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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to Western civ Episode three hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>twenty nine. The religions of the Empire the Thirty Years

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<v Speaker 1>War is grouped into a series of complex called the

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<v Speaker 1>wars of religion that begin in the mid sixteenth century

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<v Speaker 1>in Europe and persist really until the very end of

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<v Speaker 1>the seventeenth We've seen such wars already in France and

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<v Speaker 1>the Holy Roman Empire, going back to Martin Luther and

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<v Speaker 1>the peasant Rebellion. Certainly, religious tensions are going to be

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<v Speaker 1>a major contribution to the outbreak of war in sixteen eighteen,

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<v Speaker 1>but the link is far from direct. As we will see,

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<v Speaker 1>these wars are complicated and cannot be defined as simply

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<v Speaker 1>Protestant versus Catholic. In fact, the sixteenth century had seen

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<v Speaker 1>far less religious conflict in Central Europe than the Middle Ages.

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<v Speaker 1>But to understand the religious nature of the conflict, and

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<v Speaker 1>certainly there was one, then we need to understand the

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<v Speaker 1>distinct identities of the three major sects in the Empire, Catholicism, Lutheranism,

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<v Speaker 1>and Calvinism. Catholicism stressed the primacy of organization, with the

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<v Speaker 1>Catholic Church as the only competent authority to interpret the

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<v Speaker 1>Word of God for all Christians. Lutherans stressed the primacy

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<v Speaker 1>of doctrine, claiming to free the Word of God from

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<v Speaker 1>being misinterpreted by a church that had lost its way.

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<v Speaker 1>Calvinism stood for the primacy practice, calling for Lutheran's reformation

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<v Speaker 1>of doctrine to be followed by a second reformation of

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<v Speaker 1>life to bring behavior in line with faith. Other than

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<v Speaker 1>the Reformation itself. Nothing to find Catholicism more in the

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<v Speaker 1>late sixteenth century than the Council of Trent, which lasted

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<v Speaker 1>from fifteen fifty four to fifteen sixty three. Trent was

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<v Speaker 1>intended to heal the rifts caused by the Reformation and

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<v Speaker 1>restore one unified Catholic Church.

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<v Speaker 2>It didn't.

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<v Speaker 1>Instead, Trent symbolized a hardening of the Catholic position, a

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<v Speaker 1>recommitment to Catholic life, and a determination to root out

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<v Speaker 1>heresy by any means necessary. The primary secular agents behind

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<v Speaker 1>this transformation were the Habsburg monarchs, both of Spain and

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<v Speaker 1>of the Empire. In fifteen fifty nine, Spain's final military

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<v Speaker 1>victory over France in northern Italy gave it control over

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<v Speaker 1>the territories on either side of the papal states This

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<v Speaker 1>put tremendous pressure on the pope to tow the Habsburg line.

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<v Speaker 1>I doubt that any pontiff forgot that had been the

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<v Speaker 1>Emperor's Catholic soldiers, not Protestant hordes that had sacked Rome

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<v Speaker 1>in fifteen twenty seven. Popes throughout the late sixteenth century

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<v Speaker 1>looked to France and other European powers to counter Habsburg influence,

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<v Speaker 1>with varying degrees of success. Protestant propaganda presented the Thirty

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<v Speaker 1>Years War as a papal crusade, with the Jesuits as

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<v Speaker 1>the storm troopers of the Catholic faith. Officially called the

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<v Speaker 1>Society of Jesus, the Jesuit order had established itself by

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<v Speaker 1>papal decree in fifteen forty, following, of course, the initiative

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<v Speaker 1>by Ignatius Loyola. The Jesuits had a clear mission to

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<v Speaker 1>eliminate Protestantism, which their founder had called quote an epidemic

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<v Speaker 1>of the soul end quote. They would first remove the

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<v Speaker 1>causes of this infection by displacing Protestants and those Catholics

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<v Speaker 1>who would not cooperate from positions of influence, and then

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<v Speaker 1>they would restore the health of Europe by promoting Catholic

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<v Speaker 1>life and doctrine. These tactics were overtly political and set

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<v Speaker 1>the Jesuits apart from other Catholic orders. The Jesuits started

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<v Speaker 1>at the very top of the political hierarchy, believing that

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<v Speaker 1>if they won over a territory's ruler and its elite,

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<v Speaker 1>gradually the rest of society would follow.

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<v Speaker 2>Acting on Loyola's.

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<v Speaker 1>Orders, a Jesuit accepted the post of confessor to the

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<v Speaker 1>King of Portugal in fifteen fifty two, commencing a policy

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<v Speaker 1>of actively seeking these high positions. Protestants saw this as

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<v Speaker 1>a papal conspiracy, quickly fitting the confessors into role of

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<v Speaker 1>evil advisor. But even among the Catholics, order of the

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<v Speaker 1>Jesuits aroused some hostility. The more traditional orders resented the Jesuits,

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<v Speaker 1>who acquired churches, schools, and other assets through these political connections.

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<v Speaker 1>Many were alarmed by their apparent radicalism. A deranged former

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<v Speaker 1>Jesuit tried to assassinate Henry the Fourth in France in

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<v Speaker 1>fifteen ninety four, while another member defended turanicide in a

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<v Speaker 1>book published five years later, and it was easy to

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<v Speaker 1>believe that there were others behind these conspiracies, such as

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<v Speaker 1>the English Gunpowder Plot of sixteen oh five. However, Jesuits

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<v Speaker 1>had to reconcile their counter reformation mission with their hierarchical

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<v Speaker 1>worldview and evolve a distinct approach to their role as confessors.

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<v Speaker 1>They believed that the devil tempted princes to grant concessions

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<v Speaker 1>to the heretics. If this occurred, they would reassure the

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<v Speaker 1>prince that God would forgive him, provided such concessions had

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<v Speaker 1>been only politically necess and that they could be revoked

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<v Speaker 1>at the absolute first opportunity. Such arguments opened the door

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<v Speaker 1>to pragmatism or compromise, might cloud otherwise militancy. It fitted

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<v Speaker 1>the very personalities of the different confessors, who were after all,

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<v Speaker 1>engaged in a very personal relationship with the princes that

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<v Speaker 1>they served. Now, the number of Jesuits in the Empire

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<v Speaker 1>itself had dramatically increased over the years. In fifteen fifty six,

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<v Speaker 1>the year of Loyola's death, there were only one thousand.

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<v Speaker 1>That number was up to sixteen hundred and sixteen fifteen,

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<v Speaker 1>which might not seem like a lot, but it's actually

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<v Speaker 1>out of a number of thirteen thousand worldwide. There were

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<v Speaker 1>twenty two Jesuit colleges in the Rhineland in sixteen eighteen.

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<v Speaker 1>These colleges were the key to Jesuit success. They provided

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<v Speaker 1>the means through which the children I eat sons might

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<v Speaker 1>better themselves of the bourgeoisie. So they were quite popular

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<v Speaker 1>in many regions, and rulers encouraged the expansion of these institutions.

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<v Speaker 1>Yet I should point out that the Protestant Reformation had

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<v Speaker 1>largely curtailed Catholic expansion within the Empire. The habsburg Lands

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<v Speaker 1>were Catholic, as were Bavaria and Laurent, but that was

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<v Speaker 1>about it.

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<v Speaker 2>Now.

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<v Speaker 1>The second faith to consider is Lutheranism. Obviously, the Empire

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<v Speaker 1>had been the focal point of the early Reformation all

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<v Speaker 1>the way through the Peace of Augsburg in sixteen fifty five.

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<v Speaker 1>To be clear, though Luther had wanted to reform the church,

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<v Speaker 1>not create a new one, It only refused papal authority

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<v Speaker 1>when the pope refused to consider his interpretation of doctrine.

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<v Speaker 1>It was the centrality of doctrine, rather than hierarchical authority,

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<v Speaker 1>that set Luther's Church apart from the Catholics. The concept

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<v Speaker 1>that the Word of God came directly from the Bible

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<v Speaker 1>lessened the role of the priest as the intermediary. It

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<v Speaker 1>also prompted Luther to reduce the number of sacraments down

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<v Speaker 1>to two Baptism and Eucharist. Lutheranism spread easily in the Empire,

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<v Speaker 1>especially in the regions that were more autonomous, where rulers

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<v Speaker 1>were free to choose their own faiths. In these regions,

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<v Speaker 1>rulers took over the role formerly held by bishops, thus

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<v Speaker 1>consolidating their own authority. This political leadership was essential to

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<v Speaker 1>the survival of Lutheranism, especially after Charles the Fifth declared

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<v Speaker 1>Lutheran outlaw in fifteen twenty one. Charles's effort to legislate

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<v Speaker 1>the faith of his subjects failed, as we know, and

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<v Speaker 1>the spread of Lutheranism shattered the unity of law and

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<v Speaker 1>religion within the Empire. It entrenched the growing schism within.

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<v Speaker 1>But if Lutheranism was a sort of known quantity, by

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<v Speaker 1>sixteen eighteen, Calvinism was still a new kid on the block.

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<v Speaker 1>Forssam Luther's Reformation hadn't.

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<v Speaker 2>Gone far enough.

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<v Speaker 1>Those seeking this quote unquote Second Reformation became associated with

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<v Speaker 1>the theology of the French reformer Jean Calvin, whose ideas

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<v Speaker 1>spread into Germany after the religious piece of Augsburg. The

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<v Speaker 1>conversion of the Elector Palatine around fifteen sixty gave the

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<v Speaker 1>new movement a boost and helped to ensure that, unlike

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<v Speaker 1>Calvinism elsewhere in Europe, Calvinism in the Holy Roman Empire

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<v Speaker 1>would be led by the princes more than those at

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<v Speaker 1>the bottom of the social pyramid. Around twenty counts and

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<v Speaker 1>minor princes followed the Elector's example by sixteen eighteen, but

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<v Speaker 1>the Landgrave of Hessen sixteen oh three and the Elector

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<v Speaker 1>of Brandenburg sixteen thirteen were the only important rulers to

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<v Speaker 1>openly embrace this new faith. They called themselves the Reformed,

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<v Speaker 1>since the term Calvinist had connotations of being an elie

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<v Speaker 1>legal group. Their aim was to complete Luther's Reformation by

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<v Speaker 1>erraticicating any remnants of papal superstition in both ritual and doctrine.

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<v Speaker 1>The high altar and clerical vestments were banished from Calvinist churches,

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<v Speaker 1>while paintings and sculptures were smashed to demonstrate that these

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<v Speaker 1>cultic objects had no power. Ministers adopted sober academic dress,

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<v Speaker 1>appearing as professionals qualified to preach and teach. Long standing

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<v Speaker 1>elements of doctrine were simply rejected, such as exorcism at

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<v Speaker 1>infant baptism and the concept of the real presence during

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<v Speaker 1>the mass. Calvinists hated the notion that Christ was physically present, since,

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<v Speaker 1>of course, this entailed that his body was being turned

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<v Speaker 1>into excrement as the wine and wafers passed through the

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<v Speaker 1>digestive systems of the congregation. Communion instead was now transformed

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<v Speaker 1>into a commemorative ceremony, while the parishioners shared a man

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<v Speaker 1>around a table and many East Frisians drank beer instead

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<v Speaker 1>of wine. Calvinism also emphasized predestination to an extent far

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<v Speaker 1>beyond any previous Christian group. The concept of predestination had

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<v Speaker 1>been created by Saint Augustine in the fifth century of

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<v Speaker 1>the Common Era, but Calvinism rejected the Catholic interpretation, which

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<v Speaker 1>held only that God might choose some people as elect

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<v Speaker 1>i e. The Saints, but that God did not condemn

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<v Speaker 1>common people to hell. Calvin argued that God was all powerful,

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<v Speaker 1>and not only could God designate the elect and the retrobrate,

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<v Speaker 1>but God definitely did so. Calvin told his followers not

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<v Speaker 1>too dwell on this, but to trust in God and

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<v Speaker 1>to live according to the Ten Commandments. Calvinism spread rapidly

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<v Speaker 1>throughout the latter sixteenth century, but nowhere throughout the entire

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<v Speaker 1>Empire was Calvinism the majority, giving the faith a very

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<v Speaker 1>international flare. There was no geographic center, at least no

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<v Speaker 1>obvious geographic center for Calvinism. It could flourish in one

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<v Speaker 1>principality and be totally rejected next door. The emergence of

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<v Speaker 1>all these new faiths by the later sixteenth century certainly

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<v Speaker 1>suggests that society had become religiously divided. Many aspects of

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<v Speaker 1>life were becoming separated by these invisible lines, even within

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<v Speaker 1>one small community. Nowhere could these differences be more obvious

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<v Speaker 1>than in the keeping of time. Pope Gregory the thirteenth

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<v Speaker 1>decreed that the date should be set back ten days

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<v Speaker 1>on the fifteenth of October fifteen eighty two, and henceforth

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<v Speaker 1>the new year was to start on the first of January,

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<v Speaker 1>not March twenty fifth, in order to bring the calendar

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<v Speaker 1>in line with new scientific calculate relations. The Habsburgs and

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<v Speaker 1>German Catholics adopted the new Gregorian calendar by fifteen eighty four,

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<v Speaker 1>but while Protestant scientists like Johannes Kepler favored reform. The

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<v Speaker 1>clergy rejected anything from Rome at all, and the credulous

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<v Speaker 1>believed that the papists were actually just trying to steal

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<v Speaker 1>ten days of their lives. The discrepancy became obvious in

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<v Speaker 1>the Empire, where Lutherans and Catholics lived together officially since

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<v Speaker 1>the Peace of Augsburg. Nine tenths of the Augsburg population

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<v Speaker 1>were Lutherans, but the peace had made the city formerly

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<v Speaker 1>bi confessional. After extremely protracted negotiations, the magistrates of Augusburg

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<v Speaker 1>imposed the new calendar, but not until fifteen eighty six,

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<v Speaker 1>two years after the Catholics had adopted it. The Protestants

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<v Speaker 1>also continued to observe quote unquote their Sunday, because remember,

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<v Speaker 1>we moved it ten days and went to services in

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<v Speaker 1>churches across the frontier. Still, I think there's a limit

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<v Speaker 1>to these divisions. There were plenty of religiously mixed marriages,

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<v Speaker 1>Protestants and Catholics drank at the same tavern without coming

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<v Speaker 1>to blows. In fact, there's plenty of evidence that society

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<v Speaker 1>was more religiously divided in the early eighteenth century than

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<v Speaker 1>it was in the seventeenth To unpack how religion was

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<v Speaker 1>supposed to work in the Empire. We need to first

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<v Speaker 1>return to the piece of Augsburg in fifteen fifty five.

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<v Speaker 1>What you might find interesting is that the section in

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<v Speaker 1>that peace treaty concerning religion is actually one of the

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<v Speaker 1>smallest sections. Religious reform was just lumped into a larger

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<v Speaker 1>section on imperial tax, quota's, currency regulation, and the operation

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<v Speaker 1>of the courts. Yet the article on religion, Article twenty

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<v Speaker 1>nine did require the emperor to accept the religious provisions

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<v Speaker 1>of treaty, and Ferdinand confirmed it when he became emperor

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<v Speaker 1>in fifteen fifty eight. Now there was no statement on

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<v Speaker 1>any specific doctrine at all. The state was still envisioned

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<v Speaker 1>as broadly Christian, but now not of any one faith. Instead,

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<v Speaker 1>lawmakers intentionally blurred religious distinctions in order to maintain the

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<v Speaker 1>fictional idea of a single Christendom, an idea that had

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<v Speaker 1>long ceased to function in reality. The peace was intended

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<v Speaker 1>to bring Lutherans and Catholics under the same legal framework,

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<v Speaker 1>not the same doctrinal one. In theory, the public peace

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<v Speaker 1>called on the emperor to forswear violence and become a mediator.

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<v Speaker 2>Spoiler alert, that's not going to happen.

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<v Speaker 1>Contrary to popular imagination, the peace of Augsburg never included

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<v Speaker 1>that famous provision about the princes being totally free to

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<v Speaker 1>choose their own faiths. The phrase quote he who rules

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<v Speaker 1>decides the religion end quote only surfaced in the debates

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<v Speaker 1>about the treaty circa fifteen eighty six, but thirty three

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<v Speaker 1>years after the treaty was passed. The other key article

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<v Speaker 1>to remember because it's relevant to the Thirty Years War

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<v Speaker 1>is Article nineteen. Article nineteen fixed the year of fifteen

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<v Speaker 1>fifty two as the year when Lutherans could retain any

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<v Speaker 1>Catholic assets seized up to that point. They could not

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<v Speaker 1>if the asset had been taken after fifteen fifty two.

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<v Speaker 1>The other part of the treaty that undercut the whole

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<v Speaker 1>he who rules decides the religion thing was the inclusion

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<v Speaker 1>of the right for the peasantry to move if they

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<v Speaker 1>did not agree with their ruler's religious preferences. Rulers could

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<v Speaker 1>not find people who left or seize the property, and

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<v Speaker 1>this nifficantly curtailed the ability of secular rulers to push

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<v Speaker 1>the Reformation and to push new faiths. The piece was

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<v Speaker 1>clearly ambiguous and often contradictory, but it would be wrong

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<v Speaker 1>to conclude with other historians that it merely quote put

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<v Speaker 1>a temporary end to open confessional warfare in Germany end quote.

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<v Speaker 1>No major war continued for sixty three years after the peace,

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<v Speaker 1>and even where Central Europeans did come to blows after

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<v Speaker 1>fifteen eighty three, these disputes were totally localized and were

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<v Speaker 1>largely free of the brutality that was accompanying prolonged violence

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<v Speaker 1>in both France and in the Netherlands. Of course, there

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<v Speaker 1>was the fear of the Ottomans, which was one reason

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<v Speaker 1>for preserving the peace, though the Turkish menace spilled over

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<v Speaker 1>in a major war only after fifteen ninety three, which

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<v Speaker 1>we'll get into at a time when confessed tensions were

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<v Speaker 1>growing rather than actually receding. The primary factor behind the

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<v Speaker 1>Peace of Augsburg's longevity was its comparatively satisfactory settlement of

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<v Speaker 1>the religious and political difficulties. Its strength can be seen

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<v Speaker 1>by the fact that it is going to provide the

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<v Speaker 1>basis for the internal settlement at the Peace of Westphalia,

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<v Speaker 1>which is going to finally end the Thirty Years War.

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<v Speaker 1>In terms of how religious conflict drove the Thirty Years War,

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<v Speaker 1>the problem concerns what contemporary forces call the three dubia,

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<v Speaker 1>which sounds like dubious, and it should because it means

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<v Speaker 1>uncertain terms.

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<v Speaker 2>In the treaty.

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<v Speaker 1>The biggest of these dubia or uncertain terms was the

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<v Speaker 1>fate of ecclesiastical lands. Now, these estates, the territories of

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<v Speaker 1>the archbishops, bishops and prelates, had largely escaped incorporation into

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<v Speaker 1>Lutheran territorial churches. Prior to fifteen fifty two, the electors

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<v Speaker 1>of Brandenburg and Saxony were on their way to incorporating

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<v Speaker 1>three bishoprics a piece, but this stemmed from long term

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<v Speaker 1>territorial ambitions pre dating the reformations. The more immediate threat

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<v Speaker 1>actually came from the Catholics. Charles the Fifth himself annexed

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<v Speaker 1>Utrech and asserted protectorates over other bishoprics close to his

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<v Speaker 1>existing territory.

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<v Speaker 2>France seized Metz, Toul and Verdun. Overall losses were relatively.

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<v Speaker 1>Small, considering that the Imperial Church still had three electorates

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<v Speaker 1>and around forty prince archbishops and bishops, as well as

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<v Speaker 1>eighty abbeys and convents. The Catholic character of these lands

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<v Speaker 1>was protected by ecclesiastical reservation, but Ferdinand's separate declaration permitted

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<v Speaker 1>nobles in these territories to practice Lutheranism anyway. Protestant penetration

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<v Speaker 1>of cathedral chapters continued, especially since Lutheran princes and nobles

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<v Speaker 1>were not about to abandon the social and critically political

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<v Speaker 1>advantages that could be gained by service in the Imperial Church.

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<v Speaker 1>The fact that Luther had been prepared to accept the

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<v Speaker 1>idea of Protestant bishops by the fifteen forties provided theological

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<v Speaker 1>underpinnings for all of these princely and what were actually

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<v Speaker 1>secular ambitions to just take over church lands. Luther argued

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<v Speaker 1>that the ecclesiastical reservation was never part of the peace

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<v Speaker 1>since they had objected to it, and it did not

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<v Speaker 1>preclude a Catholic chapter from electing a Protestant as their bishop.

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<v Speaker 1>The Emperor dodged this issue by recognizing Protestants as administers

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<v Speaker 1>rather than acknowledging them as bishops. Basically, we're talking about

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<v Speaker 1>a name game here. The territories remain parts of the

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<v Speaker 1>Imperial Church, and their rulers just exercised any rights over

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<v Speaker 1>them as princes rather than clerics. This prevented complete secularization

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<v Speaker 1>and preserve the possibility that maybe in the next election,

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<v Speaker 1>the territory would return to Catholicism. It also suited the

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<v Speaker 1>Protestants who didn't want to actually annex these lands outright,

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<v Speaker 1>because that could extinguish their distinct representation in imperial institutions.

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<v Speaker 1>If you annexed a bishop brick that formerly had an elector,

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<v Speaker 1>then it wouldn't have an elector anymore, because that district

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<v Speaker 1>wouldn't exist, And that was the problem. Matters are going

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<v Speaker 1>to become pressing in this field only after fifteen eighty two,

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<v Speaker 1>because the number of ecclesiastical territories that fell under Protestant

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<v Speaker 1>administration started to threaten the Catholic majority in the reichs

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<v Speaker 1>Dog and in other administrative units. The secondary of uncertainty

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<v Speaker 1>were all those ecclesiastical properties that were within the territory

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<v Speaker 1>of a Lutheran prince but had not been incorporated into

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<v Speaker 1>territorial church property by fifteen fifty two. Princes were always

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<v Speaker 1>trying to take advantage of these lands and properties in

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<v Speaker 1>some way. Now generally I'm talking about monastic land here,

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<v Speaker 1>just so you know now. And the third issue was

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<v Speaker 1>the subject's religious freedoms themselves. There were more Catholic territories

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<v Speaker 1>with Lutheran minorities than vice versa. Thus, and not surprisingly,

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00:22:26.799 --> 00:22:32.079
<v Speaker 1>Catholics believed that Article nineteen meant that rulers could expel

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<v Speaker 1>the centers whenever they wanted, whereas Lutherans interpreted Article nineteen

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<v Speaker 1>as the individual having the right to leave and or.

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<v Speaker 2>Worship as they wanted.

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<v Speaker 1>These questions grew worse in the fifteen seventies as Catholic

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<v Speaker 1>rulers actively worked to stem the growth of Lutheranism within

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<v Speaker 1>their territories. The fundamental problem here with the Peace Treaty

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<v Speaker 1>the Peace Treaty of Augsburg is that it gave Utheran's

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<v Speaker 1>legal equality but left Catholics the political majority. The Emperor

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00:23:06.960 --> 00:23:10.039
<v Speaker 1>was seen as a mediator, not an adjudicator, and no

316
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<v Speaker 1>Lutheran was ever going to appeal to the Pope to

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<v Speaker 1>settle their dispute, so how Lutherans were supposed to deal

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<v Speaker 1>with legal persecution remained a bit of an unknown. The

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<v Speaker 1>Catholic position on the three Dubia was set out in

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<v Speaker 1>fifteen sixty six by Pope Pious the Fifth, who interpreted

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<v Speaker 1>the piece as a tactical, momentary concession the lesser evil

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<v Speaker 1>of toleration to avoid the greater evil of civil war

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<v Speaker 1>at a time when the Ottomans were right outside Christendom's

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<v Speaker 1>eastern flank. This perspective was repeated by Catholic commentators, including

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<v Speaker 1>Pope Pious the Twelfth on the anniversary of the Piece

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<v Speaker 1>all the Way in nineteen fifty five. However, this position

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<v Speaker 1>was open to both moderate and militant interpretations. Some saw

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<v Speaker 1>the piece as a fixed concession that left the Lutheransas

329
00:24:00.160 --> 00:24:04.759
<v Speaker 1>dissenting minority within a common legal framework. They were to

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<v Speaker 1>be tolerated for the greater good, but they weren't fully equal,

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<v Speaker 1>so they could never be given.

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<v Speaker 2>Additional political rights.

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<v Speaker 1>Many moderates went further, asserting that fifteen fifty five simply

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<v Speaker 1>set limits to Lutheranism, while allowing those who saw the

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<v Speaker 1>they would say, error of their ways to return to

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<v Speaker 1>the full faith. Change was possible in this model, but

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<v Speaker 1>only in the Catholic direction. More militants drew on the

338
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<v Speaker 1>Jesuit interpretation of the doctrine of lesser equal to argue

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<v Speaker 1>that fifteen fifty five had merely suspended the original ban

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<v Speaker 1>on Luther and his followers, which was pronounced in fifteen

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<v Speaker 1>twenty one. They derived some support for this interpretation from

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<v Speaker 1>Article twenty five that stated that the piece was supposed

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<v Speaker 1>to last only as long until the Theologians could resolve

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<v Speaker 1>their differences to Catholics. These matters had been settled by

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<v Speaker 1>the tried indeed decree of fifteen sixty four. Thus, both

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<v Speaker 1>moderns and militants found support and could see what they

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<v Speaker 1>wanted in the Imperial Law for the claims that they

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<v Speaker 1>were simply following the letter of the law of the

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<v Speaker 1>Piece of Augsburg. Protestants also based their position on the Piece,

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<v Speaker 1>and likewise clung to the hope that Christendom would be

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<v Speaker 1>preserved and that the schism was only temporary. However, to them,

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<v Speaker 1>fifteen fifty five represented the start, not the limit, of

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<v Speaker 1>the project to convince all Christians to embrace Luther's reform.

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<v Speaker 1>Calvinists believed they should be included too, since their faith

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<v Speaker 1>had sprung from the very Confession of Augsburg. Certainly, the

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<v Speaker 1>idea of resistance was present in Catholic thought, but given

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<v Speaker 1>its position as a minority, that impulse was very much

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<v Speaker 1>stronger in the Protestant ideology. Yet, generally speaking, early modern

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<v Speaker 1>European thinkers never supported the idea of armed resistance. The

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<v Speaker 1>shedding of blood was per se against the Ten Commandments.

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<v Speaker 1>Theologians supported the idea that obedience was important and that

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<v Speaker 1>doing so in a tyrannical situation was a test of faith. Lutherans,

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<v Speaker 1>for example, rejected the argument that Saint Bartholomewsday's massacre in

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<v Speaker 1>France had been an attack on all Protestants. To them,

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<v Speaker 1>it looked more like a French domestic political issue. Now

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<v Speaker 1>next week we turn specifically to Austria, which, as the

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<v Speaker 1>home base for the Habsburgs, plays a decisive role in

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<v Speaker 1>the conflict to come. As always, if you've enjoyed the show,

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<v Speaker 1>there are two key ways that you can support everything

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<v Speaker 1>that we're doing here. One is to click the link

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<v Speaker 1>in the show notes to Western CIV two point zero

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00:26:46.000 --> 00:26:48.160
<v Speaker 1>and get a free seven day trial to check out

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<v Speaker 1>what we're doing over there. And the other is, of course,

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00:26:50.799 --> 00:26:54.240
<v Speaker 1>to simply leave a rating or review. It increases the

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<v Speaker 1>chance that other people will be able to find the program,

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<v Speaker 1>and I truly appreciate it.
