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<v Speaker 1>Part five of Common Sense by Thomas Paine. This is

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<v Speaker 1>a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain.

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<v Speaker 1>For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox dot org.

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<v Speaker 1>Read by Bobnefeld. Common Sense by Thomas Paine, Part five Appendix.

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<v Speaker 1>Since the publication of the first edition of this pamphlet,

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<v Speaker 1>or rather on the same day in which it came out,

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<v Speaker 1>the King's Speech made its appearance in this city. Had

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<v Speaker 1>the spirit of prophecy directed the birth of this production,

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<v Speaker 1>it could not have brought it forth at a more

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<v Speaker 1>seasonable juncture or at a more necessary time. The bloody

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<v Speaker 1>mindedness of the one shows the necessity of pursuing the

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<v Speaker 1>doctrine of the other men read by way of revenge,

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<v Speaker 1>and the speech instead of tariff, prepared a way for

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<v Speaker 1>the manly principles of independence. Ceremony, and even silence. From

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<v Speaker 1>whatever motives they may arise, have a hurtful tendency when

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<v Speaker 1>they give the least degree of countenance to the base

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<v Speaker 1>and wicked performances. Wherefore, if this maxim is admitted, it

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<v Speaker 1>naturally follows that the King's speech, as being a piece

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<v Speaker 1>of finished villainy, deserved and still deserves a general execration,

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<v Speaker 1>both by the Congress and the people. Yet, as the

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<v Speaker 1>domestic tranquility of a nation depends greatly on the chastity

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<v Speaker 1>of what may properly be called national manners, it is

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<v Speaker 1>often better to pass some things over in silent disdain

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<v Speaker 1>than to make use of such new methods of dislike

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<v Speaker 1>as might introduce the least innovation on that guardian of

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<v Speaker 1>our peace and safety. And perhaps it is chiefly owing

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<v Speaker 1>to this prudent delicacy that the key speech hath not

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<v Speaker 1>before now suffered a public execution. The speech, if it

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<v Speaker 1>may be called one, is nothing better than a wilful,

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<v Speaker 1>audacious libel against the truth, the common good, and the

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<v Speaker 1>existence of mankind, and is a formal and pompous method

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<v Speaker 1>of offering up human sacrifices to the pride of tyrants.

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<v Speaker 1>But this general massacre of mankind is one of the

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<v Speaker 1>privileges and certain consequences of kings. For as nature knows

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<v Speaker 1>them not, they know not her. And although they are

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<v Speaker 1>beings of our own creating, they know not us, and

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<v Speaker 1>are become gods of their creators. The speech hath one

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<v Speaker 1>good quality, which is that it is not calculated to deceive.

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<v Speaker 1>Neither can we, even if we would be deceived by it.

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<v Speaker 1>Brutality and tyranny appear on the face of it. It

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<v Speaker 1>leaves us at no loss, and every line convinces, even

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<v Speaker 1>in the moment of reading, that he who hunts the

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<v Speaker 1>woods for prey the naked and untutored Indian, is less

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<v Speaker 1>a savage than the King of Britain. Sir John Dalrymble,

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<v Speaker 1>the putative father of a whining Jesuitical peace, fallaciously called

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<v Speaker 1>the Address of the People of England to the inhabitants

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<v Speaker 1>of America. Hath perhaps from a vain supposition, that the

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<v Speaker 1>people here were to be frightened at the pomp and

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<v Speaker 1>description of a king given, though very unwisely on his part,

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<v Speaker 1>the real character of the present one. But says the writer,

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<v Speaker 1>if you are inclined to pay compliments to an administration

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<v Speaker 1>which we do not complain of, meaning the Marquis of

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<v Speaker 1>Rockingham's at the repeal of the Stamp Act, it is

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<v Speaker 1>very unfair in you to withhold them from that prince

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<v Speaker 1>by whose not alone they were permitted to do anything.

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<v Speaker 1>This is toryism with a witness. Here is idolatry, even

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<v Speaker 1>without a mask. And he who can calmly hear and

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<v Speaker 1>digest such doctrine. Hath forfeited his claim to rationality and

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<v Speaker 1>apostate from the order of manhood, and ought to be

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<v Speaker 1>considered as one who hath not only given up the

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<v Speaker 1>proper dignity of man, but sunk himself beneath the rank

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<v Speaker 1>of animals and contemptibly crawl through the world like a worm. However,

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<v Speaker 1>it matters very little now what the King of England

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<v Speaker 1>either says or does. He hath wickedly broken through every

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<v Speaker 1>moral and human obligation, trampled nature and conscience beneath his feet,

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<v Speaker 1>and by a steady and constitutional spirit of insolence and cruelty,

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<v Speaker 1>procured for himself an universal hatred. It is now the

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<v Speaker 1>interest of America to provide for herself. She hath already

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<v Speaker 1>a large and young family, whom it is more her

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<v Speaker 1>duty to take care of than to be granting away

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<v Speaker 1>her property to support a power who has become a

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<v Speaker 1>reproach to the names of men and Christians. Ye who's

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<v Speaker 1>offered it is to watch over the morals of a

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<v Speaker 1>nation of whatsoever sect or denomination ye are of, as

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<v Speaker 1>well as ye who are more Immediately the gardens of

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<v Speaker 1>the public liberty. If ye wish to preserve your native

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<v Speaker 1>country uncontaminated by European corruption, you must in secret wish

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<v Speaker 1>a separation. But leaving the moral part to private reflection,

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<v Speaker 1>I shall chiefly confine my father remarks to the following head, First,

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<v Speaker 1>that it is in the interest of America to be

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<v Speaker 1>separated from Britain. Secondly, which is the easiest and most

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<v Speaker 1>practicable plan, reconciliation or independence. With some occasional remarks in

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<v Speaker 1>support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper,

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<v Speaker 1>produce the opinion of some of the ablest and most

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<v Speaker 1>experienced men on the continent, and whose sentiments on that

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<v Speaker 1>head are not yet publicly known. It is in reality

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<v Speaker 1>a self evidence position, for no nation in a state

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<v Speaker 1>of foreign dependence, limited in its commerce and prampt and

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<v Speaker 1>fettered in its legislative powers, can ever arrive at any

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<v Speaker 1>material eminence. America does not yet know what opulence is,

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<v Speaker 1>And although the progress which she hath made stands unparalleled

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<v Speaker 1>in the history of other nations, it is but childhood

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<v Speaker 1>compared with what she would be capable of arriving at

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<v Speaker 1>had she, as she ought, to have the legislative powers

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<v Speaker 1>in her own hands. England is at this time proudly

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<v Speaker 1>coveting what would do her no good were she to

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<v Speaker 1>accomplish it, and the continent hesitating on a matter which

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<v Speaker 1>will be her final ruin if neglected. It is the commerce,

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<v Speaker 1>and not the conquest of America, by which England is

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<v Speaker 1>to be benefited, and that would in great measure continue

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<v Speaker 1>were the countries as independent of each other as France

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<v Speaker 1>and Spain, because in many articles neither can go to

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<v Speaker 1>a better market. But it is the independence of this country,

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<v Speaker 1>of Britain or of any other, which is now the

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<v Speaker 1>main and only object worthy of contention, and which, like

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<v Speaker 1>all other truths discovered by necessity, will appear clearer and

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<v Speaker 1>stronger every day. First because it will come to that

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<v Speaker 1>one time or other. Secondly, because the longer it is delayed,

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<v Speaker 1>the harder it will be to accomplish. I have frequently

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<v Speaker 1>amused myself, both in public and private companies, with silently

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<v Speaker 1>remarking the specious errors of those who speak without reflecting,

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<v Speaker 1>And among the many which I have heard, the following

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<v Speaker 1>seems the most general. That is that had this rupture

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<v Speaker 1>happened forty of fifty years, hence, instead of now the

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<v Speaker 1>continent would have been more able to have shaken off

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<v Speaker 1>the dependence, to which I reply that our military ability

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<v Speaker 1>at this time arises from the experience gained in the

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<v Speaker 1>last war, and which in forty or fifty years time

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<v Speaker 1>would have been totally extinct. The continent would not by

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<v Speaker 1>that time have had a general or even a military

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<v Speaker 1>officer left, and we or those who may succeed us,

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<v Speaker 1>would have been as ignorant of martial matters as the

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<v Speaker 1>ancient Indians. And this single position, closely attended to, will

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<v Speaker 1>unanswerably prove that the present time is preferable to all others.

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<v Speaker 1>The argument turns thus that the conclusion of the last

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<v Speaker 1>war we had experience, but wanted numbers, and forty of

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<v Speaker 1>fifty years hence we should have numbers without experience. Wherefore,

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<v Speaker 1>the proper point of time must be some particular point

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<v Speaker 1>between the two extremes, in which a sufficiency of the

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<v Speaker 1>former remains and a proper increase of the latter is obtained,

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<v Speaker 1>and that point of time is the present time. The

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<v Speaker 1>reader will pardon this discretion, as it does not properly

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<v Speaker 1>come under the head I first set out with, and

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<v Speaker 1>to which I again returned by the following position, which is,

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<v Speaker 1>should affairs be patched up with Britain, and she to

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<v Speaker 1>remain the governing and sovereign power of America, which, as

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<v Speaker 1>matters are now circumstance is giving up the point entirely.

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<v Speaker 1>We shall deprive ourselves of the very means of sinking

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<v Speaker 1>the debt we have, or may contract the value of

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<v Speaker 1>the back lands which some of the provinces are clandestinely

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<v Speaker 1>deprived of by the unjust extension of the limits of Canada,

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<v Speaker 1>valued at only five pounds sterling per hundred acres, amount

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<v Speaker 1>to upwards of twenty five million Pennsylvania currency, and the

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<v Speaker 1>quit rents at one penny sterling per acre to two

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<v Speaker 1>millions yearly. It is by the sale of these lands

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<v Speaker 1>that the debt may be sunk without burthen to any

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<v Speaker 1>and the quit brent reserved thereon will always lessen, and

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<v Speaker 1>in time will wholly support the yearly expense of government.

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<v Speaker 1>It matters not how long the debt is in paying,

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<v Speaker 1>so that the lands, when sold, be applied to the

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<v Speaker 1>discharge of it, and for the execution of which the

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<v Speaker 1>Congress for the time being will be the Continental Trustees.

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<v Speaker 1>I proceed now to the second head, that is which

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<v Speaker 1>is the easiest and most practicable plan, reconciliation or independence.

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<v Speaker 1>With some occasional remarks, he who takes nature for his

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<v Speaker 1>guide is not easily beaten out of his argument. And

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<v Speaker 1>on that ground I answer generally that in the dependence

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<v Speaker 1>being a single simple line contained within ourselves, and reconciliation

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<v Speaker 1>a matter exceedingly perplexed and complicated, and in which a treacherous,

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<v Speaker 1>capricious court is to interfere, gives the answer without a doubt.

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<v Speaker 1>The present state of America is truly alarming to every

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<v Speaker 1>man who is capable of reflection without law, without government,

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<v Speaker 1>without any other mode of power than what is founded

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<v Speaker 1>on and granted by courtesy, held together by an unexampled

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<v Speaker 1>concurrence of sentiment, which is nevertheless subject to change, and

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<v Speaker 1>which every secret enemy is endeavoring to dissolve. Our present

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<v Speaker 1>condition is legislation without law, wisdom without a plan, a

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<v Speaker 1>constitution without a name, and what is strangely astonishing, perfect

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<v Speaker 1>independence contending for dependence. The instance is without a precedent,

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<v Speaker 1>the case never existed before, and who can ta what

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<v Speaker 1>may be the event? The property of no man is

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<v Speaker 1>secure in the present unbraced system of things, the mind

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<v Speaker 1>of the multitude is left at brandom, and seeing no

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<v Speaker 1>fixed object before them, they pursue such as fancy. An

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<v Speaker 1>opinion starts. Nothing is criminal. There is no such thing

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<v Speaker 1>as treason. Wherefore every one thinks himself at liberty to

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<v Speaker 1>act as he pleases. The Tories dared not have assembled offensively,

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<v Speaker 1>had they known that their lives, by that act were

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<v Speaker 1>forfeited to the laws of the state. A line of

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<v Speaker 1>distinction should be drawn between English soldiers taken in battle

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<v Speaker 1>and inhabitants of America taken in arms. The first are prisoners,

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<v Speaker 1>the latter traitors. The one forfeits his liberty, the other

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<v Speaker 1>his head. Notwithstanding our wisdom, there is a visible feebleness

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<v Speaker 1>in some of our proceedings, which gives encouragement to dissensions.

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<v Speaker 1>The continental belt is too loosely buckled, and if something

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<v Speaker 1>is not done in time, it will be too late

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<v Speaker 1>to do anything, and we shall fall into a state

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<v Speaker 1>in which neither reconciliation nor independence will be practicable. The

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<v Speaker 1>King and his worthless adherents are got at their old

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<v Speaker 1>game of dividing the continent, and there are not wanting

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<v Speaker 1>among us printers who will be busy in spreading specious falsehoods.

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<v Speaker 1>The artful and hypocritical letter which appeared a few months

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<v Speaker 1>ago in two of the New York papers, and likewise

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<v Speaker 1>into others, is an evidence that there are men who

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<v Speaker 1>want either judgment or honesty. It is easy getting into

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<v Speaker 1>holes and corners and talking of reconciliation. But do such

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<v Speaker 1>men seriously consider how difficult the task is, and how

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<v Speaker 1>dangerous it may prove should the continent divide. Thereon, they

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<v Speaker 1>take within their view all the various orders of men,

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<v Speaker 1>whose situation and circumstances, as well as their own are

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<v Speaker 1>to be considered. Therein, do they put themselves in the

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<v Speaker 1>place of the sufferber, whose all is already gone, and

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<v Speaker 1>of the soldier who has quitted all for the defense

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<v Speaker 1>of his country. If their ill judged moderation be suited

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<v Speaker 1>to their own private situations only, regardless of others, the

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<v Speaker 1>event will convince them that they are reckoning without their

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<v Speaker 1>host put us, says some on the footing we were

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<v Speaker 1>on in sixty three, to which I answer, the request

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<v Speaker 1>is not now in the power of Britain to comply with,

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<v Speaker 1>neither will she propose it. But if it were, and

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<v Speaker 1>even should be granted, I ask as a reasonable question,

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<v Speaker 1>by what means is such a corrupt and faithless court

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<v Speaker 1>to be kept to its engagements another parliament? Nay, even

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<v Speaker 1>the press may hereafter repeal the obligation on the pretense

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<v Speaker 1>of its being violently obtained or unwisely granted. And in

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<v Speaker 1>that case, where is our redress? No going to law

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<v Speaker 1>with nations cannon are the barristers of crowns, and the

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<v Speaker 1>sword not of justice but of war decides the suit

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<v Speaker 1>to be on the footing of sixty three. It is

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<v Speaker 1>not sufficient that the laws only be put on the

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<v Speaker 1>same state, but that our circumstances likewise be put on

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<v Speaker 1>the same state. Our burnt and destroyed towns, repaired or

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<v Speaker 1>built up, our private losses, made good, our public debts,

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<v Speaker 1>contracted for defense discharged. Otherwise we shall be millions worse

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<v Speaker 1>than we were at that enviable period. Such a request,

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<v Speaker 1>had it been complied with a year ago, would have

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<v Speaker 1>won the heart and soul of the continent. But now

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<v Speaker 1>it is too late. The rubicon is pasted. Besides, the

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<v Speaker 1>taking up arms merely to enforce the repeal of a

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<v Speaker 1>pecuniary law seems as unwarrantable by the divine law, and

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<v Speaker 1>as repugnant to human feelings as the taking up of

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<v Speaker 1>arms to enforce obedience. Thereto the object on either side

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<v Speaker 1>doth not justify the means, for the lives of men

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<v Speaker 1>are too valuable to be cast away on such trifles.

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<v Speaker 1>It is the violence which is done and threatened to

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<v Speaker 1>our persons, the destruction of our property by an armed force,

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<v Speaker 1>the invasion of our country by fire and sword, which

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<v Speaker 1>conscientiously qualifies the use of arms, and the instant in

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<v Speaker 1>which such a mode of defense became necessary. All subjection

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<v Speaker 1>to Britain ought to have ceased, and the independency of

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<v Speaker 1>America should have been considered as dating its era from

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<v Speaker 1>and published by the first musket that was fired against

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<v Speaker 1>This line is a line of consistency, neither drawn by

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<v Speaker 1>caprice nor extended by ambition, but produced by a chain

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<v Speaker 1>of events of which the colonies were not the authors.

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<v Speaker 1>I shall conclude these remarks with the following timely and

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<v Speaker 1>well intended hints. We ought to reflect that there are

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<v Speaker 1>three different ways by which an independency may hereafter be effected,

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<v Speaker 1>and that one of those three will, one day or

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<v Speaker 1>other be the fate of America. That is, by the

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<v Speaker 1>legal voice of the people in congress, by military power

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<v Speaker 1>or by a mob. It may not always happen that

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<v Speaker 1>our soldiers are citizens, and the multitude a body of

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<v Speaker 1>reasonable men. Virdue, as I have already remarked, is not hereditary,

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<v Speaker 1>neither is it perpetual. Should an independency be brought about

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<v Speaker 1>by the first of these means, we have every opportune

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<v Speaker 1>unity and every encouragement before us to form the noblest,

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<v Speaker 1>purest constitution on the face of the earth. We have

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<v Speaker 1>it in our power to begin the world over again.

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<v Speaker 1>A situation similar to the present hath not happened since

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<v Speaker 1>the days of Noah, until now the birthday of a

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<v Speaker 1>new world is at hand, and a race of men,

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps as numerous as all Europe contains, are to receive

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<v Speaker 1>their portion of freedom from the event of a few months.

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<v Speaker 1>The reflection is awful, and in this point of view, outrifling.

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<v Speaker 1>How ridiculous to the little paltry cavilings of a few

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<v Speaker 1>weak or interested men appear when weighed against the business

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<v Speaker 1>of a world. Should we neglect the present favorable and

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<v Speaker 1>inviting period, and an independence be hereafter affected by any

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<v Speaker 1>other means, we must charge the consequence to ourselves or

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<v Speaker 1>to those rather whose narrow and prejudiced souls are habitually

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<v Speaker 1>opposing the measure without ever inquiring or reflecting. There are

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<v Speaker 1>reasons to be given in support of independence, which men

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<v Speaker 1>should rather privately think of than be publicly told of.

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<v Speaker 1>We ought not now to be debating whether we shall

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<v Speaker 1>be independent or not. We ought not now to be

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<v Speaker 1>debating whether we shall be independent or not, but anxious

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<v Speaker 1>to accomplish it on a firm, secure and honorable basis,

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<v Speaker 1>and uneasy rather that it is not yet begun upon

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<v Speaker 1>every day convinces us of its necessity. Even the Tories,

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<v Speaker 1>if such beings yet remain among us, should of all

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<v Speaker 1>men be the most solicitous to promote it. For as

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<v Speaker 1>the appointment of committees at first protected them from popular rage,

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<v Speaker 1>so a wise and well established form of government will

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<v Speaker 1>be the only certain means of continuing its securely to them. Wherefore,

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<v Speaker 1>if they have not virtue enough to be whigs, they

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<v Speaker 1>ought to have prudence enough to wish for independence. In short,

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<v Speaker 1>independence is the only bond that can tie and keep

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<v Speaker 1>us together. We shall then see our object, and our

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<v Speaker 1>ears will be legally shut against the schemes of an

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<v Speaker 1>intriguing as well as a cruel enemy. We shall then

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<v Speaker 1>too be on a proper footing to treat with Britain,

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<v Speaker 1>For there is reason to conclude that the pride of

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<v Speaker 1>that court will be less hurt by treating with the

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<v Speaker 1>American States for terms of peace than with those whom

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<v Speaker 1>she dominates rebellious subjects for terms of a combination. It

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<v Speaker 1>is our delaying it that encourages her to hope for conquest,

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<v Speaker 1>and our backwardness tends only to prolong the war. As

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<v Speaker 1>we have without any good effect, therefrom withheld our trade

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<v Speaker 1>to obtain a redress of our grievance. Let us now

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<v Speaker 1>try the alternative, by independently redressing them ourselves, and then

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00:21:07.519 --> 00:21:12.000
<v Speaker 1>offering to open the trade. The mercantile and reasonable part

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<v Speaker 1>of England will still be with us, because peace with

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<v Speaker 1>trade is preferable to war without it. And if this

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<v Speaker 1>offer be not accepted, other courts may be applied to

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<v Speaker 1>on these grounds. I rest the matter, And as no

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<v Speaker 1>offer hath yet been made to refute the doctrine contained

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<v Speaker 1>in the former editions of this pamphlet, it is negative

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<v Speaker 1>proof that either the doctrine cannot be refuted, or that

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<v Speaker 1>the party in favor of its are too numerous to

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<v Speaker 1>be opposed. Wherefore, instead of gazing at each other with

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<v Speaker 1>suspicious or doubtful curiosity, that each of us hold out

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<v Speaker 1>to his neighbor the hearty hand of friendship, and unite

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<v Speaker 1>in drawing a line, which, like an act of oblivion,

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<v Speaker 1>shall beary in forgetfulness every former dissension. Let the names

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<v Speaker 1>of Whig and Tory be extinct, and let none other

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<v Speaker 1>be heard among us than those of a good citizen,

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<v Speaker 1>an open and resolute friend, and a virtuous supporter of

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<v Speaker 1>the rights of mankind and of the free and independent

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<v Speaker 1>States of America. To the representatives of the religious society

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<v Speaker 1>of the people called Quakers, or to so many of

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<v Speaker 1>them as were concerned in publishing the Late Peace entitled

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<v Speaker 1>The Ancient Testimony and Principles of the People called Quakers

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<v Speaker 1>Renewed with respect to the King and Government, and touching

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<v Speaker 1>the commotions now prevailing in these and other parts of America,

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<v Speaker 1>Addressed to the people in general. The writer of this

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<v Speaker 1>is one of those few who never dishonored religion, either

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<v Speaker 1>by ridiculing or caviling at any denomination whatsoever to God

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<v Speaker 1>and not to man. Are all men accountable on the

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<v Speaker 1>score of religion. Wherefore this epistle is not so properly

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<v Speaker 1>addressed to you as a religious but as a political

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<v Speaker 1>body dabbling in matters which the professed quietude of your

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<v Speaker 1>principles instruct you not to meddle with, as you have

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<v Speaker 1>without a proper authority for doing so. Put yourselves in

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<v Speaker 1>the place of the whole body of the Quakers. So

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<v Speaker 1>the writer of this, in order to be on an

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<v Speaker 1>equal rank with yourselves, is under the necessity of putting

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<v Speaker 1>himself in the place of all those who approve the

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<v Speaker 1>very writings and principles against which your testimony is directed.

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<v Speaker 1>And he hath chosen this singular situation in order that

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<v Speaker 1>you might discover in him that presumption of character which

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<v Speaker 1>you cannot see in yourselves. For neither he nor you

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<v Speaker 1>can have any claim or title to political representation. When

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<v Speaker 1>men have departed from the right way, it is no

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<v Speaker 1>wonder that they stumble and fall. And it is evident

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<v Speaker 1>from the manner in which ye have managed your testimony,

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<v Speaker 1>that politics as a religious body of men is not

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<v Speaker 1>your proper walk. For however well adapted it may appear

349
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<v Speaker 1>to you, it is nevertheless a jumble of good and bad,

350
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<v Speaker 1>but unwisely together, and the conclusion drawn therefrom both unnatural

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<v Speaker 1>and unjust. The two first pages and the whole doth

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<v Speaker 1>not make four. We give you credit for and expect

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<v Speaker 1>the same civility from you, because the love and desire

354
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<v Speaker 1>of peace is not confined to Quakerism. It is the

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<v Speaker 1>natural as well as the religious wish, of all denominations

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<v Speaker 1>of men. And on this ground, as men laboring to

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<v Speaker 1>establish an independent constitution of our own, do we exceed

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<v Speaker 1>all others in our hope, end and aim. Our plan

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<v Speaker 1>is peace forever. We are tired of contention with Britain

360
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<v Speaker 1>and can see no real end to it. But in

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<v Speaker 1>a final separation we act consistently, because for the sake

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<v Speaker 1>of introducing an endless and uninterrupted peace do we bear

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<v Speaker 1>the evils and burthens of the present day. We are endeavoring,

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<v Speaker 1>and we will steadily continue to endeavor to separate and dissolve

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<v Speaker 1>a connection which hath already filled our land with blood,

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<v Speaker 1>and which, while the name of it remains, will be

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<v Speaker 1>the fatal cause of future mischiefs to both countries. We

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<v Speaker 1>fight neither for revenge nor conquest, neither from pride nor passion,

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<v Speaker 1>we are not insulting the world with our fleets and armies,

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<v Speaker 1>nor ravishing the globe for plunder beneath the shade of

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<v Speaker 1>our own vines. Are we attacked in our own houses

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<v Speaker 1>and on our own lands? Is the violence committed against us?

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<v Speaker 1>We view our enemies in the character of highwaymen and housebreakers.

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<v Speaker 1>Having no defense for ourselves in the civil law, are

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<v Speaker 1>obliged to punish them by the military one, and apply

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<v Speaker 1>the sword in the very case where you have before

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<v Speaker 1>now applied the halter. Perhaps we feel for the ruined

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<v Speaker 1>and insulted sufferers in all and every part of the continent,

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<v Speaker 1>with a degree of tenderness which hath not yet made

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<v Speaker 1>its way into some of your bosoms. But be ye

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<v Speaker 1>sure that ye mistake not the cause and ground of

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<v Speaker 1>your testimony, call not coldness of soul religion, nor put

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<v Speaker 1>the bigot in the place of the Christian Oh, ye,

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<v Speaker 1>martial ministers, of your own acknowledged principles, If the bearing

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<v Speaker 1>arms be sinful, the first going to war must be

386
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<v Speaker 1>more so by all the difference between wilful attack and

387
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<v Speaker 1>unavoidable defense. Wherefore, if ye really preach from conscience and

388
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<v Speaker 1>me not to make a political hobbyhorse of your religion.

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<v Speaker 1>Convince the world world thereof by proclaiming your doctrine to

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00:27:02.799 --> 00:27:08.559
<v Speaker 1>our enemies, for they likewise bear arms. Give us proof

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<v Speaker 1>of your sincerity by publishing it at Saint James, to

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00:27:12.400 --> 00:27:15.359
<v Speaker 1>the commanders in chief in Boston, to the admirals and

393
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<v Speaker 1>captains who are paradically ravaging our coasts, and to all

394
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<v Speaker 1>the murdering miscreants who are acting in authority under him

395
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<v Speaker 1>whom ye profess to serve. Had ye the honest soul

396
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<v Speaker 1>of Barclay, you would preach repentance to your king. You

397
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<v Speaker 1>would tell the royal wretch his sins and warn him

398
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<v Speaker 1>of eternal ruin. You would not spend your partial invectives

399
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<v Speaker 1>against the injured and the insulted only, but like faithful ministers,

400
00:27:46.359 --> 00:27:51.440
<v Speaker 1>would cry aloud and spare none say not that ye

401
00:27:51.440 --> 00:27:55.319
<v Speaker 1>are persecuted. Neither endeavor to make us the authors of

402
00:27:55.359 --> 00:28:00.079
<v Speaker 1>that reproach which ye are bringing upon yourselves. For we

403
00:28:00.160 --> 00:28:03.880
<v Speaker 1>testify into all men that we do not complain against

404
00:28:03.960 --> 00:28:07.279
<v Speaker 1>you because you are Quakers, but because you pretend to

405
00:28:07.359 --> 00:28:12.759
<v Speaker 1>be and are not Quakers, alas it seems by the

406
00:28:12.799 --> 00:28:16.240
<v Speaker 1>particular tendency of some part of your testimony and other

407
00:28:16.279 --> 00:28:19.960
<v Speaker 1>parts of your conduct, as if all sin was reduced

408
00:28:20.000 --> 00:28:23.960
<v Speaker 1>to and comprehended in the act of bearing arms, and

409
00:28:24.079 --> 00:28:27.799
<v Speaker 1>that by the people. Only. Ye appear to us to

410
00:28:27.880 --> 00:28:32.559
<v Speaker 1>have mistaken party for conscience, because the general tenor of

411
00:28:32.599 --> 00:28:37.440
<v Speaker 1>your actions wants uniformity. And it is exceedingly difficult to

412
00:28:37.559 --> 00:28:40.880
<v Speaker 1>us to give credit to many of your pretended scruples,

413
00:28:41.279 --> 00:28:44.440
<v Speaker 1>because we see them made by the same men who,

414
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<v Speaker 1>in the very instant that they are exclaiming against the

415
00:28:47.599 --> 00:28:51.680
<v Speaker 1>mammon of this world, are nevertheless hunting after it, with

416
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<v Speaker 1>a step as steady as time and an appetite as

417
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<v Speaker 1>keen as death. The quotation which ye have made from

418
00:28:59.680 --> 00:29:03.680
<v Speaker 1>private verbs in the third page of your testimony, that quote,

419
00:29:03.880 --> 00:29:06.839
<v Speaker 1>when a man's ways please the Lord, he maketh even

420
00:29:06.880 --> 00:29:09.920
<v Speaker 1>his enemies to be at peace with him end, quote,

421
00:29:10.480 --> 00:29:15.200
<v Speaker 1>is very unwisely chosen on your part, because it amounts

422
00:29:15.240 --> 00:29:18.599
<v Speaker 1>to a proof that the King's ways, though me are

423
00:29:18.680 --> 00:29:22.920
<v Speaker 1>desires of supporting, do not please the Lord, otherwise his

424
00:29:23.039 --> 00:29:27.079
<v Speaker 1>reign would be in peace. I now proceed to the

425
00:29:27.160 --> 00:29:30.640
<v Speaker 1>latter part of your testimony, and that for which all

426
00:29:30.759 --> 00:29:37.039
<v Speaker 1>the foregoing seems only an introduction. That is quote it

427
00:29:37.119 --> 00:29:39.799
<v Speaker 1>hath ever been our judgment and principle, since we are

428
00:29:39.880 --> 00:29:43.000
<v Speaker 1>called to profess the light of Christ Jesus manifested in

429
00:29:43.039 --> 00:29:46.319
<v Speaker 1>our consciences unto this day, that the setting up and

430
00:29:46.400 --> 00:29:51.000
<v Speaker 1>putting down kings and governments is God's peculiar prerogative and

431
00:29:51.079 --> 00:29:54.279
<v Speaker 1>for causes best known to himself, And that it is

432
00:29:54.319 --> 00:29:57.599
<v Speaker 1>not our business to have any hand or contrivance therein,

433
00:29:58.279 --> 00:30:01.440
<v Speaker 1>nor to be busy bodies above if our station, much

434
00:30:01.519 --> 00:30:04.599
<v Speaker 1>less to plot and contrive the ruin or overturn of

435
00:30:04.640 --> 00:30:07.200
<v Speaker 1>any of them, but to pray for the king and

436
00:30:07.319 --> 00:30:10.759
<v Speaker 1>safety of our nation and good of all men, that

437
00:30:10.880 --> 00:30:13.920
<v Speaker 1>we may live a peaceable and quiet life in all

438
00:30:14.079 --> 00:30:18.000
<v Speaker 1>godliness and honesty, under the government which God is pleased

439
00:30:18.000 --> 00:30:23.160
<v Speaker 1>to set over us. And if these are really your principles,

440
00:30:23.400 --> 00:30:26.039
<v Speaker 1>why do you not abide by them? Why do you

441
00:30:26.119 --> 00:30:29.200
<v Speaker 1>not leave that which ye call God's work to be

442
00:30:29.359 --> 00:30:34.599
<v Speaker 1>managed by himself? These very principles instruct you to wait

443
00:30:34.680 --> 00:30:39.000
<v Speaker 1>with patience and humility for the event of all public measures,

444
00:30:39.039 --> 00:30:43.880
<v Speaker 1>and to receive that event as the Divine will towards you. Wherefore,

445
00:30:44.240 --> 00:30:47.359
<v Speaker 1>what occasion is there for your political testimony if you

446
00:30:47.559 --> 00:30:51.440
<v Speaker 1>fully believe what it contains and the very publishing of

447
00:30:51.480 --> 00:30:55.400
<v Speaker 1>it proves that either you do not believe what ye profess,

448
00:30:55.519 --> 00:30:58.480
<v Speaker 1>or have not virtue enough to practice what ye believe.

449
00:30:59.759 --> 00:31:03.440
<v Speaker 1>The principles of Quakerism have a direct tendency to make

450
00:31:03.480 --> 00:31:06.759
<v Speaker 1>a man the quiet and inoffensive subject of any and

451
00:31:06.920 --> 00:31:10.160
<v Speaker 1>every government which is set over him. And if the

452
00:31:10.200 --> 00:31:13.079
<v Speaker 1>setting up and putting down of kings and governments is

453
00:31:13.160 --> 00:31:17.359
<v Speaker 1>God's peculiar prerogative, he most certainly will not be robbed

454
00:31:17.400 --> 00:31:22.079
<v Speaker 1>thereof by us. Wherefore the principle itself leads you to

455
00:31:22.160 --> 00:31:25.960
<v Speaker 1>approve of everything which ever happened or may happen to kings,

456
00:31:26.000 --> 00:31:31.599
<v Speaker 1>as being his work. Oliver Cromwell, Thanks you. Charles then

457
00:31:31.839 --> 00:31:34.880
<v Speaker 1>died not by the hands of man, and should the

458
00:31:34.920 --> 00:31:39.640
<v Speaker 1>present proud imitator of him come to the same untimely end.

459
00:31:39.799 --> 00:31:43.440
<v Speaker 1>The writers and publishers of the testimony are bound by

460
00:31:43.480 --> 00:31:47.880
<v Speaker 1>the doctrine it contains to applaud the fact kings are

461
00:31:47.920 --> 00:31:52.200
<v Speaker 1>not taken away by miracles, neither are changes in governments

462
00:31:52.240 --> 00:31:54.920
<v Speaker 1>brought about by any other means than such as are

463
00:31:55.000 --> 00:31:58.240
<v Speaker 1>common and human, and such as we are now using.

464
00:31:59.160 --> 00:32:02.799
<v Speaker 1>Even the desperse of the Jews, though foretold by our Savior,

465
00:32:03.240 --> 00:32:07.680
<v Speaker 1>was affected by arms. Wherefore, as ye refuse to be

466
00:32:07.759 --> 00:32:10.480
<v Speaker 1>the means on one side, you ought not to be

467
00:32:10.559 --> 00:32:14.400
<v Speaker 1>the meddlers on the other, but to wait the issue

468
00:32:14.400 --> 00:32:19.119
<v Speaker 1>in silence. And unless you can produce divine authority to

469
00:32:19.279 --> 00:32:22.759
<v Speaker 1>prove that the Almighty, who hath created and placed this

470
00:32:23.000 --> 00:32:26.319
<v Speaker 1>new world at the greatest distance it could possibly stand

471
00:32:26.599 --> 00:32:30.240
<v Speaker 1>east and west from every part of the old doth

472
00:32:30.440 --> 00:32:34.039
<v Speaker 1>nevertheless disapprove of its being independent of the corrupt and

473
00:32:34.119 --> 00:32:38.319
<v Speaker 1>abandoned court of Britain. Unless I say, ye can show this,

474
00:32:39.000 --> 00:32:42.640
<v Speaker 1>how can ye, on the ground of your principles, justify

475
00:32:42.759 --> 00:32:46.599
<v Speaker 1>the exciting and stirring up the people? Quote firmly to

476
00:32:46.759 --> 00:32:50.079
<v Speaker 1>unite in the abhorrence of all such writings and measures

477
00:32:50.119 --> 00:32:53.000
<v Speaker 1>as evidence of desire and design to break off the

478
00:32:53.039 --> 00:32:56.960
<v Speaker 1>happy connection we have hitherto enjoyed with the Kingdom of

479
00:32:57.000 --> 00:33:00.480
<v Speaker 1>Great Britain, and our just and necessary subordin nation to

480
00:33:00.519 --> 00:33:03.680
<v Speaker 1>the King and those who are lawfully placed in authority

481
00:33:03.799 --> 00:33:09.519
<v Speaker 1>under him. End. What a slap of face is here?

482
00:33:10.559 --> 00:33:14.519
<v Speaker 1>The men who in the very paragraph before have quietly

483
00:33:14.599 --> 00:33:18.960
<v Speaker 1>and passively resigned up the ordering, altering and disposal of

484
00:33:19.039 --> 00:33:22.839
<v Speaker 1>kings and governments into the hands of God, are now

485
00:33:22.880 --> 00:33:26.519
<v Speaker 1>recalling their principles and putting in for a share of

486
00:33:26.519 --> 00:33:31.240
<v Speaker 1>a business. Is it possible that the conclusion which is

487
00:33:31.279 --> 00:33:35.000
<v Speaker 1>here justly quoted can any ways follow from the doctrine

488
00:33:35.039 --> 00:33:40.000
<v Speaker 1>laid down? The inconsistency is too glaring not to be seen,

489
00:33:40.759 --> 00:33:44.000
<v Speaker 1>the absurdity too great not to be laughed at, And

490
00:33:44.079 --> 00:33:47.200
<v Speaker 1>such as could only have been made by those whose

491
00:33:47.279 --> 00:33:51.240
<v Speaker 1>understandings were darkened by the narrow and crabby spirits of

492
00:33:51.279 --> 00:33:54.799
<v Speaker 1>a despairing political party. For he are not to be

493
00:33:54.880 --> 00:33:58.000
<v Speaker 1>considered as the whole body of the Quakers, but only

494
00:33:58.039 --> 00:34:03.039
<v Speaker 1>as a factional and fractional part. Art thereof. Here ends

495
00:34:03.079 --> 00:34:06.559
<v Speaker 1>the examination of your testimony, which I call upon no

496
00:34:06.759 --> 00:34:09.760
<v Speaker 1>man to abhor as ye have done, but only to

497
00:34:09.920 --> 00:34:14.119
<v Speaker 1>read and judge of fairly to which I has to join.

498
00:34:14.199 --> 00:34:18.679
<v Speaker 1>The following remark quotes that the setting up and putting

499
00:34:18.719 --> 00:34:23.079
<v Speaker 1>down of kings unquote, most certainly means the making of

500
00:34:23.119 --> 00:34:26.039
<v Speaker 1>a king who is yet not so, and the making

501
00:34:26.119 --> 00:34:30.760
<v Speaker 1>him no king who is already one. And pray, what

502
00:34:31.000 --> 00:34:34.320
<v Speaker 1>hath this to do in the present case? We neither

503
00:34:34.400 --> 00:34:37.400
<v Speaker 1>mean to set up nor to pull down, neither to

504
00:34:37.440 --> 00:34:41.000
<v Speaker 1>make nor to unmake, but to have nothing to do

505
00:34:41.119 --> 00:34:46.559
<v Speaker 1>with them. Wherefore your testimony, in whatever light it is viewed,

506
00:34:46.880 --> 00:34:51.360
<v Speaker 1>serves only to dishonor your judgment, and for many other reasons,

507
00:34:51.440 --> 00:34:56.280
<v Speaker 1>had better have been let alone than published. First because

508
00:34:56.320 --> 00:34:59.840
<v Speaker 1>it tends to the decrease and reproach of all religion whatever,

509
00:35:00.280 --> 00:35:03.320
<v Speaker 1>and is of the utmost danger to society to make

510
00:35:03.360 --> 00:35:08.159
<v Speaker 1>it a party in political disputes. Secondly, because it exhibits

511
00:35:08.199 --> 00:35:11.840
<v Speaker 1>a body of men, numbers of whom disavow the publishing

512
00:35:11.880 --> 00:35:18.800
<v Speaker 1>political testimonies as being concerned therein, and approvers thereof. Thirdly,

513
00:35:19.440 --> 00:35:22.800
<v Speaker 1>because it hath a tendency to undo that continental harmony

514
00:35:22.840 --> 00:35:27.559
<v Speaker 1>and friendship which yourselves, by your late liberal and charitable donations,

515
00:35:27.599 --> 00:35:31.280
<v Speaker 1>hath lent a hand to establish, and the preservation of

516
00:35:31.360 --> 00:35:35.199
<v Speaker 1>which is of the utmost consequence to us all. And

517
00:35:35.400 --> 00:35:41.119
<v Speaker 1>here without anger or resentment, I bid you farewell, sincerely,

518
00:35:41.199 --> 00:35:45.239
<v Speaker 1>wishing that as men and Christians, you may always fully

519
00:35:45.320 --> 00:35:49.960
<v Speaker 1>and uninterruptedly endure every civil and religious right, and be

520
00:35:50.360 --> 00:35:54.320
<v Speaker 1>in your turn the means of securing it to others.

521
00:35:54.760 --> 00:35:57.800
<v Speaker 1>But that the example which ye have unwisely sets of

522
00:35:57.920 --> 00:36:02.800
<v Speaker 1>mingling religion with politics may be disavowed and reprobated by

523
00:36:02.880 --> 00:36:10.039
<v Speaker 1>every inhabitant of America and of Part five and of

524
00:36:10.239 --> 00:36:14.880
<v Speaker 1>common Sense by Thomas Paine, read by Bob Neufeld,
