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Speaker 1: What's up everyone, and welcome back to the program. In

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this episode, we're picking up where we left off with

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the declaration of Brian Edelman in support in support of

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Brian Kolberger. Given these factors, it's important to ferret out

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during Vordere the full extent of exposure to pre trial publicity,

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case specific attitudes, impressions of the defendant, and potential motivations

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to serve. However, the prejudicial effects of pre existing attitudes

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can occur at both a conscious and subconscious level, meaning

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jurors who profess impartiality may not be fully aware of

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their bias or how it may affect them as the

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trial unfolds. This can make it difficult to identify potential

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prejudice during the jury selection process. The Supreme Court is

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recognized the limitations of the Vardeer process as a remedy

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where potentially prejudicial pre trial publicity is an issue. In

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Irvin versus Dowd, the Court concluded no doubt each jur

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was sincere when he said that that he would be

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fair and impartial to petitioner. But the psychological impact requiring

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such a declaration before one's fellows is often its father,

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where so many times admitted prejudice, such as a statement

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of impartiality, can be given little weight. As one of

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the jurors put it, you can't forget what you heard

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and see with his life at stake. It's not requiring

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too much that petitioner be tried in an atmosphere undisturbed

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by so huge a wave of public passion, and by

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a jury other than one in which two thirds of

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the members admit before hearing any testimony, to possessing a

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belief in his guilt. Research on Vordre shows that these

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concerns are justified. Jurors are often reluctant to disclose relevant experiences, relationships,

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or opinions that may lead to bias, even when pre

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trial publicity is not an issue. One study found that

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while seventy one percent A jurors had a fixed opinion

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regarding guilt, only fifteen percent admitted so during the Bordere

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Marshall obtained questionnaires from two hundred and seventy seven former

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jurors in two counties and found that eighteen percent of

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those jurors admitted to withholding information during Bordeer. Seltzer reported

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that approximately thirty nine percent A jurors who were interviewed

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after trial should have come forward in response to questions

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regarding crime, victimization, or knowledge of police officers during jury selection,

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but failed to do so. Many aspects of the large

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group vorder format deterred jury candor. Federal Court Judge Gregory

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Maize published his findings after experimenting with an expanded vardeer

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procedure in thirty federal criminal trials over nine month period,

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which included individual interviews with every veneer member who failed

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to respond to his general opening questions. Judge Maze reported

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that approximately twenty eight percent of members of each panel

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failed to respond to the dozens of questions posed an

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open court, an average of about sixteen people per trial. However,

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when questioned in private, one in five of these silent

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jurors disclosed personal information that was relevant to the case.

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In ninety percent of the trials, between one and four

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of these silent jurors expressed bias that led to their

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removal for cause. A search of appellate opinions shows that

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juror disclosure has led to several mistrials by undermining a

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defendant's fairright to trial. For example, the US versus Colombo,

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eight sixty nine f. Dot two D one forty nine,

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second Circuit, nineteen eighty nine, a jura failed to disclose

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when asked during vordir that her brother in law was

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a lawyer for the government. She did not mention this

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fact because she wanted to sit in on the jury

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for the case. In dier versus called her. On one

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fifty one f Dot three D nine seventy ninth Circuit

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nineteen ninety eight, a jur answered no when the panel

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was asked if anyone had ever been the victim of

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a crime. After the guilt phase, the defense learned that

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her brother had been shot and killed six years earlier.

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When questioned, she told the judge that she answered no

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because she thought the shooting was an accident, not a crime.

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Her brother had been pistol whipped four times and shot

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in the back of the head. Problems such as these

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have also been reported in high profile cases. For example,

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in the twenty twelve murder trial of Matthew Stebbens, who

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had been charged in a shooting death of a homeless shelter,

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a mistrial was declared after a juror announced during deliberations

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that she had previous issues with violent crime. One of

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her children had been shot in the head. She failed

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or raise her hand during jury's selection when asked if

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anyone had been the victim of a violent crime. According

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to her, she did not think it was going to

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be an issue. A six and a half million dollar

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judgment was overturned in the high profile police corruption lawsuit

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against the public defender surrounding the Rampart Division in Los

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Angeles County. It was uncovered after the verdict that one

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of the jurors, Jennifer Salinis, had concealed knowledge of the scandal.

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During jury's selection, she did not raise her hand when

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asked if anyone had some knowledge of the events surrounding

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the Rampart Division. Later, it was discovered that Selinus had

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played a prominent role in a movie titled Gang Wars

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that was based on the Rampart Division. Other jurors on

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the panel corroborated that she was very familiar with the

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scandal and discussed aspects that were not in the evidence.

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Prospective jurors who had been exposed to prejudicial pre trial

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publicity enter the courtroom with case specific knowledge gleaned from

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the media, social media, and discussions with friends and family

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members and coworkers. Uncovering the full extent of jurors case

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specific knowledge and opinions, and high profile cases can be

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extremely difficult jury selection as a judicial remedy to address

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such bias relies on two factors, one that jurors can

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access their source of bias and two are willing to

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report it. In one study where researchers tested the effectiveness

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of extended Vardere, participants in the experimental condition were exposed

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to pre trial publicity a week before the experiment. Prior

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to viewing a trial, they were subjected to minimal or

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extended wardere. The attorney in the extended Wardeer condition explained

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how pre trial publicity may inappropriately impact decision making, as

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jurors to hold each other accountable for not discussing pre

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trial publicity, obtain public commitments, debates, their verdicts solely on

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the evidence presented in court, and to ensure that fellow

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jurors did the same. The researchers ultimately found that educating

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jurors on potential impact of pre trial publicity did not

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eliminate the effects of pre trial publicity. High profile cases

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also create a unique challenge during jury selection known as

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the minimization effect. This concept refers to prospective jurors attempts

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to minimize the full extent of their exposure to pre

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trial publicity. During Bardeer perspective, jurors try to downplay their

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knowledge of the case using qualifiers such as just nothing

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other than only a little bit and that's all. In

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archival study that analyze the jury selection transcripts from five

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high profile cases, sixty nine percent of prospective jurors used

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minimization language when questioned by the judge or attorneys. Another

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challenge in cases with significant media coverage surrounds the difficulty

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jurors have during vorder to recall every detail they have read, seen,

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or heard about the case. These types of open ended

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recall questions require significant cognitive effort and often result in

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incomplete recollection. This phenomenon is an inherent limitation in how

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memory works. For example, if someone is asked to recall

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everything they know about the movie Star Wars, their description

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would likely miss important details they are familiar with. Memory

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is much more accurate when answering recognition questions have you read, seen,

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or heard if Darth Vader was Luke Skywalker's father. This

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concern is not mere speculation in a twenty seventeen Change

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of Venue hearing in Texas. Community residents exposed to detail

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pre trial publicity over several years were called as witnesses.

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During the hearing, they were asked to recall everything that

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they knew about the case. Following the recall question, they

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were asked a number of recognition questions about specific prejudicial

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and potentially inadmissible media items they failed to mention. The

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hearing demonstrated the limitation and memory question can you tell

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the court the facts that you know about the state

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of Texas versus John Feet as it relates to Irene Garza? Answer?

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Description of basic facts? Question is that it? Answer? Let's see,

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I believe so. Question Miss Prez. Have you read, seen

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or heard about John Feet giving a confession to a priest?

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Answer yes, question, and you didn't mention that a few

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minutes ago? Answer I'm sorry, there were two I remember

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they mentioned that they were two confessions that he made

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to two priests. Question Okay, have you read, seen or

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heard about whether or not Miss Irene Garza was alleged

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to have been raped? Answer? Yes, I read that. Question now,

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having refreshed your memory a few minutes ago. Are there

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other facts that you have read or heard that you

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haven't told the court about. Answer I don't believe so.

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Question Okay, have you read or heard that John Feet

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was transferred to a monastery? After this answer, I did

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read that. Yes. This limitation and memory recall has been

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demonstrated in several high profile cases around the country. For example,

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in a change of venue survey in Sonora, California, ninety

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five percent of survey respondents recognized at least one additional

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detail reported in the media from the close ended recognition

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questions that they fail to mention in the open ended

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recall question and your identical trend ninety six percent was

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found in another high profile case in Nashville, Tennessee. For example,

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when asked have you read, seen, or heard about the case,

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one respondent answered bits and pieces on the news. They

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were just talking about the case. However, he later recognized

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several media items, including one the shooting was captured on

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video by surveillance cameras in the area and played on

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the television, news, and internet, and two the public approved

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a ballot measure in the last election to create a

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community oversight board to monitor the Metro Nashville Police Department.

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Both were prejudicial items widely reported in the media. A

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similar pattern was found in this case. When asked if

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they had read, seen, or heard about the case, Leayta

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County survey respondents reported an average of just one point

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six details. However, ninety six percent of survey respondents later

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recognized at least one additional media item they fell to

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mention in their open ended answer, and recognized an average

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of four point nine additional media items. Many survey respondents

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used minimization language or incomplete responses when asked what they

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knew about the case. Most of these prospective jurors later

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recognized items widely reported in the media and tested in

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the survey sea table below. For example, just eight percent

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of Laytaki County survey respondents mentioned that police found the

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knife sheath near one of the victims when asked the

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standard open end did recall question. However, eighty one percent

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later recognized this media item when asked, have you read, seen,

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or heard if police found the knife sheath on the

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bed next to one of the victims. This finding is

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particularly concerning given that seventy two percent of survey respondents

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familiar with the media item believe that Brian Kolberger is

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guilty of murder, and fifty five percent reported that they

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would have a difficult time convincing them otherwise. All right,

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that's going to do it for this episode. In the

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next episode, we're going to pick up with A similar

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pattern was found with other prejudicial media items. All of

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the information that goes with this episode can be found

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in the description box.

