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got to be very careful because like during the first

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Trump administration, he had a reformatting of the executive branch project.

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Mick Mulvaney headed it. At the end of that year

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long project didn't eliminate any agencies. It just took some

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of the Department of Labor programs and put them over

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at the Department of Education. Or it could have been

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the other way around, but it was one or the other.

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And the point is no ending of the agencies. And

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dogs can't do it all by itself. Dogs can help

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shrink or deflate agencies, and they you know, sound like

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a like a whoope cushion and they make the same

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sound as you've been able to tell for the last

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two months. Oags can deflate things, but you know, like

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fat cells, it's still there. And if you get another

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progressive administration in, they can expand. Now it is the

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case that, for example, with the UH some of the

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agencies that have been rolled out and put under the

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Department of State under Rubio, there is some cutting going

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on and there is some trimming of jobs as you know,

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as Divine had done back in the Reagan administration. There

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are cuts in that respect, but still has delegated these

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powers to agencies or has created these bodies. And we

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have to think about what regulation means because you know,

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we're we're small old libertarian free market types and I

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would when they say, well, what you don't want any regulation, wan,

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I'm like, well, no, you you want regulation. But your

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question is always is it going to be this political

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regulation from agencies or do we want better competitive disciplines?

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And I always favor the latter because I'd mentioned this

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the other day. You have a company, but it's got

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upstream suppliers, downstream business customers, consumers, Wall Street, the media, advertisers.

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All of these forces are raided against companies that misbehave.

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But on the regulatory side, they just say, you know,

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set a floor. I always joke, you know, all tainted

387
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meat and was approved by the USDA. I think it's

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much better to have to elevate those competitive disciplines. And

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it's especially important now into in new technologies like you know,

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three printing, AI, cryptocurrency. We have to develop. The job

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of the free market isn't just to create the new

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product or service, but also to develop the disciplines and

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the risk management institutions that go along, you know, everything

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from warranties and contracts and so forth, to protect the public.

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And I don't think you can replace that kind of

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that kind of discipline and that kind of regulation with

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just by creating an agency.

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Speaker 3: It turns out in Congress we have a uniparty. The

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Watched at on Wall Street podcast with Chris Markowski. Every

400
00:24:39,720 --> 00:24:42,440
day Chris helps unpack the connection between politics and the

401
00:24:42,480 --> 00:24:45,400
economy and how it affects your wallet. Another week goes

402
00:24:45,480 --> 00:24:48,759
by and no votes on doche cuts nothing on getting

403
00:24:48,839 --> 00:24:51,920
rid of waste, fraud and abuse. Everything you see on

404
00:24:52,039 --> 00:24:55,519
TV by some of these lawmakers is just the reality show.

405
00:24:55,640 --> 00:24:57,680
Whether it's happening in DC or down on Wall Street,

406
00:24:57,720 --> 00:25:00,240
it's affecting you financially. Be informed. Check out the Watched

407
00:25:00,240 --> 00:25:03,240
Out on Wall Street podcast with christ mccowski on Apple, Spotify,

408
00:25:03,359 --> 00:25:04,759
or wherever you get your podcasts.

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Speaker 1: I think you raised I think you raise a very

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good point. I think it's also what we have seen

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over the last several years in this country is the

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government working alongside some entities in the private sector, and

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the private sector being compliant with the administration, with the

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regime in power to censor Americans, a sensor speech to

415
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you know, do things that harm the individual rights of

416
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Americans where you have so, Yes, regulation is still very important.

417
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I don't want to get away from that, but I

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think we're at the core What we're really trying to

419
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get at is the absolute over regulation in the lives

420
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of average Americans. And I want to talk in specifics

421
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about what we're seeing, what your your report finds here

422
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when we're talking about two trillion dollars or so that's

423
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costing the average American, I believe somewhere in the vicinity

424
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of sixteen thousand dollars a year in overregulation. Our guest

425
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today is Clyde Wayne Cruz of the Competitive Enterprise Institute,

426
00:26:15,359 --> 00:26:19,000
on his latest report, ten thousand Commandments the cost Burden

427
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of federal regulations. You mentioned it's everywhere energy, consumer appliances

428
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that grabbed a lot of headlines continues to this day.

429
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You know, vehicles that we drive, the climate change cult

430
00:26:34,960 --> 00:26:40,599
that is out there, labor, banking, online speech, other sectors

431
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of the economy. What are some of the more egregious

432
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abuses of overregulation in this country?

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Speaker 2: Yeah, I think to me some of the you know,

434
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I mentioned kind of the jokey example of the gas can,

435
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but it's not really joke because if they can't get

436
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something that simple correct, it's hard to get hard to

437
00:26:57,440 --> 00:27:01,000
imagine they're getting getting other things correct. Course of trying

438
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to get rid of the of fossil fuel use and

439
00:27:04,200 --> 00:27:08,000
automobiles and shift everybody toward toward electric cars. It's one

440
00:27:08,039 --> 00:27:10,720
of the tremendous ones. And you can see what's really

441
00:27:10,759 --> 00:27:14,119
on some legislator's mind, at least in terms of what

442
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they are getting rid of from the Biden administration. I

443
00:27:17,160 --> 00:27:19,519
had put together a chart of all the major rules

444
00:27:19,599 --> 00:27:22,839
under Biden, and they shot way up under him, and

445
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it's largely energy and environment and so forth like that.

446
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But under the new Trump administration, they're able to use

447
00:27:30,799 --> 00:27:34,279
what's called the Congressional Review Act passed in the late

448
00:27:35,839 --> 00:27:39,200
late in the last century. Up until Trump, it had

449
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only gotten the Congression Review Act had only repealed one rule,

450
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and that was on repetitive motion injuries. And under the

451
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first Trump administration several more were repealed, and so now

452
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they've been about twenty. But we're talking about out of

453
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over three thousand rules and regulations that come through, but

454
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recent ones that were repealed. There was there was a

455
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methane flow rule, methane fee rule, some of the tailpipe

456
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admission rules that were just overturned in the new administration

457
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by sign a resolution by both houses of Congress and

458
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then signed by Trump and the tailpipe rules and so forth.

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And some of the most annoying ones have been the

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energy conservation rules for dishwashers and appliances and washing machines,

461
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you know, the front loading washing machines that mold up

462
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and don't clean. All of those have been have been

463
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a real headache for the public, and there have been

464
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some rollbacks on those in the new administration too. But

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you know, it's in some ways that things are frustrating

466
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because it is the case that of Biden's many major

467
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rules last year and significant rules and regulations, it's you know,

468
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dozens of them were potentially able to be overturned, but

469
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you end up with just a few. And so that's

470
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one of the reasons I say, you you know, in

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terms of restoring liberty, restoring normal normalcy and government governance

472
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and Article I authorities for Congress, while Congress also adheres

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to its own enumerated powers and doesn't do all the

474
00:29:11,119 --> 00:29:14,119
things that's been doing since COVID, but you know, restricting

475
00:29:14,119 --> 00:29:17,119
the power of government as such matters a lot and

476
00:29:17,160 --> 00:29:19,880
a lot of that has to recognize that, you know,

477
00:29:19,960 --> 00:29:22,279
most of our wealth isn't created yet, most of our

478
00:29:22,359 --> 00:29:25,599
jobs aren't created yet, most of our industries aren't created yet,

479
00:29:25,880 --> 00:29:29,000
and we don't want to have this pre existing administrative

480
00:29:29,039 --> 00:29:31,880
state with all of these alphabet soup bodies in place

481
00:29:32,440 --> 00:29:36,480
to capture or to pre capture all of these new

482
00:29:36,519 --> 00:29:39,119
sectors before they come into being. We don't have to

483
00:29:39,160 --> 00:29:41,319
regulate in the future the way we've done in the past,

484
00:29:41,359 --> 00:29:43,000
and we can actually do it a lot better, as

485
00:29:43,319 --> 00:29:46,160
as I mentioned earlier, with the right kinds of discipline.

486
00:29:46,200 --> 00:29:49,599
So I wish we could get across Matt to the

487
00:29:49,880 --> 00:29:53,759
to the members of Congress. They just can't poke around with,

488
00:29:53,880 --> 00:29:57,119
you know, reviewing rules a little better or saying they're

489
00:29:57,160 --> 00:29:59,440
going to do cost benefit They've really got to go

490
00:29:59,480 --> 00:30:02,920
after these administrative agencies as such and dismantle them.

491
00:30:03,079 --> 00:30:05,880
Speaker 1: Well, whatever happened to the Rains Act?

492
00:30:06,079 --> 00:30:08,200
Speaker 2: Oh, oh, you know what. I'm glad you brought that up,

493
00:30:08,200 --> 00:30:11,599
because there's like a there's a series of regulatory reforms

494
00:30:11,680 --> 00:30:14,319
right that are useful, you know, just better report cards,

495
00:30:14,359 --> 00:30:19,720
better cost benefit analysis, regulatory reduction commission, sunsetting, all sorts

496
00:30:19,759 --> 00:30:22,839
of things like that. The Rains Act, which stands for

497
00:30:23,039 --> 00:30:27,000
regulations from the Executive in need of scrutiny, would have

498
00:30:27,599 --> 00:30:31,160
would require or allow Congress when there's a major rule

499
00:30:31,319 --> 00:30:33,759
coming through that in order for that major rule to

500
00:30:33,799 --> 00:30:38,680
become effective, Congress would have to approve it, okay. So

501
00:30:38,759 --> 00:30:41,160
in other words, if an agency issue is a rule,

502
00:30:41,440 --> 00:30:44,319
Congress doesn't approve it, nothing happens. The rule doesn't go

503
00:30:44,319 --> 00:30:47,240
into effect as it is now under the Congressional Review

504
00:30:47,279 --> 00:30:49,519
Act that I'd mentioned a little bit ago, where they're

505
00:30:49,599 --> 00:30:53,400
just barely over twenty rules have been stopped under the

506
00:30:53,400 --> 00:30:55,960
Congressional Review Act, and agency issue is a major rule,

507
00:30:56,200 --> 00:30:58,519
Congress has got to get upon its hind legs and

508
00:30:58,599 --> 00:31:00,759
you know, do a resolution of disapproval in order to

509
00:31:00,799 --> 00:31:02,960
get rid of that rule. And of course that doesn't

510
00:31:02,960 --> 00:31:06,119
happen very much. So that's why the Rains Act. It

511
00:31:06,440 --> 00:31:08,880
actually had a better name back in the late nineties,

512
00:31:08,920 --> 00:31:11,079
and it's passed the House a few times, never passed

513
00:31:11,079 --> 00:31:14,559
the Senate. The original name was the Congressional Responsibility Act,

514
00:31:14,720 --> 00:31:16,599
which gets to what you and I are talking about

515
00:31:16,799 --> 00:31:19,880
about Article onepower in this and it really being Congress's

516
00:31:19,960 --> 00:31:23,240
job to make the laws and to be responsible for them.

517
00:31:23,680 --> 00:31:25,400
Speaker 1: Now, why why do they get rid of that name?

518
00:31:25,519 --> 00:31:27,920
Speaker 2: Pray tell you know, I don't know. It went through

519
00:31:28,000 --> 00:31:30,079
It went through a few phases. But way back then

520
00:31:30,200 --> 00:31:34,240
it was JD. Hayworth in the Congress, Arizona Congressman who

521
00:31:34,400 --> 00:31:36,519
who it intridues it. I remember back in the day,

522
00:31:36,880 --> 00:31:39,920
you know, participating in a press conference supporting it. And

523
00:31:40,000 --> 00:31:42,680
over time it went through a few iterations. It would

524
00:31:42,680 --> 00:31:44,839
get different co sponsors and so forth, and now kat

525
00:31:44,920 --> 00:31:47,440
Hamick in the House, Ran Paul and the Senate are

526
00:31:47,480 --> 00:31:50,160
the sponsors of it. And it just so happens there's

527
00:31:50,200 --> 00:31:54,720
a version of the Rains Act, which you know, as

528
00:31:55,000 --> 00:31:58,839
we say major rules, Congress have to approve them otherwise

529
00:31:58,839 --> 00:32:00,880
they're noel and void. But there's a version of the

530
00:32:00,960 --> 00:32:03,440
Rains Act that's now being invoked in the in the

531
00:32:03,480 --> 00:32:06,960
debates now over the budget reconciliation, you know, the h

532
00:32:08,039 --> 00:32:11,400
this budget where we're spending seven trillion. Well in terms

533
00:32:11,440 --> 00:32:13,640
of finalizing the budget, you know, for the for the

534
00:32:13,640 --> 00:32:17,759
current fiscal year, there's there's an opportunity to do a

535
00:32:17,799 --> 00:32:22,640
reconciliation which can't be filibustered. There's an effort underway and

536
00:32:22,680 --> 00:32:25,079
it has kind of behind the scenes, has been working

537
00:32:25,079 --> 00:32:29,440
with the Senate also to get a portion, not not

538
00:32:29,519 --> 00:32:32,400
the entire Rains Act, but elements of the Rains Act

539
00:32:32,440 --> 00:32:36,279
into the Budget Reconciliation and there's been a markup of

540
00:32:36,319 --> 00:32:39,359
that in the House Judiciary. Other committees are doing their

541
00:32:39,400 --> 00:32:42,119
markups as well, so we'll see what they finally get

542
00:32:42,160 --> 00:32:44,640
together and what goes to the Senate. But I say

543
00:32:44,640 --> 00:32:45,400
it facetiously.

544
00:32:45,480 --> 00:32:49,160
Speaker 1: Of course, I'm yes with full timegras shake whatever happened

545
00:32:49,160 --> 00:32:54,920
to the Congressional Responsibility Act, because as we have noted, clearly,

546
00:32:55,279 --> 00:32:59,000
Congress does not want to take responsibility. And I hate

547
00:32:59,000 --> 00:33:02,480
to hammer on that, but I think it's so necessary.

548
00:33:02,559 --> 00:33:07,440
That's when you're talking about recommendations on how to carve

549
00:33:07,519 --> 00:33:11,559
up this two trillion dollars that we're talking about in

550
00:33:11,640 --> 00:33:15,519
over regulation, and that could be a conservative estimate. As

551
00:33:15,559 --> 00:33:19,799
you noted, the only way that you're truly going to

552
00:33:19,880 --> 00:33:23,799
start doing that is to get Congress to do its job.

553
00:33:24,599 --> 00:33:25,440
Rain's Act is.

554
00:33:26,240 --> 00:33:26,680
Speaker 2: Part of that.

555
00:33:26,799 --> 00:33:30,880
Speaker 1: But how do we ultimately get there to the benefit

556
00:33:30,880 --> 00:33:31,880
of the American people.

557
00:33:32,519 --> 00:33:37,079
Speaker 2: I think it'll have to be There is a chance

558
00:33:37,200 --> 00:33:40,519
that the Rains Act could make it through the sentiment

559
00:33:40,839 --> 00:33:45,200
Senate Parliamentarian. I'm skeptical. I think that budget rules might

560
00:33:45,200 --> 00:33:48,240
prevent it. I hope that it will, because if Wayne

561
00:33:48,279 --> 00:33:52,680
is the parliamentarian. Then I say that any thing that

562
00:33:52,920 --> 00:33:57,960
any regulatory policy affects the federal budget in terms of outlays.

563
00:33:57,519 --> 00:34:01,160
Speaker 1: Are you suggesting are you suggesting the United States of Wayne?

564
00:34:03,400 --> 00:34:07,000
Speaker 2: Perhaps? Yeah, you know, all these authoritarians running around like

565
00:34:07,079 --> 00:34:11,400
we but yeah, so what the problem is there is

566
00:34:11,440 --> 00:34:14,920
a there's a call for saying that, well, if we,

567
00:34:15,079 --> 00:34:17,400
if we, if we try to get the Rains Act

568
00:34:17,440 --> 00:34:20,480
into the budget reconciliation, it's got to meet budget rules.

569
00:34:20,559 --> 00:34:23,760
And in order for it to meet budget rules, regulations

570
00:34:23,840 --> 00:34:29,039
have to directly affect the federal budget. So that is

571
00:34:29,159 --> 00:34:34,360
said to not apply to regulations. So so generally items

572
00:34:34,400 --> 00:34:36,840
like Rains and others have not gone through on budget

573
00:34:36,840 --> 00:34:40,280
reconciliations before. They're trying to make the case now that

574
00:34:40,360 --> 00:34:42,639
it can. Now I would say, you know, when I

575
00:34:42,679 --> 00:34:45,559
was making that joke about you know the Wayne is parliamentarian,

576
00:34:46,400 --> 00:34:50,199
regulatory costs are such a big factor in the economy

577
00:34:50,400 --> 00:34:55,320
that any change in regulatory policy that alters business profitability

578
00:34:55,519 --> 00:35:00,639
and economic growth and productivity automatically affects federal revenues. But

579
00:35:00,679 --> 00:35:03,480
that's considered I think that's direct, but that's considered an

580
00:35:03,480 --> 00:35:08,320
indirect effect. So in order to get through the Parliamentarian.

581
00:35:08,360 --> 00:35:10,400
There's going to have to be a ruling that the

582
00:35:10,519 --> 00:35:13,840
Rains Act in the provisions it has with respect to

583
00:35:14,320 --> 00:35:19,000
regulations that raise government revenue are relevant and direct effects

584
00:35:19,039 --> 00:35:21,199
on the budget. So it's not clear that we get through.

585
00:35:21,199 --> 00:35:24,159
There might be other kinds of regulatory reforms, like say

586
00:35:24,239 --> 00:35:27,679
regulatory cost budgeting, some limited version of that that could

587
00:35:27,760 --> 00:35:30,519
get through on reconciliation, but it's going to be a

588
00:35:30,559 --> 00:35:37,320
heated battle. Interestingly enough, when the reconciliation was marked up

589
00:35:37,360 --> 00:35:40,159
in the Judiciary Committee the other day, there wasn't a

590
00:35:40,199 --> 00:35:42,519
whole lot of debate about this RAINS provisions. I think

591
00:35:42,519 --> 00:35:45,639
there's just expectation that barriers will be thrown up in

592
00:35:45,679 --> 00:35:48,679
the Senate. But interestingly enough, there were provisions in there

593
00:35:48,760 --> 00:35:51,719
on sunsetting of rules that seem to have made it through.

594
00:35:52,239 --> 00:35:55,079
And also, you know, we talk about this aggregate estimate.

595
00:35:55,400 --> 00:35:58,400
I say two trillion, NAM says three trillion. I think

596
00:35:58,440 --> 00:36:01,079
it's even a lot more than that. But you know,

597
00:36:01,360 --> 00:36:06,480
there is a provision in the new Judiciary markup that

598
00:36:06,519 --> 00:36:11,519
would require the GOEO, the Government Accountability Office, to perform

599
00:36:11,800 --> 00:36:15,639
an aggregate estimate of regulatory costs. At long last, it's

600
00:36:15,639 --> 00:36:19,440
already supposed to be done because owing to the Regulatory

601
00:36:19,480 --> 00:36:21,760
Right to Know Act from in the late nineties. But

602
00:36:22,480 --> 00:36:24,039
it's not done. You know how that works. They just

603
00:36:24,559 --> 00:36:28,800
ignore the law. But interestingly enough, there is a provision

604
00:36:28,800 --> 00:36:30,320
for GOEO or do it. And I would love for

605
00:36:30,360 --> 00:36:31,880
somebody to come along and do that. I could quit

606
00:36:31,880 --> 00:36:33,079
writing this report every year.

607
00:36:33,840 --> 00:36:37,239
Speaker 1: Yes, indeed, yourself put yourself out of work right, as

608
00:36:37,559 --> 00:36:41,000
we talked about before. But that's an important point here

609
00:36:41,039 --> 00:36:44,199
that we haven't discussed, and that is there are a

610
00:36:44,280 --> 00:36:48,280
lot of people, a lot of lobbyists in particular, making

611
00:36:48,360 --> 00:36:51,679
a lot of money out of the current system, out

612
00:36:51,719 --> 00:36:56,079
of the changes, the constant changes the rules. There are

613
00:36:56,079 --> 00:36:58,920
the lobbyists, the attorneys that are making money simply because

614
00:36:59,000 --> 00:37:01,000
it takes an army of attorneys to be able to

615
00:37:01,119 --> 00:37:03,519
understand what the hell is going on out there, uh,

616
00:37:03,719 --> 00:37:06,599
and how it's going to impact our annual business, our sales,

617
00:37:06,760 --> 00:37:09,320
you know, distribution change, all of this sort of stuff.

618
00:37:09,800 --> 00:37:10,000
Speaker 2: Uh.

619
00:37:10,039 --> 00:37:13,239
Speaker 1: There is money to be had from industries that you

620
00:37:13,280 --> 00:37:17,159
know are going to make some money from from massive changes.

621
00:37:17,920 --> 00:37:21,679
It always plays out. So with so much money at stake,

622
00:37:22,880 --> 00:37:27,239
money is the driver for everything. How do you get

623
00:37:27,480 --> 00:37:28,559
real reform.

624
00:37:29,119 --> 00:37:31,760
Speaker 2: You know, you you asked the same thing a little

625
00:37:31,760 --> 00:37:33,599
bit indirectly with range. You know, how do you get

626
00:37:33,599 --> 00:37:36,599
it through. It's a real problem, and it might even

627
00:37:36,639 --> 00:37:40,199
be worse than you think, because when I when I

628
00:37:40,239 --> 00:37:43,719
said that about spending and regulation and the fusion kind

629
00:37:43,719 --> 00:37:48,320
of this grand unification of spending and regulation, there's also

630
00:37:48,400 --> 00:37:51,400
a parallel fusion of business and government that you're kind

631
00:37:51,400 --> 00:37:53,920
of getting at there. I was, I was joking. I

632
00:37:54,000 --> 00:37:55,639
joke a lot of times now that you know, in

633
00:37:55,679 --> 00:37:58,480
the wake of COVID and all these the infrastructure law

634
00:37:58,519 --> 00:38:01,840
and the inflation law, and all this government money, federal

635
00:38:01,840 --> 00:38:05,519
money being poured down to the states and localities and

636
00:38:05,559 --> 00:38:08,599
out to businesses that everything from local tap water to

637
00:38:08,639 --> 00:38:12,440
space commercialization as a business government partnership rather than free

638
00:38:12,559 --> 00:38:15,480
enterprise capitalism like I wanted to be. So it's extremely

639
00:38:15,519 --> 00:38:18,719
tough and even we'll put it this way, Matt, the

640
00:38:18,800 --> 00:38:21,960
last time we had major regulatory reforms, like you're talking about,

641
00:38:22,440 --> 00:38:24,039
what does it take to make this happen? Which is

642
00:38:24,079 --> 00:38:27,559
what I'm spending all my time on. The last time

643
00:38:27,599 --> 00:38:30,880
we had major reforms was the mid nineteen nineties and

644
00:38:30,960 --> 00:38:33,239
a little later than that when we had the Small

645
00:38:33,280 --> 00:38:38,079
Business Regulatory Relief Act, the Unfunded Mandates Act, the CRA,

646
00:38:38,239 --> 00:38:40,400
the Congressional Review Act, we were just talking about the

647
00:38:40,440 --> 00:38:42,719
Regulatory Right to Know Act that we just talked about.

648
00:38:42,880 --> 00:38:45,199
All of those happened within just a few years of

649
00:38:45,199 --> 00:38:48,480
each other, and interestingly enough, it was under Clinton, a

650
00:38:48,519 --> 00:38:51,199
Democrat rather than a Republican. That's also when we did

651
00:38:51,280 --> 00:38:53,920
welfare reform and had the last time we had a

652
00:38:53,920 --> 00:38:57,639
budget surplus was under Clinton. But the difference back then

653
00:38:57,760 --> 00:39:01,400
is you had state and local government and small businesses

654
00:39:01,599 --> 00:39:06,079
all coming to Washington complaining about red tape and urging

655
00:39:06,079 --> 00:39:09,079
for the cutting of burdens. And we don't quite have

656
00:39:09,239 --> 00:39:13,159
that anymore. If you noticed it, I noticed this. It

657
00:39:13,559 --> 00:39:15,079
was a little bit shocking to me, and I ended

658
00:39:15,159 --> 00:39:17,239
up writing writing a piece in Forms about it. But

659
00:39:17,280 --> 00:39:21,000
I was watching like the mayors coming to Washington and

660
00:39:21,039 --> 00:39:24,800
having Kamala Harris and Joe Biden appear at their conferences,

661
00:39:25,159 --> 00:39:27,960
and everything they were talking about is all of the

662
00:39:28,000 --> 00:39:30,480
great things they were doing with all the federal money

663
00:39:30,519 --> 00:39:33,360
being poured down to them, you know, for retrofitting school

664
00:39:33,400 --> 00:39:37,239
buses and buildings to make them energy efficient so called,

665
00:39:37,280 --> 00:39:43,239
and expanding government programs and government environmental projects and so forth.

666
00:39:44,239 --> 00:39:47,280
The federal government. The federal government is now so big

667
00:39:47,360 --> 00:39:51,800
and spending so much that it's pouring money in to

668
00:39:52,599 --> 00:39:55,119
even unfortunately even a little bit under Trump, because they

669
00:39:55,119 --> 00:39:57,320
were just announcing how great it is that they're doing

670
00:39:57,360 --> 00:39:59,800
more small business loans than ever. I don't think that's

671
00:39:59,840 --> 00:40:03,440
so great. I want healthy banks and healthy small businesses

672
00:40:03,480 --> 00:40:06,119
to be doing the lending, not the lending being driven

673
00:40:06,159 --> 00:40:09,079
by the federal government. So we've got this problem that

674
00:40:10,119 --> 00:40:12,800
our founder Fred Smith called the government steering while the

675
00:40:12,840 --> 00:40:17,639
market is just rowing. And that heavy spending that's also regulatory,

676
00:40:18,079 --> 00:40:20,679
is leading to too much of a fusion between business

677
00:40:20,679 --> 00:40:24,960
and government. And by extension, you know, you're the federalist.

678
00:40:25,119 --> 00:40:28,719
The big problem we have with federalism is not just

679
00:40:28,800 --> 00:40:30,840
you know, the division you know among you know, the

680
00:40:30,880 --> 00:40:33,239
federal type of government where you have you know, the

681
00:40:33,239 --> 00:40:37,960
federal the state and localities doing their thing. The state

682
00:40:38,000 --> 00:40:41,320
and local governments are now getting Even before COVID, they

683
00:40:41,360 --> 00:40:45,480
were getting over seven hundred billion in grants in aid

684
00:40:45,599 --> 00:40:50,679
from the federal government for transportation, environment, labor, welfare. All

685
00:40:50,760 --> 00:40:54,039
of these programs were being funded by the federal government

686
00:40:54,679 --> 00:40:56,920
rather than just leaving that money in the states in

687
00:40:56,960 --> 00:40:59,840
the first place. And so if the federal government is

688
00:41:00,079 --> 00:41:02,599
running those programs, and this is this is all the

689
00:41:02,639 --> 00:41:05,760
backlash you see to Trump. Now the states and localities

690
00:41:05,760 --> 00:41:08,559
are complaining about losing their federal money. Well, why are

691
00:41:08,599 --> 00:41:10,800
they getting federal money? Why isn't it just already in

692
00:41:10,840 --> 00:41:13,159
the states. So when you have that kind of a

693
00:41:13,719 --> 00:41:17,800
rather than federalism, you have this this this entanglement between

694
00:41:17,840 --> 00:41:20,519
the states and local governments and the federal government makes

695
00:41:20,559 --> 00:41:24,079
it very hard to to wall things off and block things.

696
00:41:24,079 --> 00:41:27,159
So it's a real debate. It's not it's really a problem.

697
00:41:27,320 --> 00:41:30,239
It's not like you know, a generation ago when the

698
00:41:30,280 --> 00:41:33,239
state and local government was complaining about Washington. Now they

699
00:41:33,280 --> 00:41:36,719
want they just want more to run these programs. And

700
00:41:37,039 --> 00:41:39,800
you know, if we if the election goes another way

701
00:41:39,840 --> 00:41:42,079
in a couple of years and you get progressives back

702
00:41:42,119 --> 00:41:45,079
in power, this bigots just opened back up. That's why

703
00:41:45,079 --> 00:41:46,760
I would say one thing I wish too, you know,

704
00:41:46,760 --> 00:41:48,719
in terms of your your concerned about how do we

705
00:41:48,760 --> 00:41:52,599
make this happen. When Trump is talking about small business

706
00:41:52,639 --> 00:41:56,679
loans and increasing those and when he's talking about you know, uh,

707
00:41:57,000 --> 00:42:00,480
the you know, the education programs and the states and

708
00:42:00,480 --> 00:42:03,320
localities doing what the federal government says in order to

709
00:42:03,320 --> 00:42:07,679
get their money. I wish that there were a project

710
00:42:07,719 --> 00:42:12,039
in the White House to say, rather than tweak these

711
00:42:12,079 --> 00:42:14,440
programs so that you're doing a little bit better in

712
00:42:14,519 --> 00:42:19,599
terms of managing them. Instead, instead we get a retrenchment.

713
00:42:19,679 --> 00:42:24,039
We reposition all of these social functions and economic functions

714
00:42:24,320 --> 00:42:27,599
back in the states where they belong. Instead, we're expecting

715
00:42:27,599 --> 00:42:29,519
the federal government to do it all. So that that's

716
00:42:29,599 --> 00:42:31,239
kind of what I mean about the you know, the

717
00:42:31,239 --> 00:42:34,639
fusion of spending and regulation, and it's not just affecting

718
00:42:34,719 --> 00:42:38,559
business and consumers, but it's incorporating and embedding, you know,

719
00:42:38,639 --> 00:42:41,760
the federal government into everything that states and localities do.

720
00:42:42,079 --> 00:42:45,840
And so the constituency that you would have for deregulation

721
00:42:45,960 --> 00:42:49,079
and cutting spending is bought off in a way.

722
00:42:49,440 --> 00:42:52,800
Speaker 1: That is well, the ultimate problem is, to put it

723
00:42:52,840 --> 00:42:56,440
in the parlance of Rambo a long time ago, we

724
00:42:56,519 --> 00:43:00,960
are on a drunken boat driven by and we had

725
00:43:01,320 --> 00:43:06,119
the previous four years been driven by a drunken steerer.

726
00:43:07,119 --> 00:43:10,159
You talk about the steering of that boat. That's I mean,

727
00:43:10,199 --> 00:43:14,280
we're in the left in this country has pushed so

728
00:43:14,480 --> 00:43:20,440
many programs, and it truly is driving and has driven

729
00:43:20,920 --> 00:43:25,320
through our tax payer dollars, a system where the federal

730
00:43:25,360 --> 00:43:28,519
government will take care of you or that's their idea

731
00:43:28,599 --> 00:43:32,880
from cradle to grave. That they like to talk about sustainability,

732
00:43:33,440 --> 00:43:36,960
that is not sustainable. So some of these changes, and

733
00:43:37,280 --> 00:43:41,880
really I think some very significant and good changes going

734
00:43:41,920 --> 00:43:44,079
on in this administration. One of the things that I

735
00:43:44,119 --> 00:43:47,920
think we've been talking about all along is congressional responsibility.

736
00:43:48,519 --> 00:43:51,239
It can't just be executive order because that is certainly

737
00:43:51,360 --> 00:43:54,760
subject to change. It has to be codified. That's what

738
00:43:54,920 --> 00:43:58,119
has to be the next level. And that's you know,

739
00:43:58,199 --> 00:44:01,199
perhaps an extended conversation for a different time. But I

740
00:44:01,239 --> 00:44:04,760
want to thank you very much for joining us and

741
00:44:04,760 --> 00:44:07,119
and the work that you've done over these past what

742
00:44:07,320 --> 00:44:09,480
thirty two years. I appreciate I.

743
00:44:09,440 --> 00:44:11,599
Speaker 2: Can't thank you enough for having me. I really appreciate it.

744
00:44:11,639 --> 00:44:14,400
I appreciate your interest in this and I think you know,

745
00:44:15,159 --> 00:44:17,360
you know, not to leave it on a negative note.

746
00:44:17,599 --> 00:44:19,679
I was talking about all this growth, but I do think,

747
00:44:20,079 --> 00:44:22,360
I really do think you know, most of the world's

748
00:44:22,360 --> 00:44:25,119
wealth isn't created. We have the opportunity if we do

749
00:44:25,199 --> 00:44:27,719
a little bit of change in framing in the Trump

750
00:44:27,719 --> 00:44:30,840
administration in terms of what it takes to actually shrink

751
00:44:30,880 --> 00:44:34,079
the state, not just the administrative part of the state,

752
00:44:34,119 --> 00:44:37,159
but all of it and return things back to civil

753
00:44:37,239 --> 00:44:40,559
society and start to try to roll things back. I

754
00:44:40,559 --> 00:44:43,679
think we can do that in Free the future, you know,

755
00:44:44,039 --> 00:44:46,159
since I say, you don't have to tell the grass

756
00:44:46,159 --> 00:44:48,039
to grow, you just need to take the rocks off

757
00:44:48,079 --> 00:44:49,280
of it. And that's what we have to do.

758
00:44:49,599 --> 00:44:52,159
Speaker 1: There you go, and thanks to my guest today, Clyde

759
00:44:52,159 --> 00:44:55,679
Wayne Cruz of the Competitive Enterprise Institute, on the latest

760
00:44:55,719 --> 00:45:00,239
ten thousand Commandments the cost burden of federal regulations. You've

761
00:45:00,239 --> 00:45:02,719
been listening to another edition of the Federalist Radio Hour.

762
00:45:02,880 --> 00:45:06,760
I'm Matt Kittle, Senior Elections correspondent at the Federalist. We'll

763
00:45:06,800 --> 00:45:09,599
be back soon with more. Until then, stay lovers of

764
00:45:09,639 --> 00:45:11,599
freedom and anxious for the frame.

765
00:45:18,639 --> 00:45:29,599
Speaker 2: Heard the fame Boy Serison and then it faded away.

