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<v Speaker 1>We're heading to Kentucky not to find out the colonel's

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<v Speaker 1>original recipe, but to discuss an amendment proposal to their

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<v Speaker 1>constitution that could be a waste of time, money, and

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<v Speaker 1>a violation that the establishment clause. Scott Dicky has the story.

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<v Speaker 2>Scott Amendment Too in Kentucky proposes a change to the

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<v Speaker 2>state constitution that would allow public funds to support private,

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<v Speaker 2>mostly religious schools through a voucher system, where that vword

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<v Speaker 2>coming up again. Critics argue this could severely damage public

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<v Speaker 2>education by diverting significant funds up to one point one

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<v Speaker 2>to nine billion annually away from public schools, especially harming

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<v Speaker 2>rural areas dependent on state funding. The amendment is seen

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<v Speaker 2>as a way to bypass existing constitutional barriers that prevent

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<v Speaker 2>public money from financing private religious education. Opponents, including Governor

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<v Speaker 2>Andy Basheer Warren, that the amendment is misleading and could

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<v Speaker 2>lead to worse educational outcomes for most students. This story

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<v Speaker 2>is from The Friendly Atheist by Himant Meta on eight

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<v Speaker 2>twenty eight, twenty twenty four.

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<v Speaker 1>Thank you, Scott, and since you introduced the story to us,

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<v Speaker 1>I want to ask you how might the introduction of

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<v Speaker 1>a voucher system as proposed in amendment to affect the

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<v Speaker 1>equitable distribution of educational resources across different socio and economic

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<v Speaker 1>and rural community.

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<v Speaker 2>It'll fuck it up. Next question, now, I'm just kidding.

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<v Speaker 1>Answer right, so, yeah, answer.

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<v Speaker 2>It's going to It allows them to divert the money

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<v Speaker 2>to where they want it to go. I mean, it's

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<v Speaker 2>public money, and it's taking it away from and like

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<v Speaker 2>I said in the intro, it's the rural districts that

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<v Speaker 2>have lower population, they have lower land value, and so

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<v Speaker 2>their tax base is a little bit lower, and so

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<v Speaker 2>they can't afford to put up as much of a

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<v Speaker 2>fight against ignorance as they can in the cities. But

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<v Speaker 2>what this is doing is it's going to be it's

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<v Speaker 2>going to take money away from those struggling districts and

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<v Speaker 2>it's going to redirect it into private schools. And you know,

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<v Speaker 2>it seems like we cover these voucher stories very often

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<v Speaker 2>on the nonprofits. It's really one of our regular kind

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<v Speaker 2>of stories. And I'm not saying that because I think

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<v Speaker 2>that we should stop doing it. I'm saying that because

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<v Speaker 2>we need to keep bringing this up. We need to

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<v Speaker 2>keep mentioning this, we need to keep bringing it, putting

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<v Speaker 2>it on the front page there, and it's getting so

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<v Speaker 2>that it's hard for me to say, you know, I

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<v Speaker 2>try to at least approach it at a slightly different

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<v Speaker 2>angle each time to kind of expand our knowledge of

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<v Speaker 2>what's going on here. So what I did this time

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<v Speaker 2>is I looked. I found four facts. Four facts that

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<v Speaker 2>I got from the National Education Association about the school

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<v Speaker 2>voucher programs. Fact number one, there's no link between vouchers

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<v Speaker 2>and gains and student achievement. Okay, I'll say that again.

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<v Speaker 2>There's no link between vouchers and gains and student achievement,

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<v Speaker 2>or at least none, none that they've discovered. There's no

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<v Speaker 2>conclusive evidence that vouchers improved achievement of students who attend prime,

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<v Speaker 2>even those students who use those that money to attend

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<v Speaker 2>private schools. And so not only is it harming the

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<v Speaker 2>public school students, but it's not helping the students that

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<v Speaker 2>are using that money. Nor is there any validity to

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<v Speaker 2>the claims that it creates a competitive marketplace to encourage

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<v Speaker 2>those struggling public schools to step up and and do better. Okay,

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<v Speaker 2>so it doesn't. It doesn't raise scores, it doesn't improve

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<v Speaker 2>the education system. Second fact, vouchers undermined accountability for public funds.

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<v Speaker 2>Private schools are different than public schools in a few ways,

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<v Speaker 2>but one of those ways has to do with accountability.

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<v Speaker 2>Being private institutions, they're not required to be as transparent

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<v Speaker 2>and accountable as a public school might. And so if

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<v Speaker 2>you divert money to these private schools, you know, they

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<v Speaker 2>have fewer restrictions on who they teach, what they teach,

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<v Speaker 2>how they teach, how they measure student achievement, if at all,

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<v Speaker 2>how they manage their finances, and what they're required to

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<v Speaker 2>disclose to parents in the public. So it clouds accountability.

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<v Speaker 2>Third fact, vouchers do not reduce public education costs. Okay,

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<v Speaker 2>actually they increase costs by requiring taxpayers to fund two

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<v Speaker 2>separate school systems. They have to fund the public school

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<v Speaker 2>system and now they have to supplement the private school

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<v Speaker 2>system as well. And so you know that's going to

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<v Speaker 2>lead to things like more strain on the teachers that

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<v Speaker 2>they have. It's going to be lead to larger classrooms,

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<v Speaker 2>it's going to be less money for resources, textbooks, school nurses, counselors,

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<v Speaker 2>et cetera, et cetera. I mean, it's just there will

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<v Speaker 2>just be generally less money available for all students. And

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<v Speaker 2>the final fact number four here, vouchers actually don't give

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<v Speaker 2>parents real educational choice. Private schools don't. There's no requirements

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<v Speaker 2>for private schools to accept students like there are for

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<v Speaker 2>public schools, so they can discriminate. They can discriminate based

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<v Speaker 2>off of a variety of things, gender, religion, sexual orientation, ability,

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<v Speaker 2>behavioral history, prior academic achievements, standardized test scores, even based

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<v Speaker 2>off of interviews with the students, and income, and so, uh,

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<v Speaker 2>it kind of gives us these private schools arbitrary ability

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<v Speaker 2>to push out the students that they don't want and

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<v Speaker 2>to keep the students that they do want. And so it's, uh,

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<v Speaker 2>it's very frustrating and and all of the all of

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<v Speaker 2>the talking points that are put out there in favor

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<v Speaker 2>about your programs are actually the opposite is true for

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<v Speaker 2>all of those and so it's it's really not a

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<v Speaker 2>not a good situation for anybody.

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<v Speaker 1>Well, you know, I mentioned in my little intro blurb

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<v Speaker 1>about a possible violation of the establic law, Cindy, I

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<v Speaker 1>think that you kind of alluded to that and some

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<v Speaker 1>of the thoughts that you jotted down can you kind

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<v Speaker 1>of go into further depth about that specificity and some

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<v Speaker 1>other implications that you might see that this particular amendment

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<v Speaker 1>might have going down the road.

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah. So yeah, it's it's totally against the US Constitution.

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<v Speaker 3>Constitution in principle. It also lowers education for rural areas,

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<v Speaker 3>as we discussed in the previous segment, which impacts Republicans more. Actually,

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<v Speaker 3>although it's probably the point you know, as we discussed,

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<v Speaker 3>it will cripple the state budget with devastating effects on

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<v Speaker 3>the long term. The less people and therefore parents also

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<v Speaker 3>future parents are uneducated, the easier it gets to pass

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<v Speaker 3>laws like this. As Scott said, the arguments used in

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<v Speaker 3>favor of those laws, they are just nonsense. So it's

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<v Speaker 3>a it's a vicious circle, and it weaponizes people's ignorance

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<v Speaker 3>against themselves. It's pretty cunning, but it's diabolical. And remember

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<v Speaker 3>Kentucky is ranked thirty fourth in education in the US.

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<v Speaker 3>So yeah, there's that. Yeah, this is a textbook example

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<v Speaker 3>of how to increase politician's power so that they can

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<v Speaker 3>rule instead of represent uh. And it's another very small

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<v Speaker 3>step to turn the US into a Christian telement system.

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<v Speaker 3>She is yeah, yeah, And There's also something something else

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<v Speaker 3>is you know when when when you talk about money

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<v Speaker 3>in in education, like, uh, there's been discussions about giving

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<v Speaker 3>free food for children in school and all this stuff,

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<v Speaker 3>there's always from the right coming the area that who's

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<v Speaker 3>going to pay this, Well, look look how much money

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<v Speaker 3>is wasted? You know when when when talking about these,

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<v Speaker 3>people often come to, yeah, look at how the how

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<v Speaker 3>much the military in the US takes money. But I

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<v Speaker 3>think that's not the worst.

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<v Speaker 4>The worst waste.

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<v Speaker 3>Of money, in my opinion in the US is that

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<v Speaker 3>these voucher systems that are put in place, and also

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<v Speaker 3>the amount of money that goes into settlements because of

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<v Speaker 3>police brutality in the States. Some states spend up to

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<v Speaker 3>a billion every year in settlements for police malfunction every year,

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<v Speaker 3>and the money, the amount of money that represents is

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<v Speaker 3>just buffling. And so the fact that people won't spend

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<v Speaker 3>like ten to fifteen millions to give to children and

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<v Speaker 3>instead they will put money into this and vote for

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<v Speaker 3>this and vote for people who advocate for this, it's

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<v Speaker 3>just crazy.

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<v Speaker 1>Well, to quote Scott's leader in Scott's State, any person

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<v Speaker 1>that has an issue with feeding giving kids breakfast and

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<v Speaker 1>lunch at school is just weird. I agree, but I

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<v Speaker 1>wanted to kind of talk more about this whole language

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<v Speaker 1>concerning the voucher system and also like using like obscure

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<v Speaker 1>language specifically around school choice. And Scott, you did an

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<v Speaker 1>excellent job about how basically school choice is not really

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<v Speaker 1>school choice and what they really think it is when

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<v Speaker 1>people first hear that is not going to be as

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<v Speaker 1>as the children say a flex.

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<v Speaker 2>Right.

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<v Speaker 1>So, Scott, I want to talk to you and especially

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<v Speaker 1>want to ask you how might the language used in

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<v Speaker 1>amendment to such as school choice obscure the potential consequences

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<v Speaker 1>of a proposal?

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<v Speaker 2>Well, I mean that is that's for you know, for

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<v Speaker 2>the people that are putting that language in, that is

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<v Speaker 2>a feature, not a bug. It that is that it

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<v Speaker 2>obscures the true intent behind there. And so the language

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<v Speaker 2>is everything, right. The language is what gets past in Congress.

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<v Speaker 2>The language is what the governor signs or no, this

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<v Speaker 2>was a constitutional amendment, right, So so the language is

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<v Speaker 2>what we're we're reading on the ballot as we decide

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<v Speaker 2>if we want to pass it or not or that

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<v Speaker 2>kind of thing. And so, uh, I mean, really that's

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<v Speaker 2>just the the cheap makeup that's slathered on the pig, right.

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<v Speaker 2>I mean it's it's you can do that all day.

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<v Speaker 2>It's still a pig though. And so it really whether

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<v Speaker 2>it's twofold one, it high. It hides what's happening from

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<v Speaker 2>the people that are concerned about it, and it also

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<v Speaker 2>the people that are in support of this kind of thing. Uh,

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<v Speaker 2>it gives them an opportunity to convince themselves that they're

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<v Speaker 2>on the on the right side. Right. I think it

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<v Speaker 2>was Mark Twain who said something about it's much easier

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<v Speaker 2>to fool somebody than to convince yourself that you've been

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<v Speaker 2>fooled or something like that. And so anything that they

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<v Speaker 2>can do to uh support that without having to, you know,

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<v Speaker 2>without having to to show me the money, right, without

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<v Speaker 2>having to to you know, have the evidence back up

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<v Speaker 2>your claims, you need to cover it up. And so

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<v Speaker 2>I think it has that twofold effected. It hides with

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<v Speaker 2>the true intentions from the people, from the watchdogs, and

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<v Speaker 2>it gives the zelots, you know, some gasoline in there

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<v Speaker 2>in their tank so that they can you know, fight

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<v Speaker 2>it and live and live and fight the next day

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<v Speaker 2>as well.

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<v Speaker 1>That gaslighting and implication that she talked about previously.

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<v Speaker 2>Yeah.

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<v Speaker 1>So, but Jonathan, I want you to instead of talk

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<v Speaker 1>about gaslighting, can you talk about the ethical implication that

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<v Speaker 1>putting this amendment on the Constitution in Kentucky can have,

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<v Speaker 1>and maybe some of the other consequences that can actually

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<v Speaker 1>be in the future with this particular amendment if it

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<v Speaker 1>actually passes.

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<v Speaker 4>Yeah, one of the things is the way when I

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<v Speaker 4>read it, the way it was worded that bothered me.

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<v Speaker 4>And this was the Washington and the Washington Post. Also

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<v Speaker 4>taxpayers and more than half the country now funding creationism, homophobia,

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<v Speaker 4>anti transgender misinformation, and Sunday School nonsense masquerading as actual

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<v Speaker 4>history and science, and Kentucky may soon join their ranks.

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<v Speaker 4>If you put this in the constitution of your state,

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<v Speaker 4>the only thing that supersedes that in that state is

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<v Speaker 4>the federal Constitution. So that federal Constitution is next to

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<v Speaker 4>impossible to change. I mean, seventy five percent of the states,

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<v Speaker 4>after two thirds of both houses of Congress have passed it,

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<v Speaker 4>seventy five percent of the states have to also pass it.

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<v Speaker 4>So it's a high bar to change the constitution, and

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<v Speaker 4>rightfully so, but it's not so high a bar in

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<v Speaker 4>the states. And if they can put it into the constitution,

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<v Speaker 4>it will take a long time to change it if

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<v Speaker 4>it's going to be changed, And this is going to

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<v Speaker 4>have long term implications for schools, and it's going to

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<v Speaker 4>really really be a massive like it's like you said,

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<v Speaker 4>a massive finance shift to religious schools, because over ninety

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<v Speaker 4>percent of the people who take these kinds of vulture

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<v Speaker 4>programs are religious schools. So it is a direct violation

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<v Speaker 4>of the federal constitution. But who's going to bring that suit?

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<v Speaker 4>It has to be they have to have standing to

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<v Speaker 4>do that. So I'm wondering now, as the children start

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<v Speaker 4>to grow up homeschooled and taught nothing about the work

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<v Speaker 4>and the work and play, they will be totally unprepared

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<v Speaker 4>to exist in the society with other people, especially other

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<v Speaker 4>people who don't happen to share their views or values

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<v Speaker 4>or from different parts of the country. How are they

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<v Speaker 4>going to work with those people if they have to

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<v Speaker 4>spend their entire time catching up trying to figure out

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<v Speaker 4>what they're doing and how they're doing. There is no

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<v Speaker 4>substanue for standardized education. Everybody starts with the same information

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<v Speaker 4>at the same level as practicable according to their own

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<v Speaker 4>skills and their own intellect, of course, but that intellect

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<v Speaker 4>doesn't get developed by teaching them sixteenth century English, you know,

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<v Speaker 4>it just doesn't help. So it's not going to be something.

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<v Speaker 4>This will have a snowball effect before it can get changed.

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<v Speaker 4>It will have a snowball effect in really damaging an

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<v Speaker 4>entire generation of students. Because also one other point is

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<v Speaker 4>that if students are discriminated against but the private schools

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<v Speaker 4>and thrown out for any one of those reasons we stated,

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<v Speaker 4>they're going back to the public schools. Now, if they're

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<v Speaker 4>children with special needs, that burden is on a chronically

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<v Speaker 4>even more underfunded teachers and system to take care of

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<v Speaker 4>their needs. And where are they going to fall They'll

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<v Speaker 4>fall out of the system, and then what's their life

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<v Speaker 4>expectancy or their success expectancy in regular in the regular society.

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<v Speaker 4>So I am really kind of furious at the way

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<v Speaker 4>they worded this. This is like, do this favor for

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<v Speaker 4>your children. Of course, ten percent of your kids. The

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<v Speaker 4>other ninety percent we're thrown under the bus while we

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<v Speaker 4>do this. But don't look at that. Look at these

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<v Speaker 4>ten percent that we're going to help by sending them

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<v Speaker 4>to a religious school. You're not helping them either. Religious

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<v Speaker 4>schools are notoriously bad at getting people ready to deal

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<v Speaker 4>with reality. So that's where we stand, you know, and

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<v Speaker 4>I'm really kind of upset about this whole situation.

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<v Speaker 1>Yeah, the righteous indignation, I think that can be shared

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<v Speaker 1>with all the panel right now when you're actually looking

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<v Speaker 1>at this, And just as a pushback to you, Jonathan,

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<v Speaker 1>as far as like, you know, implementing sixteenth century English,

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<v Speaker 1>I think that some of our English counterparts on the

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<v Speaker 1>nonprofits would actually disagree with you. Hey, Phoebe girl, Richard.

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<v Speaker 4>Still speaking in Richard and Phoebe, you're still speaking in it.

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<v Speaker 4>And on top of that, they're lawyers, both friends. You

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<v Speaker 4>know that rich rich studies that stuff, but he doesn't

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<v Speaker 4>study it just in English. He studies, you know, he

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<v Speaker 4>studies it in translations from other languages as well.

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<v Speaker 1>And we got to also give a shout out to

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<v Speaker 1>doctor Richard Firth as well, who's a professor of these

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<v Speaker 1>particular things.

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<v Speaker 2>But of course everybody's favorite Blindlimey.

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<v Speaker 1>Yeah, yeah, exactly exactly. Shout out to the UK crew

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<v Speaker 1>with the ACA. We appreciate you. Just don't give us

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<v Speaker 1>any bangers a mash. But I wanted to, but I

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<v Speaker 1>want I wanted to go back to something that you mentioned, Jonathan,

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<v Speaker 1>when you're talking about, like, you know, the biases that

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<v Speaker 1>could also happen when you are looking at how they're

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<v Speaker 1>implementing this particular amendment, and also the ramifications that it

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<v Speaker 1>could cause to other students who happened to not fit

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<v Speaker 1>into the same pool. And I think that you know, Scott,

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<v Speaker 1>you wanted to expand a little bit on the potential

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<v Speaker 1>of racism in implementing this particular constitutional midment. Can you

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<v Speaker 1>speak on that a bit more?

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<v Speaker 2>Yeah, yeah, And I'll try to be brief. But in

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<v Speaker 2>my research behind getting prepared for this story, I came

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<v Speaker 2>across this wonderful article. It was on Americanprogress dot org

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<v Speaker 2>and you can find it. You can find this article

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<v Speaker 2>by googling the racist origins of private school vouchers. And

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<v Speaker 2>it was a fascinating article. It was heavily footnoted and sourced. Basically,

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<v Speaker 2>it occupied the bulk of a day for me just

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<v Speaker 2>following all these little rabbit trails and all these little

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<v Speaker 2>bits of information. I wanted to read the last paragraph.

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<v Speaker 2>I'll cut it down to just the last sentence. It says,

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<v Speaker 2>no matter how well intentioned, widespread voucher programs risk exacerbating

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<v Speaker 2>segregation in schools and leaving the most vulnerable students and

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<v Speaker 2>the public schools they attend behind. And so we talked

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<v Speaker 2>a little bit about how schools can discriminate. Basically, private

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<v Speaker 2>schools can discriminate to a certain extent, and you know,

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<v Speaker 2>and along racial lines is just one one way that

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<v Speaker 2>that goes. And you know, that's something that often gets overlooked.

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<v Speaker 2>I think when we talk about these kind of things,

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<v Speaker 2>like many of the cherished institutions of the United States,

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<v Speaker 2>these voucher, these push for school vouchers, have their origins

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<v Speaker 2>in racial discrimination. And so it's you know, it tastes

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<v Speaker 2>bad no matter where you taste it, right.

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<v Speaker 1>Well, you know, as as as Biggie two Duck would say,

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<v Speaker 1>and I think, Scott, I don't know if you've got bigger,

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<v Speaker 1>he's right here, you go. Well, like, you know, if

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<v Speaker 1>that this smells like a racism, talks like a racism,

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<v Speaker 1>it probably is a racist just say. But I think,

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<v Speaker 1>and I'll just be brief with this because Cindy, I

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<v Speaker 1>want to give you the last word, per se. But

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<v Speaker 1>you know, I think that we should and I know

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<v Speaker 1>that we have covered this topic before. When we are

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<v Speaker 1>talking about specifically how the crystal fascists or the Christian

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<v Speaker 1>nationalists utilize some of their talking points in historical senses

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<v Speaker 1>that came from a racist path. You know. One of

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<v Speaker 1>the reasons why we had such a push from the

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<v Speaker 1>right to get rid of abortion is because of two

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<v Speaker 1>educational entities, Bob Jones University and Liberature University, who wanted

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<v Speaker 1>to actually do what you mentioned, have a choice of

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<v Speaker 1>who they happened to have as students in their institutions,

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<v Speaker 1>and they did not want to accept black students. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>because of this, the university, the actual United States, the

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<v Speaker 1>fits basically said, hey, listen, if you don't accept, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>students who happen to not be white, then you can

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<v Speaker 1>lose your funding, uh for you know, for being a school,

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<v Speaker 1>for being a university. So you know, they had to

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<v Speaker 1>basically hold their nose into letting students happen to be

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<v Speaker 1>in who happen to be black and other and other

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<v Speaker 1>ethnicities and backgrounds and things of that nature. And so

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<v Speaker 1>they decided to just pivot what they're going to rally

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<v Speaker 1>against in order to get their base together. And and

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's and I don't and I don't find

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<v Speaker 1>it ironic at all, that it's the same group of people,

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<v Speaker 1>the same people who have this political ideology that are

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<v Speaker 1>also pushing for school choice and also being able to

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<v Speaker 1>divert tax dollar money into other religious schools that can

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<v Speaker 1>discriminate on sexual orientation, gender identification. Hell, if they want

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<v Speaker 1>to go back and say that we don't necessarily want

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<v Speaker 1>you know, black students, or let's just say they don't

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<v Speaker 1>want like Muslim students, or if they don't want you know,

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<v Speaker 1>students who happen to have immigrated to this country, et cetera,

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<v Speaker 1>et cetera, you know, they want to have that particular

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<v Speaker 1>choice to do that as well. So yes, we can

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<v Speaker 1>see historically and also through empirical data that these vouchers

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<v Speaker 1>are going to be bigoted, in discriminatory in their inception

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<v Speaker 1>and also in their practice. But I might want to

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<v Speaker 1>give the last question to you, you know, as the

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<v Speaker 1>resident Belgiamite on this panel, Cindy.

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<v Speaker 2>Do you spread that on toast too?

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<v Speaker 1>That up there with Vegiamite.

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<v Speaker 2>I don't know, let's go with that. I like it,

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<v Speaker 2>Let's go let's stick with that.

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<v Speaker 4>Yeah, let's just.

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<v Speaker 1>Stick with well, you know, I would like to say

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<v Speaker 1>I like Belgium waffles. But you know, let's just let's

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<v Speaker 1>just actually bring this back to something more serious. But

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<v Speaker 1>you know, how can communities and educators effectively advocate for

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<v Speaker 1>protection of public school funding and oppose measures that could

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<v Speaker 1>undermine public education.

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<v Speaker 3>So I have the impression that every time I come

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<v Speaker 3>to the nonprofits, I say the exact same thing. States

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<v Speaker 3>have nothing to do with education, parents have nothing to

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<v Speaker 3>do with education. It should be led on the federal level.

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<v Speaker 3>That's one of the things I wanted to say. The

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<v Speaker 3>second thing is, so there was another shooting in school today,

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<v Speaker 3>and every time that happens, every time I talk about guns,

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<v Speaker 3>I remember this conservative judge I don't remember his name,

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<v Speaker 3>but he said basically that the greatest heist that the

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<v Speaker 3>Right committee was to pretend and made accepted the idea

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<v Speaker 3>that the Second Amendment was about individual right to own guns.

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<v Speaker 3>And I always have this idea in my mind because

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<v Speaker 3>when I speak about all these education problems the US faces,

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<v Speaker 3>I think that the second biggest heights that the right

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<v Speaker 3>has managed to push on is to make believe that

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<v Speaker 3>this is a cultural war, when instead it's a class war.

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<v Speaker 3>They're trying to keep classes separate, like rich people, rich

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<v Speaker 3>white people, against poor, uneducated, and every kind of people.

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<v Speaker 3>And the fact that they disguise it into a culture

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<v Speaker 3>war makes it less evident to fight. And so you

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<v Speaker 3>ask me how it can be fought, it's by identifying

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<v Speaker 3>the problem in the first place. It's a class war,

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<v Speaker 3>it's not a cultural war.

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<v Speaker 1>Well, you know, we're really good at creating class here

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<v Speaker 1>in the United States. You know, we we created a

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<v Speaker 1>whole system based.

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<v Speaker 2>It's pretty damn good at war too.

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<v Speaker 1>Yeah, we are. We're good at war cultures. Yeah, yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>even against our So yes we are. Yes, we are

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<v Speaker 1>maybe lost.

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<v Speaker 4>In education, but boy, can we win in a fight.

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<v Speaker 1>Yeh, my goodness. Yeah, that's why we just seem to

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<v Speaker 1>be so hyper focused on war.

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<v Speaker 2>You just described every school yard bully that ever existed.

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<v Speaker 1>This is true, This is true.

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<v Speaker 2>We're not.

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<v Speaker 1>Right, and I don't necessarily have the time to, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>get on the on a Shase lounge and talk about

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<v Speaker 1>my entire k through twelve.

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<v Speaker 2>With the bully.

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<v Speaker 1>But but in essence, Amendment TO is a clever disguise

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<v Speaker 1>for a massive funding shift from public schools to religious institution,

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<v Speaker 1>all under the guise of choice. This is less about

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<v Speaker 1>improving education and more about fundling funds to private entities,

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<v Speaker 1>many of which are perfectly content without a government handout.

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<v Speaker 1>Kentucky has a choice on Amendment to either to keep

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<v Speaker 1>public education funded and ensure that taxpayer money benefits all students,

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<v Speaker 1>not just those attending private schools that might not even

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<v Speaker 1>need it or support it. The choice is yours.
