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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to Western CIV. Episode four hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>eighty seven, The Old Regime. So today we're going to

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<v Speaker 1>start the story arc of the French Revolution, and that's

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<v Speaker 1>going to take a lot of episodes. The French Revolution

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<v Speaker 1>is an incredibly important event. In hindsight, you might argue

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<v Speaker 1>that the American Revolution is equally important, but nobody saw

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<v Speaker 1>it like that. At the time of France was one

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<v Speaker 1>of the three most powerful kingdoms in all of Europe,

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<v Speaker 1>alongside Spain and England. So the turmoil and complete sea

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<v Speaker 1>change of government that it's going to experience are going

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<v Speaker 1>to have reverberations that are going to go all throughout

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<v Speaker 1>Europe and beyond. Many historians argue it is the beginning

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<v Speaker 1>of modernity, and I think there's good arguments to say that,

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<v Speaker 1>particularly as we look today at what France was before

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<v Speaker 1>the Old Regime is often referred to as the Assion

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<v Speaker 1>or an ancient regime in French. But what I really

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<v Speaker 1>want to make sure that I do throughout this series

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<v Speaker 1>is to talk not only about how these events impacted France,

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<v Speaker 1>but how the reverberations echoed out throughout Europe and well beyond.

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<v Speaker 1>This is a story that we're going to start here

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<v Speaker 1>in the old regime, and we're going to continue all

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<v Speaker 1>the way through the final defeat of Napoleon and the

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<v Speaker 1>Treaty of Vienna, which is going to essentially put the

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<v Speaker 1>book end on the Napoleonic Wars. So I'm going to

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<v Speaker 1>go further than some historians and other podcasts have gone

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<v Speaker 1>to talk about the French Revolution. One of the advantages

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<v Speaker 1>I have is always I'm not a historian, so I'm

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<v Speaker 1>not sort of stuck into a box. I can just

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<v Speaker 1>sort of call balls and strikes as I see them.

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<v Speaker 1>And I want to go all the way to Vienna,

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<v Speaker 1>and so we're going to go to Vienna because I

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<v Speaker 1>want to talk about, of course, Napoleon, and I want

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<v Speaker 1>to talk about the wars and the battles and all

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<v Speaker 1>the fun stuff that are tied in with that. But

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<v Speaker 1>we want to begin today by looking at the old

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<v Speaker 1>regime before we start to extrapolate out what's going to happen.

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<v Speaker 1>If we want to consider the Ension regime, we have

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<v Speaker 1>to think about the orders that were sent forth. And

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<v Speaker 1>orders is a specific and very medieval term, and what

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<v Speaker 1>you're going to notice in this episode is there's a

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<v Speaker 1>lot that's medieval about France all the way through the

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<v Speaker 1>middle of the eighteenth century. At the heart of the

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<v Speaker 1>ancient regime lay a rigid social structure, divided into these

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<v Speaker 1>famous three estates. The first estate, the clergy, numbered maybe

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<v Speaker 1>one hundred and thirty thousand in a kingdom of over

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<v Speaker 1>twenty five million. They were guardians of religion, education, and morality,

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<v Speaker 1>but there were also major landowners. Despite their small numbers,

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<v Speaker 1>they controlled around ten percent of the land in all

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<v Speaker 1>of France. Remember this is still a time period when

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<v Speaker 1>land equals wealth. They enjoyed privileges exemptions from most direct taxation,

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<v Speaker 1>the right to levy the tithe on peasants, and influence

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<v Speaker 1>in royal councils. The second estate, the nobility, was bigger,

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<v Speaker 1>but not by much. It comprised about three hundred thousand individuals,

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<v Speaker 1>less than two percent of the population, Yet they held

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<v Speaker 1>vast estates, lucrative offices and commanding positions in the army

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<v Speaker 1>and in the church. Their legal privileges were extensive exemption

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<v Speaker 1>from the tale, the direct land tax, the right to

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<v Speaker 1>collect feudal dues from peasants, and the prestige of birth.

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<v Speaker 1>Yet by the eighteenth century, the nobility itself was divided

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<v Speaker 1>between the old sword and whose families could trace their

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<v Speaker 1>lineage backed century, and those of the rogue nobility, who

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<v Speaker 1>purchased offices in royal administration and courts. This division bred

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<v Speaker 1>resentment within the elite, for many rogue nobles were wealthier

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<v Speaker 1>than their sword counterparts. Now there was, of course, the

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<v Speaker 1>third estate, which was everyone else urban workers, lawyers, merchants, artisans,

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<v Speaker 1>and most importantly, the peasant class, who made up about

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<v Speaker 1>eighty percent of the population. Burdened with rents, dues, tithes, taxes,

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<v Speaker 1>they bore the brunt of supporting the kingdom while enjoying

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<v Speaker 1>absolutely noneovich privileges. As Abbi Sis would famously put it

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<v Speaker 1>in seventeen eighty nine, what is the third estate? Everything?

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<v Speaker 1>What has it been uptel now in the political order? Nothing?

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<v Speaker 1>Though France was a monarchy, the king's power was not

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<v Speaker 1>as absolute as the image of Louis the fourteenth and

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<v Speaker 1>his leta semis eight is mine or I am the

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<v Speaker 1>state might suggest. The king reigned at Versailles, of course,

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<v Speaker 1>supported by an elaborate bureaucracy, but his decisions were constrained

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<v Speaker 1>by custom, tradition, and a patchwork of laws across the

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<v Speaker 1>Kingdom France was not at all uniform. You have to

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<v Speaker 1>understand that some regions, like Brittany and Burgundy still had

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<v Speaker 1>their own estates and their own parliaments or parliaments. Local

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<v Speaker 1>customs varied from province to province, and taxation was unevenly distributed,

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<v Speaker 1>riddled with exemptions and privileges. The parliaments royal courts, dominated

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<v Speaker 1>by nobles of the rogue, acted as both law courts

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<v Speaker 1>and political bodies. They had the power to register royal

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<v Speaker 1>edicts before they became law. In theory, they were meant

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<v Speaker 1>to ensure legality. In practice, they were often used to

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<v Speaker 1>block or delay reforms, defending aristocratic privilege under the guy

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<v Speaker 1>is of protecting the quote unquote fundamental laws of the realm.

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<v Speaker 1>By the late eighteenth century, most of the territory that

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<v Speaker 1>today we would call France was under what we call domain,

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<v Speaker 1>royal lands that had been gradually brought under the direct

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<v Speaker 1>control of the crown, really since the days of Charlemagne

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<v Speaker 1>in eight hundred CE. This domain had expanded over the centuries,

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<v Speaker 1>beginning with the capacis tiny holdings around the Ea de

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<v Speaker 1>France and stretching outward through conquest, marriage, and dynastic chance.

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<v Speaker 1>By seventeen eighty nine, the king's writ ran over the

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<v Speaker 1>great heartland of provinces Norman, dy Champagne or the uns

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<v Speaker 1>Language doctor Gien and Burgundy. These provinces sent troops and taxes,

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<v Speaker 1>and their governors, though usually nobles of influence, served at

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<v Speaker 1>the King's pleasure. But even here uniformity remained a fiction.

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<v Speaker 1>Each province had its own customs, laws, and institutions. The

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<v Speaker 1>costume may is local customary laws varied widely, especially between

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<v Speaker 1>the north and the south. Towns and provinces alike clong

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<v Speaker 1>to charters guaranteeing special exemptions from priviges, many dating back

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<v Speaker 1>to the Middle Ages. One of the clearest markers of

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<v Speaker 1>this distinction is taxation. In the Pays de la Oxion,

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<v Speaker 1>the bulk of the kingdom, the king's appointed intendants assessed

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<v Speaker 1>and levied taxes directly, but the Pays de estates regions

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<v Speaker 1>like Brittany, Burgundy, Languidoc, and promense local representatives and assemblies.

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<v Speaker 1>The estates of the province negotiated their tax rates continuously

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<v Speaker 1>with the crown. What that meant was that in Brittany

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<v Speaker 1>or Languidoc, the king could not simply decree a new tax,

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<v Speaker 1>he had to constantly bargain with local estates who jealously

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<v Speaker 1>guarded their autonomy. Thus, while so France had one king,

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<v Speaker 1>it did not have one tax system. A traveler moving

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<v Speaker 1>through the kingdom might come across invisible boundaries where entirely

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<v Speaker 1>different fiscal rules applied. Now, of course, a great many

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<v Speaker 1>territories had joined France only recently, and their integration remained

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<v Speaker 1>very incomplete. Alsace, annext in the seventeenth century, retained German

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<v Speaker 1>law in many places, and the city of Strasburg had

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<v Speaker 1>special privileges. Lorraine, incorporated in seventeen sixty six after the

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<v Speaker 1>death of its duke, still maintained its own parliament and

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<v Speaker 1>legal traditions. Corsica had been purchased by France from Genoa

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<v Speaker 1>only in seventeen sixty eight, and though technically a French province,

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<v Speaker 1>by seventeen eighty nine, it was a land with its

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<v Speaker 1>own fiercely independent traditions. The southern border told a similar story.

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<v Speaker 1>Roussoon and part of Candan had come into France from

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<v Speaker 1>Spain only by the Treaty of the Pyrenees in sixteen

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<v Speaker 1>fifty nine, and though the French speaking officials had been installed.

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<v Speaker 1>Catalan customs and privileges lingered in the north. Artois and Flanders,

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<v Speaker 1>acquired through wars with Spain in the seventeenth century, were

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<v Speaker 1>still quite Flemish in language and practice. Even stranger were

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<v Speaker 1>the enclaves and the outliers that dotted the kingdom. The

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<v Speaker 1>Papacy still held on to Avignon and the nearby comtant Nissin,

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<v Speaker 1>both enclaves within French territory. Though long surrounded by French

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<v Speaker 1>royal lands, these were still ruled by papal legates and

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<v Speaker 1>had no political connection to Versailles whatsoever. The Principality of Orange,

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<v Speaker 1>though a next earlier in the century, still bore the

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<v Speaker 1>mark of its old independence. In the Pyrenees, tinye sovereignties

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<v Speaker 1>and odd arrangements like the co sovereignty of Andorra shared

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<v Speaker 1>between the French crown and the Spanish Bishop of Yugel,

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<v Speaker 1>spoke to medieval compromises that no one, even for some reason,

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<v Speaker 1>bought to sweep away. Then, of course, there were the

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<v Speaker 1>Paillius concreis, the conquered lands, such as the French committe

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<v Speaker 1>annex from Spain in sixteen seventy eight, though under royal control.

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<v Speaker 1>Regions like this too, retained their own legal and administrative distinctness.

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<v Speaker 1>Look the effect of all this was that France in

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<v Speaker 1>seventeen eighty nine was less a centralized state than a

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<v Speaker 1>mosaic of provinces, each with its own contract with the monarchy.

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<v Speaker 1>As I mentioned before, Louis the fourteenth liked to project

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<v Speaker 1>this image of a unified France, in which he commanded

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<v Speaker 1>every animal, every bug to move. But that wasn't true.

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<v Speaker 1>Majuris jen Bautiste Colbert had once sought to impose uniformity,

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<v Speaker 1>but even a century after Barbank absolutism, diversity continued to prevail.

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<v Speaker 1>In the south, Roman law lingered in legal codes. In

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<v Speaker 1>the north, customary law prevailed. Weights and measures could vary

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<v Speaker 1>from town to town. In fact, throughout France in seventeen

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<v Speaker 1>eighty nine, over two hundred different measures of capacity were

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<v Speaker 1>in use. A peasant selling grain in one province might

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<v Speaker 1>find that his unit of bushels wasn't recognized in the next.

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<v Speaker 1>Thus it was on the eve of the revolution. France

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<v Speaker 1>was a kingdom of contradictions. The king could command armies,

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<v Speaker 1>negotiate treaties, and maintain his splendor at Versaign But he

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<v Speaker 1>ruled a territory riddled with exemptions, privileges, and fragment and sovereignties.

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<v Speaker 1>Royal control was broad, but it wasn't deep. A noble

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<v Speaker 1>in Brittany or a magistrate in Languidoc did not see

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<v Speaker 1>himself as merely a French subject. He was a Breton,

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<v Speaker 1>he was a Languidocian, and he defended the rights of

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<v Speaker 1>his province against the centralizing hand of Versailles. The Revolution

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<v Speaker 1>will sweep most of this away. The National Assembly is

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<v Speaker 1>going to abolish provincial estates, feudal dues, and the bewildering

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<v Speaker 1>patchwork of laws, replacing them with the vision of a

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<v Speaker 1>unified nation. As I said, there's a reason that the

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<v Speaker 1>French Revolution is seen as the beginning of modernity. But

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<v Speaker 1>in seventeen eighty nine, the reality was that France was

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<v Speaker 1>less a single, homogeneous kingdom than a loose federation of

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<v Speaker 1>territories bound by allegiance to a common monarch. Now we

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<v Speaker 1>must turn our attention to the economic machinery of the state,

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<v Speaker 1>because it's not any better than the legal situation. The

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<v Speaker 1>Seven Years War ended in humiliation for France, defeated by Britain.

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<v Speaker 1>She lost nearly all her North American empire, Canada, the

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<v Speaker 1>Ohio Valley, the Mississippi Lands, though she retained lucrative sugar

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<v Speaker 1>islands like Martinique Guadalupe. The war had been ruinously expensive,

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<v Speaker 1>as of course it had been for the British military

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<v Speaker 1>expenditures soared to one point three billion livre and France's

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<v Speaker 1>debt swelled. The Crown emerged not only diplomatically weakened, but

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<v Speaker 1>fiscally and feebled. The peace restored neither credit nor confidence.

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<v Speaker 1>The loss of Canada was less disastrous economically than contemporaries

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<v Speaker 1>feared Voltaire's sneering phrase. A few acres of snow captured

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<v Speaker 1>its limited fiscal value compared, of course, to Caribbean sugar.

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<v Speaker 1>But the war had exposed major structural weaknesses. Britain's global

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<v Speaker 1>trading system, powered by its navy, eclipsed France's, and French

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<v Speaker 1>ministers began to fear that without reform, the kingdom would

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<v Speaker 1>never again regain its stature. The reality was is that

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<v Speaker 1>France's economy was still overwhelmingly agricultural. Around eighty percent of

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<v Speaker 1>the population lived on the land, and grain was life.

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<v Speaker 1>Bread made up as much as three quarters of a

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<v Speaker 1>laborer's diet. The productivity of French agriculture had improved since

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<v Speaker 1>the early eighteenth century. New techniques, crop rotations, and selective

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<v Speaker 1>breeding were spreading, but progress was uneven and significantly slowed

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<v Speaker 1>by tradition. Feudal dews, ties and signiorial rights still weighed

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<v Speaker 1>heavily on the peasants. They paid rents to their lords,

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<v Speaker 1>a tithe to the church, and taxes to the crown,

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<v Speaker 1>leaving them vulnerable to fluctuations and harvest. When crops failed,

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<v Speaker 1>as they did in seventeen seventy five and then again

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<v Speaker 1>disastrously in the late seventeen eighties, bread prices soared and

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<v Speaker 1>riots erupted. The Flower War of seventeen seventy five, sparked

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<v Speaker 1>by liberalization of the grain trade under Louis the sixteenth

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<v Speaker 1>Minister Turgo, revealed how fragile the balance between subsistence and

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<v Speaker 1>revolt could be. Arthur Young, the English traveler, recorded in

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<v Speaker 1>the seventeen eighties the desperate condition of peasants in places

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<v Speaker 1>like Bordona's quote, the poor people seem poor, indeed the

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<v Speaker 1>children terribly ragged. If I saw a man who looks

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<v Speaker 1>tolerably well dressed, his hat was old and his coat

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<v Speaker 1>cut out at the elbows. The women and children were

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<v Speaker 1>nothing or rags end quote. This was not a reflection

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<v Speaker 1>on the image of a prosperous kingdom, but of a

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<v Speaker 1>countryside where wealth was completely concentrated in the top while

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<v Speaker 1>the majority lived in chronic insecurity. And if you're trying

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<v Speaker 1>to get an image of gosh, what kind of powder

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<v Speaker 1>keg do you need for revolution? Well you're getting your answer.

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<v Speaker 1>If agric cultural stagnated industry to an extent, expanded French

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<v Speaker 1>textile production, especially in linen, silk and cotton grew rapidly.

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<v Speaker 1>Cities like Lyons arrived on silk weaving. Rowan was a

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<v Speaker 1>hub for cotton printing. Lilas and Imans turned out wolves.

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<v Speaker 1>Metallurgy developed in eastern France, particularly in Lorraine, while coal

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<v Speaker 1>mining in the north hinted at a potential industrial future.

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<v Speaker 1>Yet French industry continued to lag behind Britain, and the

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<v Speaker 1>reasons were structural fragmented internal markets, lack of uniform weights

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<v Speaker 1>and measures, and barriers like local tolls and guild restrictions.

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<v Speaker 1>The guild system this is a holdover, of course, from

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<v Speaker 1>the Middle Ages. Regulated entry into trades often stifling innovation.

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<v Speaker 1>A decree in seventeen seventy six finally abolished many of

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<v Speaker 1>these guilds under the aforementioned Turgo, but they were restored

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<v Speaker 1>under pressure from vested interests. Still, it is worth noting

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<v Speaker 1>that urban centers were growing in the eighteenth century. Paris

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<v Speaker 1>swelled to around six hundred thousand inhabitants by the seventeen eighties,

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<v Speaker 1>making it one of Europe's largest cities. Bordeaux prospered as

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<v Speaker 1>a port for Atlantic trade, particularly the lucrative triangular trade

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<v Speaker 1>in slaves, sugar and coffee. Na and Marseille and the

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<v Speaker 1>have also thrived on overseas commerce. France's colonial trade boomed

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<v Speaker 1>after seventeen sixty three, even as France more in the

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<v Speaker 1>loss of Canada. The Caribbean colonies San Dominique which is

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<v Speaker 1>modern Haiti, Martinique and Guadaloupe became the jewels of the

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<v Speaker 1>French economy. Sendomique in particular, was the richest colony in

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<v Speaker 1>the world, producing sugar, coffee and indigo on the backs

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<v Speaker 1>of a half a million enslaved Africans. By the seventeen eighties,

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<v Speaker 1>colonial commerce accounted for nearly a third of France's foreign trade.

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<v Speaker 1>Merchants in Bordeaux Nonsen Marseille grew immensely wealthy from this traffic.

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<v Speaker 1>Bordeaux's prosperity, in fact, was a direct result of Sendemiche's

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<v Speaker 1>sugar and coffee exports. But of course, as I mentioned before,

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<v Speaker 1>this wealth was unevenly distributed, concentrated in a few port cities,

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<v Speaker 1>and tied to a brutal slave system that's going to

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<v Speaker 1>collapse with the Haitian Revolution itself a product of the

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<v Speaker 1>French Revolution. In the seventeen nineties, overseas, France began to

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<v Speaker 1>expand its trade with the Levant and Asia. The French

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<v Speaker 1>East India Company, re established in seventeen eighty five, sought

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<v Speaker 1>to compete with Britain, though never with much success. At

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<v Speaker 1>the center of all this stood, of course, the monarchy's finances,

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<v Speaker 1>which grew ever more desperate the war debts of seventeen

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<v Speaker 1>sixty three would never be paid down. The system of

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<v Speaker 1>taxation remained irrational and unjust considered the following the tale,

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<v Speaker 1>which was the only direct land tax in France, fell

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<v Speaker 1>almost exclusively on peasants. The gable the salt tax was

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<v Speaker 1>despised by basically every single person in France and frankly

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<v Speaker 1>varied wildly by province. The viteme, a kind of income

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<v Speaker 1>tax introduced in the mid eighteenth century. In theory touched

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<v Speaker 1>all estates, but in practice the nobility could buy exemptions,

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<v Speaker 1>and it was riddled with holes. The clergy negotiated lump

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<v Speaker 1>sums called don gretuit instead of paying taxes. Nobles claimed exemptions.

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<v Speaker 1>The wealthy bourgeoisie often bought offices that carried financial privileges.

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<v Speaker 1>The real burden fell on the commoners, and the inefficiency

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<v Speaker 1>of collection meant that the crown often saw far less

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<v Speaker 1>revenue then was expected on paper. Tax farming companies skimmed

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<v Speaker 1>off enormous profits. Attempts to reform ran aground again and again.

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<v Speaker 1>But it's worth considering the four men who attempted at

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<v Speaker 1>least tried to write the ship and Robert Jacques Tergaux,

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<v Speaker 1>the philosopher Minister, entered Louis the sixteenth government in seventeen

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<v Speaker 1>seventy four with a reputation for intelligence and enlightenment reform.

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<v Speaker 1>A disciple of physiocrats, he believed that agriculture was the

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<v Speaker 1>true foundation of wealth, that free markets would generate prosperity,

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<v Speaker 1>and that state, regulation and privilege were strangling the economy.

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<v Speaker 1>Almost at once. To go tackled three major reforms. First,

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<v Speaker 1>he tried to liberalize the grain trade. He ended the

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<v Speaker 1>restrictions that had been existing ungrave movement within the kingdom,

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<v Speaker 1>convinced that if a peasant or a lord could sell

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<v Speaker 1>their grain from province to province, it could stabilize prices

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<v Speaker 1>and stimulate production. Instead, a poor harvest in seventeen seventy four,

289
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<v Speaker 1>which was not his fault, sent bread prices soaring. Riots

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00:21:22.160 --> 00:21:24.799
<v Speaker 1>broke out in what became known as the Flower War

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<v Speaker 1>of seventeen seventy five. Critics blamed Turgeau's liberalization. In truth,

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<v Speaker 1>it was bad weather, but politically the damage had been done.

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<v Speaker 1>He had also attempted to abolish the corvee, the forced

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<v Speaker 1>peasant labor on roads, with a monetary tax that could

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<v Speaker 1>be applied universally. In fact, so universal was this so

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00:21:48.400 --> 00:21:52.920
<v Speaker 1>novel was it in its concept that gasp even nobles

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<v Speaker 1>and clergy, would have to contribute. This principle of shared

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<v Speaker 1>responsibility was radical, and it enraged the privileged orders, who

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<v Speaker 1>almost immediately refused to pay. And of course, he also

300
00:22:08.200 --> 00:22:12.680
<v Speaker 1>did his best to cut expenditures he counseled Louis the

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<v Speaker 1>sixteenth to resist wars abroad and extravagance at court. His

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<v Speaker 1>famous warning was stark quote no bankruptcy, no new taxes,

303
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<v Speaker 1>no loans. Reform is the only resource end quote. Sergae's

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<v Speaker 1>reforms directly threatened the privileges of nobles, clergy, and the financiers.

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<v Speaker 1>When Marie Antoinette pressed the King to grant favors to

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00:22:37.839 --> 00:22:43.359
<v Speaker 1>her proteges to go refused, his enemies multiplied, and in

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<v Speaker 1>seventeen seventy six he was dismissed from service. And so

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00:22:48.799 --> 00:22:54.359
<v Speaker 1>the monarchy spurned its best chance at radical and rational reform.

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<v Speaker 1>And that brings us to Jacques Nicare Nicaire, a Swiss

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<v Speaker 1>Protestant anchor, was appointed Director of Finances in seventeen seventy seven.

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<v Speaker 1>He was not permitted the title of Controller General because

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<v Speaker 1>as a Protestant he actually wasn't allowed to hold a

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<v Speaker 1>Catholic office, but his influence was still immense. Neckair's approach

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<v Speaker 1>was to restore confidence in the French economy and the

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<v Speaker 1>royal finances through transparency. In seventeen eighty one, he published

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<v Speaker 1>the Compete rendu a rah, a public account of royal finances.

317
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<v Speaker 1>It was the first time ever that ordinary Frenchmen could

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<v Speaker 1>see the monarchy's balance sheet. Neckcair claimed that the Crown

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<v Speaker 1>had a surplus of ten million nevre. In reality, unfortunately,

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<v Speaker 1>he had concealed the costs of war by classifying them

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<v Speaker 1>as ordinary expenses, so he was transparent but still a liar.

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<v Speaker 1>The illusion of solvency was brought at the price of

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<v Speaker 1>later shock. For all that, though Neckcare was absolutely beloved

324
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<v Speaker 1>by the public, he had raised funds for the American

325
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<v Speaker 1>War seemingly without introducing new taxes, largely by appealing to

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<v Speaker 1>his banker contacts and by using the creative accounting. He

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<v Speaker 1>also reformed the hospital system, tried to limit the venality

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<v Speaker 1>of office, and curtailed the abuse of tax farming, but

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<v Speaker 1>he often clashed with the more privileged orders. His exclusion

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<v Speaker 1>from the Royal Council stung, and when he saw greater authority,

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<v Speaker 1>court factions maneuvered against him. In seventeen eighty one, he resigned,

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<v Speaker 1>but his popularity endured to many. In the third Estate,

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<v Speaker 1>Nicare became the symbol of honest reform sacrificed by a

334
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<v Speaker 1>corrupt court. The next up to the plate was Charles

335
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<v Speaker 1>Alexandre des klan if Nicare was the banker, and Turgo

336
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<v Speaker 1>the philosopher. Calon was the court finincierre. He was charming, extravagant,

337
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<v Speaker 1>but undeniably shrewd. Appointed Controller General in seventeen eighty three,

338
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<v Speaker 1>he faced a deficit that had balloon to over one

339
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<v Speaker 1>hundred million livre. Colonn's strategy was bold, spend lavishly to

340
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<v Speaker 1>restore confidence and then launch sweeping reforms. He borrowed heavily

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<v Speaker 1>to maintain the appearance of solvency, but by seventeen eighty

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<v Speaker 1>six he admitted that the kingdom was headed for bankruptcy

343
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<v Speaker 1>unless radical measures were taken. His proposals were, in essence,

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<v Speaker 1>the reform that France desperately needed. It was a universal

345
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<v Speaker 1>land tax paid by everyone, even the nobility, without exception.

346
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<v Speaker 1>The abolition of internal tariffs to create finally a single

347
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<v Speaker 1>national market. The conversion of the corvet or labor tax

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<v Speaker 1>into a money tax. The establishment of provincial assemblies giving

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<v Speaker 1>localities some say in the administration. It was a program

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<v Speaker 1>of fiscal equality and administrative modernization, but Quielan knew the

351
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<v Speaker 1>parliaments would resist, so he turned instead to an assassembly

352
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<v Speaker 1>of notables, a gathering of one hundred and forty four aristocrats,

353
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<v Speaker 1>clergy and magistrates, hoping that their prestige alone would be

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<v Speaker 1>enough to push the reforms through, but he backfired. The notables,

355
00:26:14.319 --> 00:26:19.400
<v Speaker 1>dominated by the nobility, refused to sacrifice their privileges. They

356
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<v Speaker 1>turned against Cologne, accusing him of financial mismanagement. By seventeen

357
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<v Speaker 1>eighty seven, he was dismissed, his reforms abandoned, and the

358
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<v Speaker 1>monarchy's credibility further eroded, which brings us to our last player,

359
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<v Speaker 1>Etienne Charles de l'met Brian. Brian, the Archbishop of Toulouse

360
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<v Speaker 1>and an ally of the Queen, succeeded Cologne in seventeen

361
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<v Speaker 1>eighty seven. Unlike his predecessor, he had no special financial

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<v Speaker 1>expertise at all. He attempted to revive Cologne's program, but

363
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<v Speaker 1>now the parliaments became the main obstacle. The Parliament of

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<v Speaker 1>Paris refused to register the new taxes, insisting that only

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<v Speaker 1>the Estates General, which hadn't met by the way since

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<v Speaker 1>sixteen fourteen. More on that next time, had the authority

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<v Speaker 1>to consent. The government exiled magistrates, sparking uproar. In seventeen

368
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<v Speaker 1>eighty eight, desperate for cash, Brian announced a moratorium on payments,

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<v Speaker 1>effectively declaring bankruptcy for the crown. By August, Briann conceded defeat.

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<v Speaker 1>He resigned, recommending that Nickahre be recalled. But the monarchy's

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<v Speaker 1>authority was effectively shattered by this point. Its finances lay

372
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<v Speaker 1>in ruin, its credit completely destroyed, and its political legitimacy

373
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<v Speaker 1>dependence on taking that final step summoning the Estates General.

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<v Speaker 1>These ministers to go. Nickaier Columbrienne form a tragic sequence.

375
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<v Speaker 1>Each one was able to quickly diagnose the kingdom's fiscal problems,

376
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<v Speaker 1>each proposed reform in each was undone by entrenched privilege

377
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<v Speaker 1>and political cowardice Urgeau sought to reform without borrowing. He

378
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<v Speaker 1>was dismissed. Nickair borrowed to avoid reform. He was dismissed.

379
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<v Speaker 1>Cologne sought to reform after borrowing. He was dismissed. Brienne

380
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<v Speaker 1>tried to govern without reform or credibility, and he collapsed.

381
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<v Speaker 1>As the historian Alexey Destaukville later observed, the French found

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<v Speaker 1>it intolerable to bear those old burdens once they had

383
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<v Speaker 1>caught a glimpse of a better existence, the monarchy had

384
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<v Speaker 1>proven incapable of adapting, and its paralysis it drove its

385
00:28:40.119 --> 00:28:46.559
<v Speaker 1>subjorks toward revolution, and then there were several foreign crises.

386
00:28:51.440 --> 00:28:55.799
<v Speaker 1>France's intervention in the American Revolution was a gamble. It

387
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<v Speaker 1>restored some sense of national pride after the humiliation of

388
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<v Speaker 1>the Seven Year War in seventeen sixty three, but it

389
00:29:03.279 --> 00:29:07.359
<v Speaker 1>deepened the fiscal abyss. The war added over one billion

390
00:29:07.440 --> 00:29:12.160
<v Speaker 1>livred to the debt. By seventeen eighty eight, interest payments

391
00:29:12.279 --> 00:29:17.160
<v Speaker 1>alone consumed more than half of all royal revenue. And

392
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<v Speaker 1>yet the war also carried ideological consequences. French officers like

393
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<v Speaker 1>the Marquis de Lafayette returned from America inspired by Republican ideals,

394
00:29:29.000 --> 00:29:31.799
<v Speaker 1>and the financial crisis caused by the war set the

395
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<v Speaker 1>stage for the convocation of the Estates General in seventeen

396
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<v Speaker 1>eighty nine. By the late seventeen eighties, all the weaknesses

397
00:29:40.440 --> 00:29:44.920
<v Speaker 1>of France's economy converged. Harvest failures in seventeen eighty seven

398
00:29:45.039 --> 00:29:48.000
<v Speaker 1>eighty nine led to famine parts of the country and

399
00:29:48.119 --> 00:29:53.200
<v Speaker 1>soaring bread prices in Paris. Real wages stagnated as food

400
00:29:53.279 --> 00:29:58.000
<v Speaker 1>costs rose, Unemployment surged in the cities especially among the

401
00:29:58.160 --> 00:30:03.119
<v Speaker 1>artisans and textile workers. The crown, unable to raise new loans,

402
00:30:03.519 --> 00:30:07.880
<v Speaker 1>suspended payments in seventeen eighty eight, a declaration of bankruptcy,

403
00:30:08.359 --> 00:30:12.279
<v Speaker 1>and all but name. The fiscal breakdown became a political

404
00:30:12.400 --> 00:30:15.960
<v Speaker 1>crisis with no other option. Louis the sixteenth is going

405
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<v Speaker 1>to summon the Estates General in May of seventeen eighty nine,

406
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<v Speaker 1>the first time since sixteen fourteen the Kingdom's three orders

407
00:30:23.039 --> 00:30:27.480
<v Speaker 1>would meet. The economic machine of the Ossien regime had

408
00:30:27.599 --> 00:30:32.839
<v Speaker 1>finally collapsed under its contradictions. Between the Seven Years War

409
00:30:32.880 --> 00:30:36.279
<v Speaker 1>and the Revolution, France's economy was truly one of contrasts,

410
00:30:36.880 --> 00:30:41.680
<v Speaker 1>rich colonies and starving peasants, bustling ports and bankrupt coffers,

411
00:30:42.359 --> 00:30:47.359
<v Speaker 1>innovation and industry shackled by guilds, an expanding population facing

412
00:30:47.440 --> 00:30:52.079
<v Speaker 1>diminishing resources. Above all, the monarchy's failure to reform its

413
00:30:52.119 --> 00:30:57.039
<v Speaker 1>fiscal system because privilege invested interest resisted every change, turned

414
00:30:57.119 --> 00:31:03.000
<v Speaker 1>economic strain into political crises. As Turgeau once warned Louis

415
00:31:03.039 --> 00:31:06.680
<v Speaker 1>the sixteenth, Sir, remember that it was weakness which brought

416
00:31:06.720 --> 00:31:10.599
<v Speaker 1>down the monarchy of your ancestors. By seventeen eighty nine,

417
00:31:10.680 --> 00:31:15.000
<v Speaker 1>that prophecy was ready to be fulfilled. The reality was

418
00:31:15.079 --> 00:31:18.279
<v Speaker 1>the Enseon regime was held together by custom, privilege, and

419
00:31:18.359 --> 00:31:21.640
<v Speaker 1>the mystique of the monarchy, but it was incredibly fragile.

420
00:31:22.359 --> 00:31:28.359
<v Speaker 1>Its limitations were obvious privilege, bread resentment. The nobility clung

421
00:31:28.480 --> 00:31:32.359
<v Speaker 1>to exemptions and signiorial dues. At precisely the moment when

422
00:31:32.400 --> 00:31:36.480
<v Speaker 1>the rising bourgeoisie sought equality of opportunity and the peasants

423
00:31:36.799 --> 00:31:41.160
<v Speaker 1>desperately cried out for relief, there was an unjust physical system.

424
00:31:41.799 --> 00:31:44.160
<v Speaker 1>The most able to pay, the nobles and the clergy,

425
00:31:44.559 --> 00:31:47.839
<v Speaker 1>were the least taxed, while those least able, the peasants,

426
00:31:48.279 --> 00:31:53.000
<v Speaker 1>paid the most. There was administrative chaos. France lacked a

427
00:31:53.119 --> 00:31:57.240
<v Speaker 1>uniform legal code, a centralized tax structure, or a consistent

428
00:31:57.319 --> 00:32:01.160
<v Speaker 1>system of weights and measures. A merchant moving across the

429
00:32:01.279 --> 00:32:05.039
<v Speaker 1>kingdom with his goods might face dozens of tariffs and

430
00:32:05.240 --> 00:32:09.519
<v Speaker 1>dozens of tolls. There was huge resistance to reform, as

431
00:32:09.559 --> 00:32:14.279
<v Speaker 1>we've seen. When ministers link Turgo and Neckcare proposed financial reforms,

432
00:32:14.759 --> 00:32:18.480
<v Speaker 1>they found themselves blocked by parliaments, nobles, or sometimes even

433
00:32:18.519 --> 00:32:23.519
<v Speaker 1>the court, as the Urgo once lamented. The first thing

434
00:32:23.640 --> 00:32:27.400
<v Speaker 1>one discovers in beginning to govern is that one cannot

435
00:32:27.559 --> 00:32:32.000
<v Speaker 1>do what one pleases. Nothing could have been further than

436
00:32:32.039 --> 00:32:36.960
<v Speaker 1>Louis the fourteenths declaration, I am the State, And of course,

437
00:32:37.279 --> 00:32:40.720
<v Speaker 1>as it outlined, a lot now there was massive economic strain.

438
00:32:41.640 --> 00:32:46.160
<v Speaker 1>Population growth strained the land. Harvest failures in the seventeen

439
00:32:46.200 --> 00:32:50.920
<v Speaker 1>eighties sent bread prices soaring. For the Parisian poor, bread

440
00:32:51.119 --> 00:32:55.680
<v Speaker 1>was life, and when his price rose, discontent turned swiftly

441
00:32:55.799 --> 00:33:00.319
<v Speaker 1>to unrest. By the eve of the revolution. For Grants

442
00:33:00.440 --> 00:33:04.039
<v Speaker 1>was a paradox, a powerful state with a glorious culture,

443
00:33:04.440 --> 00:33:11.519
<v Speaker 1>yet politically brittle and financially unsustainable. Enlightenment thinkers Voltaire Rousseau

444
00:33:11.799 --> 00:33:18.839
<v Speaker 1>Montesquieu had long criticized its injustices. Foreign observers, too, marveled

445
00:33:18.880 --> 00:33:22.920
<v Speaker 1>at the contradictions. Arthur Young, an English traveler, wrote in

446
00:33:23.039 --> 00:33:28.160
<v Speaker 1>seventeen eighty seven, the abuses of seigniorial rights, the feudal services,

447
00:33:28.640 --> 00:33:32.079
<v Speaker 1>the game laws, the corvets, the exemptions, the oppressions of

448
00:33:32.119 --> 00:33:35.519
<v Speaker 1>the nobility are all things that will sooner or later

449
00:33:36.119 --> 00:33:41.400
<v Speaker 1>plunge this kingdom into convulsions. The Enseon regime was a

450
00:33:41.480 --> 00:33:45.559
<v Speaker 1>system designed for an earlier age, preserved by privilege and inertia,

451
00:33:45.960 --> 00:33:48.519
<v Speaker 1>unable to adapt to the pressures of a modern, literate

452
00:33:48.839 --> 00:33:54.240
<v Speaker 1>and restless society. Its problems fiscal, political, and social would

453
00:33:54.319 --> 00:33:58.720
<v Speaker 1>converge in crisis, and when that crisis came, the revolution

454
00:33:58.880 --> 00:34:02.680
<v Speaker 1>would not simply reform the old order, it would sweep

455
00:34:02.720 --> 00:34:07.880
<v Speaker 1>it away. Next week, we're going to dig into the

456
00:34:08.000 --> 00:34:12.039
<v Speaker 1>transition of the political machine from Louis the fifteenth to

457
00:34:12.159 --> 00:34:16.960
<v Speaker 1>Louis the sixteenth and introduced a couple of personalities that

458
00:34:17.159 --> 00:34:19.840
<v Speaker 1>are going to play a key role in the events

459
00:34:19.960 --> 00:34:24.920
<v Speaker 1>to come as the kingdom barrels towards the inevitable calling

460
00:34:25.519 --> 00:34:27.599
<v Speaker 1>of the Estates General
