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<v Speaker 1>Hi everyone. As you might know, we don't get any

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<v Speaker 1>free episodes, bonus podcast episodes, and two exclusive Patreon only

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<v Speaker 1>podcast series, Fireside Chats and Radical Reads. So here's a

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<v Speaker 1>little preview of our latest Patreon only episode. You can

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<v Speaker 1>join us, help support our work and listen to the

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<v Speaker 1>full episode today at patreon dot com slash working class

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<v Speaker 1>History link in the show notes.

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<v Speaker 2>As we come margin Martin and the Beauty of the Day,

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<v Speaker 2>A million dark in kegeens one thousand mil last grade

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<v Speaker 2>are branden by the beauty. His Sun Sun discloses the

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<v Speaker 2>papal hereusden Roses Roses.

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<v Speaker 3>In two thousand and six, there was a big campaign

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<v Speaker 3>that got a lot of international attention because the ACF two,

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<v Speaker 3>in a very short period of time, set up union

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<v Speaker 3>branches in every Walmart store in China. And this is

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<v Speaker 3>something American unions had been trying to do for a

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<v Speaker 3>while and had failed. So people are very excited about this,

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<v Speaker 3>and I actually did some research into one of the

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<v Speaker 3>consequences of this, and just one example in a store

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<v Speaker 3>in nan Chung, which is the capital of Chiongxi Province,

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<v Speaker 3>they had these elections, they set up a union, and

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<v Speaker 3>they actually had a reasonably democratic election. They elected a

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<v Speaker 3>guy who was very interesting and who really wanted to

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<v Speaker 3>push management on just some basic workplace stuff. He wasn't

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<v Speaker 3>organizing to overthrow the Communist Party or anything. He had

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<v Speaker 3>a few successes, and then very quickly the higher levels

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<v Speaker 3>of the union got anxious because they saw that he

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<v Speaker 3>was kind of stirring up trouble and was making them

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<v Speaker 3>a little bit nervous. He got fired and pushed out

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<v Speaker 3>with the consent of the higher levels of the union.

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<v Speaker 3>So I think that that's just one example that demonstrates

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<v Speaker 3>some of the limitations. Even in those cases where you

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<v Speaker 3>can have some sort of an election and someone who's

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<v Speaker 3>going to fight a little bit, there's real institutional.

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<v Speaker 4>Constraints given that the ACF T you on the whole,

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<v Speaker 4>isn't organizing struggle. What forms do work as struggles in

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<v Speaker 4>China usually take then, and kind of how does the

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<v Speaker 4>state relate to those struggles.

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<v Speaker 5>I think there is we're often a tendency to think

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<v Speaker 5>China is exceptional. It's political institutions, it's political culture, et cetera,

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<v Speaker 5>et cetera, and we're often you know, what's happening in

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<v Speaker 5>China is counterposed to sort of idealized version of the West,

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<v Speaker 5>if you will. So there's an idealized version of what

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<v Speaker 5>a union should be doing to fighting union very cross

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<v Speaker 5>so it's very radical, non bureaucratic. But actually that's now

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<v Speaker 5>the the reality of most larger unions in Asia, in Europe,

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<v Speaker 5>in North America, rights mostly bureaucratic, very top down. Union

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<v Speaker 5>organizers are overworks, not given much resources, They are highly

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<v Speaker 5>repressed or highly retarded against in workplace organizing. So I

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<v Speaker 5>think this is actually very important point that we should

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<v Speaker 5>be aware of in terms of not making that look

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<v Speaker 5>like that's the exception to some kind of idealized image

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<v Speaker 5>of whatever democracy. So society, unions, workers, etc. To your question, So,

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<v Speaker 5>for most of the last thirty years, striking China have

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<v Speaker 5>been almost entirely organized by workers themselves or by workers

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<v Speaker 5>working in those workplaces. Of course, independent unions are not

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<v Speaker 5>allowed or criminalized. So if you'll try to organize an

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<v Speaker 5>independent union, the chances are you'll be arrested. I think

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<v Speaker 5>maybe waitin a few days. There are small labor and

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<v Speaker 5>jills you can think of themselves, worker centers of a

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<v Speaker 5>few staff, interesting in labor rights, skilled trainings, auvacracy. I

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<v Speaker 5>think a small number of them do try to assist

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<v Speaker 5>workers in organizing, but they are you know, very small

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<v Speaker 5>and very fragmented, and I don't think they are you know,

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<v Speaker 5>for most of the workers they're organizing, their strikes are

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<v Speaker 5>organized entirely by themselves. And this is you know, what

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<v Speaker 5>we normally call wildcat strikes, that these strikes are that

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<v Speaker 5>are not organized by officially by tue unions. But again

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<v Speaker 5>here I think I want to make this point that

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<v Speaker 5>we talk about wildcat strike as the exception to the

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<v Speaker 5>more conventional sort of union organized strike. But I think

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<v Speaker 5>if you look globally, WorldCat strikes may be the norm

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<v Speaker 5>rather than the exception, because they're very actually very few

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<v Speaker 5>union organized strikes almost anywhere, and I think in China

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<v Speaker 5>in many other places in Asia, so called wildcare strikes

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<v Speaker 5>actually are the normal kind of strikes where workers entirely

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<v Speaker 5>organize their own own actions. And as cause this for

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<v Speaker 5>simple reasons that either the unions are stay controlled in

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<v Speaker 5>the case of China or Vietnam, so they do not

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<v Speaker 5>organize workers, they do not support workers strikes, or because

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<v Speaker 5>the union are very pro management, or they are in

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<v Speaker 5>this kind of union management cooperation framework, or just there's

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<v Speaker 5>no union. Again, it's the case for I think, for

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<v Speaker 5>the majority of the workforce globally, where they never see

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<v Speaker 5>any union in their workplace. So it's interesting to see

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<v Speaker 5>this kind of very direct formal confrontation between labor and

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<v Speaker 5>capital without the mediating role of the union. And I

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<v Speaker 5>think if we again thinking critically about the role of

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<v Speaker 5>the union in capitalists libert democracies, often their role is

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<v Speaker 5>not to push the struggle forward structurally or institutionally. Their

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<v Speaker 5>goal is now to transcend or go beyond capitalism. Their

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<v Speaker 5>the roal is to mediate the interests of labor and

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<v Speaker 5>capital in some way. They of course they would push

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<v Speaker 5>for the interest workers, but they will necessarily have to

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<v Speaker 5>make compromises, Whereas when workers and capital are in this

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<v Speaker 5>direct confrontation, there's no mediation, and this kind of confrontation

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<v Speaker 5>actually see in law cases in China over the last

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<v Speaker 5>twenty thirty years, workers end up winning their demands. There

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<v Speaker 5>also some problem with it in terms of the after

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<v Speaker 5>twenty thirty years, you don't you still don't see you

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<v Speaker 5>mass tree union, movement of mass workers organizations. So that's

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<v Speaker 5>another aspect of this. But in terms of winning actually

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<v Speaker 5>this kind of direct form of worker theybor capital confrontation,

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<v Speaker 5>actually end up being favorite workers in a lot of cases.

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<v Speaker 5>And two questions about the state approach to labor and

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<v Speaker 5>workers struggle, and I think again here is sort of

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<v Speaker 5>undergone several phases, if well, since the nineteen nineties. I

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<v Speaker 5>think for most of the nineteen nineties, the trans state

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<v Speaker 5>didn't really treat these megro workers very seriously because you know,

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<v Speaker 5>for the first ten years or so, ten to fifteen

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<v Speaker 5>years or so of this rural migration to the cities,

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<v Speaker 5>I think the trans government and I think a lot

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<v Speaker 5>of people in public think they are just transient, right,

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<v Speaker 5>So that's why they're called rural mecro workers. They will

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<v Speaker 5>come to the state for work for maybe ten months,

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<v Speaker 5>nine months, and ten months, they go back for a

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<v Speaker 5>chance in a year for a couple of months, and

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<v Speaker 5>maybe after several years they are enough money in the

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<v Speaker 5>city and they will just go back to the countryside

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<v Speaker 5>and settle so the traditional image of workers is that

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<v Speaker 5>of stay owned state sector industrial workers, and those so

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<v Speaker 5>called pithon workers, that's kind of their names in Chinese

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<v Speaker 5>are just hybrid pithon workers. But maybe the pison part

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<v Speaker 5>was even more important than the worker part. So they

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<v Speaker 5>really just tries. They didn't take workers right very seriously

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<v Speaker 5>until workers start to protest more and more and you

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<v Speaker 5>start to see the rise of workers protests and strikes

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<v Speaker 5>late two thousands and early tens, where again, as I mentioned,

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<v Speaker 5>there are thousands and probably tens of thousands strikes a year,

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<v Speaker 5>and that's when the trans governments start to realize they

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<v Speaker 5>have to find some way to deal with class conflict.

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<v Speaker 5>And there are of course two sides to it. One

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<v Speaker 5>is depression. If you are a very high profile worker leader,

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<v Speaker 5>you may be highrassed, you may be attacked, assaulted, or

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<v Speaker 5>you may be jailed. But there is also other part

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<v Speaker 5>of that which is more consolidatory, and there's parts to that,

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<v Speaker 5>minds legislation. So trying to in the eight to the

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<v Speaker 5>nine start to implement pro labor legislations, labor contract laws,

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<v Speaker 5>laws on mediation and arbitration, and actually those are if

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<v Speaker 5>they are implemented, are actually quite in favor workers. And

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<v Speaker 5>then there's other part, which is the XFT you and

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<v Speaker 5>state state institution that actually start to play a mediating

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<v Speaker 5>growth because they see labor and capital confy had to

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<v Speaker 5>mediate in some way, so they start to implement with

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<v Speaker 5>institution reform in order to mediate. And then the final

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<v Speaker 5>part of this is it changed again in the second

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<v Speaker 5>half of the twenty tents, where I think the trands

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<v Speaker 5>state revert back to a more repressive kind of approach.

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<v Speaker 5>So they start to shut down labor and jails their

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<v Speaker 5>rights and put very harsh surveillance on worker organizers and

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<v Speaker 5>regularly harass, you know, anyone would try to do anything

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<v Speaker 5>to do its labor, and so you began to see

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<v Speaker 5>kind of much more exclusionary of the world and much

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<v Speaker 5>more repressive approach by the state to the working class.

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<v Speaker 4>Yeah, you've both actually kind of touched already onto the

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<v Speaker 4>next section that I wanted to talk about, But I

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<v Speaker 4>wonder if you might particularly of this sort of two

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<v Speaker 4>thousand twenty tens periods, could you maybe talk about any

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<v Speaker 4>particular struggles which seem kind of emblematic of that period.

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<v Speaker 3>I think the most famous strike from this period is

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<v Speaker 3>the twenty ten Honda strike. And this took place after

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<v Speaker 3>the economic crisis two thousand and eight, which had a

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<v Speaker 3>big impact in China, and you had about twenty million

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<v Speaker 3>migrant workers that lost their job. But in contrast to

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<v Speaker 3>what was happening in western countries, China really resumed growth

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<v Speaker 3>quite quickly, and so you see a period of high

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<v Speaker 3>speed growth, but also growth in wages and a really

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<v Speaker 3>severe tightening of the labor market that's happening in this

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<v Speaker 3>period of time, which gives workers some kind of structural

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<v Speaker 3>advantages that they may might have been enjoying quite as

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<v Speaker 3>much before. So in twenty ten, you have this factory.

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<v Speaker 3>It's in a city close to Guangzhou in southern China,

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<v Speaker 3>wholly owned by Honda, just producing transmissions, and it's in

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<v Speaker 3>the city of nan High and a strike happened. It

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<v Speaker 3>was just organized a small group of workers from Hunan

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<v Speaker 3>Province who had trust with each other, and they stopped

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<v Speaker 3>working in the transmission assembly workshop of the transmission plant,

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<v Speaker 3>and very quickly thereafter the other workshops had to stop

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<v Speaker 3>because of this kind of just in time production, and

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<v Speaker 3>so they couldn't proceed, and within a matter of days,

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<v Speaker 3>Honda's entire supply chain within China was shut down and

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<v Speaker 3>the company was losing I think tens of millions of

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<v Speaker 3>dollars every day, So it had a huge national and

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<v Speaker 3>international impact. And the thing that was really interesting, there's

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<v Speaker 3>a number of things that were really interesting about this.

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<v Speaker 3>The first was that workers were very militant and they

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<v Speaker 3>were very insistent, not just on having the laws implemented,

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<v Speaker 3>but they were demanding to have a wage increase above

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<v Speaker 3>and beyond what they were legally entitled to, which was

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<v Speaker 3>something of a departure from the dynamics of labor unrest

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<v Speaker 3>that we had seen previously. Right, workers are on the offensive,

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<v Speaker 3>but they weren't just demanding economic gains. They were also

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<v Speaker 3>demanding unionization. They didn't like the union officers that existed there,

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<v Speaker 3>and they wanted to be able to directly elect their

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<v Speaker 3>own union representatives. That showed a kind of higher level

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<v Speaker 3>of political consciousness that was beginning to develop at the time.

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<v Speaker 3>They also had At this point, it was kind of

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<v Speaker 3>the most developed that Chinese civil society was, and so

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<v Speaker 3>there was support from NGOs in the area as well

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<v Speaker 3>as kind of pro labor a student and academics who

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<v Speaker 3>were in the area. And it's worth noting that at

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<v Speaker 3>following previous patterns, the union organized directly against them, and

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<v Speaker 3>in fact, the union organized a bunch of thugs to

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<v Speaker 3>go and try and break the strike. So it was

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<v Speaker 3>a very, very kind of nasty, but the workers want

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<v Speaker 3>They got a huge wage increase, they were promised that

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<v Speaker 3>they'd be able to elect their own union representatives. Ultimately

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<v Speaker 3>that that ended with a lot of frustration, but a

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<v Speaker 3>process was initiated, and they did so with support from

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<v Speaker 3>the much from the provincial level of the union federation,

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<v Speaker 3>who saw this as maybe an example that they could

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<v Speaker 3>use to begin to develop some sort of system of

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<v Speaker 3>more regularized labor relations. The other thing that happened is

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<v Speaker 3>it got a lot of coverage. Chinese media was also

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<v Speaker 3>more open at the time, and there was a strike

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<v Speaker 3>wave in the auto industry, and you had many other

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<v Speaker 3>plants in the region and around the country that were

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<v Speaker 3>going on strike at that period of time, and all

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<v Speaker 3>of them basically were winning big wage increases. That was

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<v Speaker 3>the moment that Kevin and I were very involved in

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<v Speaker 3>a lot of the activism that was happening there, and

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<v Speaker 3>I think was the most optimistic period. Very shortly thereafter,

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<v Speaker 3>you begin to see growing repression and less willingness to compromise,

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<v Speaker 3>both on the part of state and capital.

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<v Speaker 4>I also remember that periods as a real period of

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<v Speaker 4>not even just in China really, but you know that

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<v Speaker 4>kind of early twenty tens international an the austerity movements

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<v Speaker 4>and things like that, and seeing workers in China go

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<v Speaker 4>on huge strikes as they were at the time, it

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<v Speaker 4>sort of felt like it was all part of a

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<v Speaker 4>growing internationalism that was coming back around again. Your book

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<v Speaker 4>actually also goes into a lot about the crisis in

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<v Speaker 4>social reproduction and specifically you know how that crisis affects women.

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<v Speaker 4>Could you maybe just give a brief explanation of what

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<v Speaker 4>you mean by social reproduction and what its crisis in

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<v Speaker 4>China actually looks like.

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<v Speaker 3>Sure, So, social reproduction we think about as the maintenance

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<v Speaker 3>and the regeneration of social life on both a daily

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<v Speaker 3>and an intergenerational basis. Right, So, these are the provision

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<v Speaker 3>of all the things that people need to survive biologically

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<v Speaker 3>but also to survive socially. Right, So, you need house,

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<v Speaker 3>you need clothing, you need food, you need healthcare, et cetera.

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<v Speaker 3>But you also need some time work to be able

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<v Speaker 3>to spend time with your family. Whoever you might care

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<v Speaker 3>for and love and to be able to live a

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<v Speaker 3>kind of a dignified and meaningful life. And again, this

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<v Speaker 3>is a process that happens on kind of a daily basis,

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<v Speaker 3>but also intergenerationally between parents and children. And China's experiencing

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<v Speaker 3>a severe crisis of social reproduction. It's one again to

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<v Speaker 3>come back to a theme that we've touched on several

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<v Speaker 3>times already. It's one that very closely mirrors things that

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<v Speaker 3>are happening in lots of other countries, and I think

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<v Speaker 3>it's another opportunity to kind of de exceptionalize China. The

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<v Speaker 3>headline number that you can use to kind of understand

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<v Speaker 3>this crisis of social reproduction is the falling fertility rates.

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<v Speaker 3>And if you look at fertility rates in China over

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<v Speaker 3>the last forty years, they have dropped, and they've dropped

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<v Speaker 3>really precipitously just in the last few years. Now. People

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<v Speaker 3>might know about the so called one child policy that

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<v Speaker 3>was enacted for the eighties nineties into the twenty tens,

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<v Speaker 3>and of course that somewhat you know, artificially depressed the

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<v Speaker 3>fertility rate, and there was a lot of human rights

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<v Speaker 3>violations that came along with that, forced abortions for civilizations

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<v Speaker 3>and things of that nature. But one of the things

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<v Speaker 3>that I think is really surprised demographers but also really

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<v Speaker 3>surprised the state, is that once they've lifted in essence,

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<v Speaker 3>they've ended that there's now nominally a three child policy,

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<v Speaker 3>but you can have as many kids as you want. Actually,

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<v Speaker 3>the fertility rate has continued to crater right, and so

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<v Speaker 3>now it's right around one, which means that it is

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<v Speaker 3>lower than It's much lower than the United States. It's

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<v Speaker 3>lower than most of Western Europe, although I believe Southern

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<v Speaker 3>European countries Italy, Spain might be a little bit lower.

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<v Speaker 3>And it's in league with the place that have the

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<v Speaker 3>lowest fertility rates in the world, places like Taiwan, South Korea.

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<v Speaker 3>It's lower than Japan now, I believe. And this is

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<v Speaker 3>just kind of an indicator, right about how people are

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<v Speaker 3>feeling about bringing children into the world. And there's a

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<v Speaker 3>lot of reasons that people are anxious about it. And

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<v Speaker 3>some of it may be the political instability, some of

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<v Speaker 3>it may be climate change, but there's other explanations which

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<v Speaker 3>are basically it is very hard to bring children into

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<v Speaker 3>the world because all the things that you need to survive,

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<v Speaker 3>including critically housing, education, health care. Those are the big ones,

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<v Speaker 3>but also we should include elder care in there have

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<v Speaker 3>become much much more difficult for Chinese people to organize

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<v Speaker 3>as they have been marketized, as the cost has increased

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<v Speaker 3>a really dramatically, and you know, with respect to the

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<v Speaker 3>question of elder care, China is now a rapidly aging society.

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<v Speaker 3>So if you are a single person of childbearing Asian,

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<v Speaker 3>your your twenties, thirties, whatever, and you're thinking about having

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<v Speaker 3>a child, well, first of all, you have to think

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<v Speaker 3>about taking care of your aging parents. And there is

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<v Speaker 3>definitely not adequate facilities for elder care in China, which

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<v Speaker 3>again doesn't make it at all exceptional in the world.

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<v Speaker 3>And as the costs for all these other things have

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<v Speaker 3>gone up, that's going to really give you pop. Now

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<v Speaker 3>it's really important to note, of course, the gender dynamics

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<v Speaker 3>of this, because the expectation in China, as an all

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<v Speaker 3>patriarchal societies, is that women are going to take on

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<v Speaker 3>all of the labor or almost all of the labor

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<v Speaker 3>that's associated with social reproduction, with caring for children, with

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<v Speaker 3>caring for older people, etc. And one of the things

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<v Speaker 3>that that makes trein actually pretty exceptional is that, in

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<v Speaker 3>contrast to global trends, the gender pay gap between men

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<v Speaker 3>and women has actually been getting bigger in China over

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<v Speaker 3>the last forty years.

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<v Speaker 4>Now.

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<v Speaker 3>That's actually, I think more of a comment of the

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<v Speaker 3>progress that was made in the male era, where the

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<v Speaker 3>pay gap was very very small, almost non existent, not

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<v Speaker 3>non existent, but very small, and it is wide and

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<v Speaker 3>significantly and so now it's much more similar to other

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<v Speaker 3>capitalist countries. One of the ways that they've tried to

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<v Speaker 3>resolve this, and here you can see that it's not

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<v Speaker 3>just a kind of a gender form of gender oppression,

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<v Speaker 3>but there's other forms of social hierarchy involved, is by

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<v Speaker 3>trying to push those costs of social reproduction specifically onto

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<v Speaker 3>rural women. How does that work well, is you can

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<v Speaker 3>see the fiscal reorganization of the state, which has really

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<v Speaker 3>undermined the basis of social reproduction and rural areas and

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<v Speaker 3>created this big urban bias, right so that people so

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<v Speaker 3>that women in rural areas and especially grandparents in rural

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<v Speaker 3>areas have to take on a disproportionate share of child

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<v Speaker 3>rearing while the young, younger people are out working in

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<v Speaker 3>the cities. And so you have a kind of reorganization

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<v Speaker 3>of the family structure in rural areas where it's almost

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<v Speaker 3>the norm in many places to have grandparents looking after

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<v Speaker 3>children while the parents are way that's hard work, especially

334
00:18:32.200 --> 00:18:34.160
<v Speaker 3>you're going to do your sixties, seventies and even eighties.

335
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<v Speaker 3>It's hard work to look after children. And then the

336
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<v Speaker 3>other way that it works is by bringing domestic workers

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<v Speaker 3>into relatively well off urban households. And the domestic workers,

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<v Speaker 3>in contrast to most places in the world, are not

339
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<v Speaker 3>sourced from elsewhere in the Global South. Y're sourced from

340
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<v Speaker 3>rural China, right, So almost all of the domestic workers nannies, etc.

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<v Speaker 3>Come from rural China to urban China, and they are

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<v Speaker 3>paid substandard wages to essentially make the lives of urban

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<v Speaker 3>women somewhat easier. It's not to say that urban women

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<v Speaker 3>themselves don't face all kinds of struggles, but that's the

345
00:19:06.359 --> 00:19:08.640
<v Speaker 3>way they've tried to balance it, and it hasn't worked

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<v Speaker 3>right because, you know, some people think about it as

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<v Speaker 3>like a reproductive strike. Women are not willing to have children,

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<v Speaker 3>and this has created great anxiety on the part of

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<v Speaker 3>the country's patriarchs in the Communist Party this past year

350
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<v Speaker 3>over the lunar New Year holiday, the government announced that

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<v Speaker 3>they were putting a ban on sort of online discussion

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<v Speaker 3>that was opposed to marriage or opposed to childbirth, basically

353
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<v Speaker 3>telling people no, no, no, like it's you know, it's

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<v Speaker 3>your patriotic duty to get married and to have children,

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<v Speaker 3>but it is not working so far. Yeah.

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<v Speaker 4>I think there's a part of your book where you've

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<v Speaker 4>got this really interesting quote from Hijin where he talks about,

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<v Speaker 4>you know, it is the women's task to strike a

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<v Speaker 4>balance between family and work and to take up social

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<v Speaker 4>responsibilities while contributing to their families. It's so in keeping

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<v Speaker 4>with actually quite a lot of the the sort of

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<v Speaker 4>patriarchal discourse that we're getting from, you know, the resurgent

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<v Speaker 4>kind of right across the West. It's quite striking, and

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<v Speaker 4>I wonder if as part of that de exceptionalizing China

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<v Speaker 4>that we've talked about, maybe there are other kind of parallels,

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<v Speaker 4>things like I think you talk about restrictions on abortion,

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<v Speaker 4>restrictions on LGBTQ rights, and actually this experience of migrant

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<v Speaker 4>women workers as kind of domestic help, you know, which

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<v Speaker 4>is kind of famous in you know, the sort of

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<v Speaker 4>the big wealthy cities London or New York, Paris and

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<v Speaker 4>things like that, where often it would be women from

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<v Speaker 4>like you said, from the global South who come to

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<v Speaker 4>do this work. In China, it's women from rural China. Again,

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<v Speaker 4>it really feels like there are these really strong parallels

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<v Speaker 4>of the gender regime of China with a lot of

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<v Speaker 4>Western countries. Does that feel fair or is that like

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<v Speaker 4>a fair comparison?

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<v Speaker 3>I think it's extremely fair. So, just to pick up

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<v Speaker 3>on a couple of points that you made, if you

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<v Speaker 3>think about how I'll just talk about the United States,

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<v Speaker 3>the country that I know best. If you look at

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<v Speaker 3>how our country has tried to solve the crisis of

383
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<v Speaker 3>social reproduction. For let's say, middle class and elite urban people,

384
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<v Speaker 3>what is the hinterland that they can draw on. Well,

385
00:21:26.400 --> 00:21:29.240
<v Speaker 3>if you're in Los Angeles, your hinterland is Mexico or

386
00:21:29.240 --> 00:21:32.160
<v Speaker 3>the Philippines, right, And you bring in domestic workers, you

387
00:21:32.240 --> 00:21:34.880
<v Speaker 3>bring in nannies, you bring in elder care workers, you

388
00:21:35.000 --> 00:21:39.640
<v Speaker 3>bring in nurses from those places at depressed wages. Sociologists

389
00:21:39.640 --> 00:21:42.519
<v Speaker 3>talk about these care chains, right, which is to try

390
00:21:42.559 --> 00:21:45.839
<v Speaker 3>to understand that the global dynamics of this, if those

391
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<v Speaker 3>people are coming from the Philippines or from Mexico or

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<v Speaker 3>from elsewhere in Latin America to Los Angeles. That means

393
00:21:51.079 --> 00:21:55.160
<v Speaker 3>that they're leaving behind their own care responsibilities in their

394
00:21:55.200 --> 00:21:59.000
<v Speaker 3>own country, right, which means it's similar to chrya. Oftentimes

395
00:21:59.039 --> 00:22:02.319
<v Speaker 3>you know elder people, you know grandparents that have to

396
00:22:02.359 --> 00:22:05.039
<v Speaker 3>look after kids, and of course there's the emotional cost

397
00:22:05.119 --> 00:22:07.039
<v Speaker 3>of being away from your children for you know, key

398
00:22:07.160 --> 00:22:10.960
<v Speaker 3>years of their development which cannot be quantified. So in

399
00:22:11.240 --> 00:22:13.000
<v Speaker 3>that sense, I think we just have to think about

400
00:22:13.119 --> 00:22:15.519
<v Speaker 3>these these kind of global cities and what their hinter

401
00:22:15.640 --> 00:22:18.640
<v Speaker 3>lends are, and in China, I think for people outside

402
00:22:18.640 --> 00:22:22.000
<v Speaker 3>of the country can sometimes be hard to understand the

403
00:22:22.160 --> 00:22:26.240
<v Speaker 3>way that the Chinese countryside functions as that hinterland, and

404
00:22:26.359 --> 00:22:28.519
<v Speaker 3>that there are similar kinds of restrictions even in terms

405
00:22:28.559 --> 00:22:33.440
<v Speaker 3>of citizenship as institutionalized through the household registration system that

406
00:22:33.519 --> 00:22:35.839
<v Speaker 3>they call Huko. It's very similar to the way that

407
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<v Speaker 3>I think global cities in western countries will draw on

408
00:22:39.119 --> 00:22:42.839
<v Speaker 3>different kinds of hinterlands in the global South. With respect

409
00:22:42.839 --> 00:22:47.079
<v Speaker 3>to the question of LGBTQ and kind of queer rights

410
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<v Speaker 3>within China today, you know, to me, there's just so

411
00:22:50.839 --> 00:22:54.680
<v Speaker 3>much overlap with what the right wing extremists in Western

412
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<v Speaker 3>countries are trying to accomplish and what China already has

413
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<v Speaker 3>accomplished in a sense, right like Donald Trump just wants

414
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<v Speaker 3>to get up to the speed that China's already at. Right,

415
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<v Speaker 3>And I think that there's a way in which the

416
00:23:05.279 --> 00:23:08.279
<v Speaker 3>right feels like in Western countries feels like they've missed

417
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<v Speaker 3>the boat. You know, we already have gay marriage, and

418
00:23:10.599 --> 00:23:13.039
<v Speaker 3>now they have to attack trans people to make sure

419
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<v Speaker 3>that they don't kind of lose out on that and

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<v Speaker 3>that they don't lose the next generation. I think, you know,

421
00:23:17.160 --> 00:23:19.279
<v Speaker 3>in China, there's no gay marriage. There's not going to

422
00:23:19.359 --> 00:23:22.480
<v Speaker 3>be gay marriage anytime soon. I can guarantee you that

423
00:23:22.839 --> 00:23:26.759
<v Speaker 3>there's been a concerted attack on queer groups, even very

424
00:23:26.839 --> 00:23:28.880
<v Speaker 3>mild ones, you know, these kind of like student groups

425
00:23:28.920 --> 00:23:32.319
<v Speaker 3>that are there to provide emotional support for people. You know,

426
00:23:32.440 --> 00:23:35.480
<v Speaker 3>coming out is very difficult in China, as in all contacts,

427
00:23:36.079 --> 00:23:40.039
<v Speaker 3>those kinds of groups have been under attack. And you know,

428
00:23:40.200 --> 00:23:42.400
<v Speaker 3>to say nothing of trans rights, like that's not even

429
00:23:42.480 --> 00:23:45.160
<v Speaker 3>remotely part of a discussion in China, because I think

430
00:23:45.240 --> 00:23:50.640
<v Speaker 3>people understand that it's not possible, and with this increased hysteria,

431
00:23:50.720 --> 00:23:54.039
<v Speaker 3>really about the following following fertility rate. Of course, it

432
00:23:54.119 --> 00:23:58.480
<v Speaker 3>is disproportionately following falling on women and CIS women, because

433
00:23:58.519 --> 00:24:01.680
<v Speaker 3>that's just numerically a larger people. But there's no question

434
00:24:02.160 --> 00:24:05.759
<v Speaker 3>that it is also enhancing discrimination against queer people, against

435
00:24:05.799 --> 00:24:08.920
<v Speaker 3>trans people, because they're not going to be reproducing in

436
00:24:09.000 --> 00:24:10.599
<v Speaker 3>the way that the state demands of them. And if

437
00:24:10.640 --> 00:24:13.240
<v Speaker 3>that is your kind of overriding political aim, then it's

438
00:24:13.279 --> 00:24:17.880
<v Speaker 3>going to have those very clear and kind of heteronormative consequences.

439
00:24:18.319 --> 00:24:20.039
<v Speaker 3>You know. The last point on abortion, because this in

440
00:24:20.160 --> 00:24:22.319
<v Speaker 3>China is a huge, huge issue. Of course, I already

441
00:24:22.359 --> 00:24:24.920
<v Speaker 3>mentioned the one child policy and the forced abortions and

442
00:24:24.960 --> 00:24:27.119
<v Speaker 3>things like that. There was I think some fear for

443
00:24:27.200 --> 00:24:28.960
<v Speaker 3>a while that they were going to flip in the

444
00:24:29.000 --> 00:24:32.759
<v Speaker 3>other direction because there is this kind of like extreme

445
00:24:32.839 --> 00:24:36.359
<v Speaker 3>polarization and how the Chinese state has approached a childbirth.

446
00:24:36.440 --> 00:24:39.119
<v Speaker 3>You know, from the late nineteen seventies on, they're basically saying,

447
00:24:39.160 --> 00:24:40.599
<v Speaker 3>we have you know, we have too many people. We

448
00:24:40.720 --> 00:24:42.960
<v Speaker 3>really really have to restrain it. And they're saying that

449
00:24:43.079 --> 00:24:45.200
<v Speaker 3>up until whatever it was in the mid twenty tens,

450
00:24:45.200 --> 00:24:46.799
<v Speaker 3>and then they're saying, wow, we don't have enough people.

451
00:24:46.880 --> 00:24:48.920
<v Speaker 3>We got to force everyone to have more children, and

452
00:24:49.079 --> 00:24:52.559
<v Speaker 3>so people thinking that rather than making abortion widely available

453
00:24:52.599 --> 00:24:54.960
<v Speaker 3>and sometimes coercive, that they were going to go in

454
00:24:55.000 --> 00:24:56.359
<v Speaker 3>the other direction and say, no, you're not going to

455
00:24:56.359 --> 00:24:58.160
<v Speaker 3>be allowed to have an abortion. And you know, there

456
00:24:58.200 --> 00:25:01.240
<v Speaker 3>were some statements from the state based saying well, you know,

457
00:25:01.599 --> 00:25:05.119
<v Speaker 3>we shouldn't be doing abortion if it's not medically necessary,

458
00:25:05.359 --> 00:25:08.039
<v Speaker 3>and you know, doctors maybe trying to kind of counsel

459
00:25:08.119 --> 00:25:11.480
<v Speaker 3>women out of having abortions if they don't deem it

460
00:25:11.559 --> 00:25:15.000
<v Speaker 3>to be medically necessary. So far, we haven't seen evidence

461
00:25:15.079 --> 00:25:18.240
<v Speaker 3>that there are intensive restrictions on abortions, and that's a

462
00:25:18.240 --> 00:25:20.279
<v Speaker 3>good thing, but I do think that it's something to

463
00:25:20.359 --> 00:25:21.359
<v Speaker 3>watch out for for sure.

464
00:25:21.759 --> 00:25:24.359
<v Speaker 4>So given all of that, could you speak a little

465
00:25:24.359 --> 00:25:28.720
<v Speaker 4>bit about how feminist organizing in China who has developed,

466
00:25:29.039 --> 00:25:33.039
<v Speaker 4>and maybe its responses to these kinds of pressures of

467
00:25:33.200 --> 00:25:34.200
<v Speaker 4>this gender regime.

468
00:25:34.640 --> 00:25:36.640
<v Speaker 3>You know, there's been a lot of really impressive and

469
00:25:36.759 --> 00:25:41.200
<v Speaker 3>inspiring organizing done by feminists. Most people mark the beginning

470
00:25:41.279 --> 00:25:45.319
<v Speaker 3>of the modern phase of feminist organizing, distinguishing it from

471
00:25:45.599 --> 00:25:47.279
<v Speaker 3>some of the important advances but also some of the

472
00:25:47.319 --> 00:25:49.599
<v Speaker 3>problems that existed in the MA era. Most people mark

473
00:25:49.640 --> 00:25:52.519
<v Speaker 3>the beginning of the kind of modern contemporary phase to

474
00:25:52.559 --> 00:25:57.119
<v Speaker 3>nineteen ninety five when the UN held their Women's Conference

475
00:25:57.240 --> 00:26:01.519
<v Speaker 3>in Beijing. This was a big event. Famously, Clinton went there,

476
00:26:01.839 --> 00:26:05.119
<v Speaker 3>and you know, there's things to be I think dismissive of,

477
00:26:05.440 --> 00:26:09.240
<v Speaker 3>certainly with Hillary Clinton and with the UN. But one

478
00:26:09.240 --> 00:26:10.839
<v Speaker 3>of the things that a lot of feminists say in

479
00:26:11.000 --> 00:26:14.319
<v Speaker 3>China is that this really brought attention and gave legitimacy

480
00:26:14.759 --> 00:26:17.960
<v Speaker 3>to women's rights as a kind of a distinct issue

481
00:26:18.240 --> 00:26:20.000
<v Speaker 3>and an issue that couldn't just be left alone to

482
00:26:20.200 --> 00:26:22.319
<v Speaker 3>the al China Women's Federation, which is the kind of

483
00:26:22.720 --> 00:26:26.920
<v Speaker 3>the official body for representing women's interests, and its problematic

484
00:26:27.279 --> 00:26:29.519
<v Speaker 3>in all sorts of ways. So after nineteen ninety five,

485
00:26:29.559 --> 00:26:31.559
<v Speaker 3>you actually do see the growth of a kind of

486
00:26:31.599 --> 00:26:35.680
<v Speaker 3>civil society organizations working on different kinds of women's rights issues,

487
00:26:36.480 --> 00:26:38.680
<v Speaker 3>and that is a really important foundation for the things

488
00:26:38.759 --> 00:26:42.160
<v Speaker 3>that came afterwards. We begin to see some more to

489
00:26:42.279 --> 00:26:46.119
<v Speaker 3>me and to many of my comrades, more interesting organizing

490
00:26:46.240 --> 00:26:48.440
<v Speaker 3>that happened in the twenty tens at the same time

491
00:26:48.519 --> 00:26:51.160
<v Speaker 3>that this kind of more interesting labor organizing was happening

492
00:26:51.200 --> 00:26:52.480
<v Speaker 3>in In fact, a lot of times there's a lot

493
00:26:52.480 --> 00:26:54.200
<v Speaker 3>of overlap between the people and the labor and the

494
00:26:54.279 --> 00:26:59.119
<v Speaker 3>feminist world, not coincidentally, and there was a famous event

495
00:26:59.799 --> 00:27:03.839
<v Speaker 3>in twenty fifteen where you had a bunch of feminists

496
00:27:04.160 --> 00:27:07.160
<v Speaker 3>who were organizing against domestic abuse, and they were doing

497
00:27:07.279 --> 00:27:11.119
<v Speaker 3>some campaigning that I think is liberal democracy would seem

498
00:27:11.119 --> 00:27:13.960
<v Speaker 3>pretty tame. They were going out into public and distributing

499
00:27:14.000 --> 00:27:18.119
<v Speaker 3>information about domestic violence, really doing the important cultural work

500
00:27:18.160 --> 00:27:20.759
<v Speaker 3>to let people know, here's what domestic violence is and

501
00:27:20.799 --> 00:27:24.200
<v Speaker 3>here's why it's a problem. Right, And the state decided

502
00:27:24.200 --> 00:27:27.640
<v Speaker 3>to crack down on that very hardly. And I think

503
00:27:27.799 --> 00:27:31.000
<v Speaker 3>that the reason that they did that was not even

504
00:27:31.119 --> 00:27:34.400
<v Speaker 3>so much that they couldn't bear to have any kind

505
00:27:34.400 --> 00:27:37.960
<v Speaker 3>of discussion about domestic violence, but because it demonstrated that

506
00:27:38.039 --> 00:27:40.880
<v Speaker 3>they had organized kind of at the national level, because

507
00:27:40.920 --> 00:27:45.519
<v Speaker 3>there was women in multiple places around the country who

508
00:27:45.559 --> 00:27:48.039
<v Speaker 3>were taking similar kinds of action at precisely at the

509
00:27:48.039 --> 00:27:50.000
<v Speaker 3>same time. So it was the kind of the existence

510
00:27:50.039 --> 00:27:53.039
<v Speaker 3>of an organizing network that the state could not tolerate.

511
00:27:55.039 --> 00:27:59.240
<v Speaker 2>As we come muchin martin In The Beauty of the Day.

512
00:28:00.000 --> 00:28:02.240
<v Speaker 1>Brings us to the end of this episode preview to

513
00:28:02.359 --> 00:28:04.519
<v Speaker 1>listen to the full thing and help support our work

514
00:28:04.599 --> 00:28:07.960
<v Speaker 1>with searching and promoting people's history. Join us on Patreon

515
00:28:08.119 --> 00:28:11.759
<v Speaker 1>at patreon dot com slash working class history link in

516
00:28:11.839 --> 00:28:12.519
<v Speaker 1>the show notes
