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<v Speaker 1>Chapter four of History of Egypt. This is a LibriVox recording.

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<v Speaker 1>All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more

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<v Speaker 1>information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox dot org. History

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<v Speaker 1>of Egypt by F. C. H. Wendell, Chapter four The

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<v Speaker 1>decline of the Egyptian Kingdom and the Hixos domination about

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen thirty to fifteen thirty b C. This period is

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<v Speaker 1>one of the darkest in the history of Egypt. Very

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<v Speaker 1>few monuments have come down to us from this epoch,

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<v Speaker 1>and almost all we know of the entire four hundred

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<v Speaker 1>years or more is the names of the kings, and

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<v Speaker 1>in some cases the length of the various reigns of

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<v Speaker 1>some of these rulers. We know from the monuments found

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<v Speaker 1>how far their power extended, but here our knowledge ends.

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<v Speaker 1>We know further that in this period the Egyptian kings

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<v Speaker 1>were dethroned by foreign invaders coming from Asia and known

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<v Speaker 1>to us as the Hixos, and that these foreigners held

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<v Speaker 1>Egypt in subjugation from many years. Who they were and

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<v Speaker 1>how long they remained in the country we have no

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<v Speaker 1>means of knowing. The only review of this period that

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<v Speaker 1>any ancient writer has given us is that copied from

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<v Speaker 1>Manitho thirteenth dynasty from Thebes sixty kings in four hundred

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<v Speaker 1>and fifty three years fourteenth dynasty, from Kois in the Delta,

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<v Speaker 1>seventy six kings in four hundred and eighty four years

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<v Speaker 1>fifteenth dynasty, Hixos six kings in two hundred and sixty

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<v Speaker 1>years sixteenth dynasty, Hixos unknown kings in two hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>fifty one years seventeenth dynasty, from Thebes unknown kings in

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<v Speaker 1>unknown years. The number of hypotheses concerning this epoch is legion,

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<v Speaker 1>but not one is supported by facts and monuments. The

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<v Speaker 1>times of the thirteenth and fourteenth dynasties seem to have

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<v Speaker 1>been troublesome. The kings of the four former ruled, according

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<v Speaker 1>to Manitho, only about seven and a half years on

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<v Speaker 1>an average, while those of the latter only about six years,

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<v Speaker 1>while the members of the first Tixos dynasty ruled on

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<v Speaker 1>an average forty three and one third years. The entire

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<v Speaker 1>period is evidently set down as too long by Manetho's kopists,

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<v Speaker 1>who give over one hundred forty two kings in over

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<v Speaker 1>fourteen hundred and forty eight years. The monuments do not

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<v Speaker 1>permit us to assume so great a gap in the

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<v Speaker 1>history as five hundred eleven years between the close of

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<v Speaker 1>the Fourteenth Dynasty and the beginning of the New Empire

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<v Speaker 1>about fifteen thirty BC. There have come down to us

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<v Speaker 1>from the genealogies of nobles who lived early in the

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<v Speaker 1>eighteenth dynasty that after a few generations give names which

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<v Speaker 1>certainly belong to contemporaries of the thirteenth and fourteenth dynasties.

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<v Speaker 1>It is very probable, if not certain, that the last

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<v Speaker 1>kings of the fourteenth dynasty were contemporary with the earliest

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<v Speaker 1>Tixos king, and we know that all of the kings

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<v Speaker 1>of the seventeenth dynasty were contemporaries of the last Hixos kings.

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<v Speaker 1>If we must state the duration of this period in years,

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<v Speaker 1>we would say that it cannot have exceeded four hundred years,

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<v Speaker 1>of which one hundred and fifty years would give about

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<v Speaker 1>the duration of dynasties thirteen and fourteen, and two hundred

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<v Speaker 1>fifty years the duration of the Hexos domination Section one

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<v Speaker 1>the thirteenth dynasty. The New dynasty, which was founded by

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<v Speaker 1>King Rahutawi, seems to have been closely connected with the twelfth.

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<v Speaker 1>Already at the close of the preceding dynasty, we find

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<v Speaker 1>the crocodile god of the Fayoum, Sebak in ascendancy, owing

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<v Speaker 1>to the extensive works erected by the last kings of

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<v Speaker 1>that dynasty. In the Fayoum, names containing that of Sebak

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<v Speaker 1>as a component part begin to appear about the same time,

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<v Speaker 1>witness that of Queen Sebak Nofrurra. This custom has become

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<v Speaker 1>prevalent in the new dynasty. It is further significant the

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<v Speaker 1>two kings of this line adopted the throne name of

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<v Speaker 1>amenem Hat, the first Sehotep ab Rah. A long list

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<v Speaker 1>of kings of this house has been preserved, but of

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<v Speaker 1>scarce a single one do we know more than the name.

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<v Speaker 1>As above remarked. The times seem to have been troublesome

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<v Speaker 1>and rife with insurrections and usurpations. Of se anngh abras Ameno.

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<v Speaker 1>We know that he built at Karnak two altars dedicated

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<v Speaker 1>by him to amon Ra having been found here Section two.

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<v Speaker 1>The fourteenth dynasty, Ransonib, the eleventh or twelfth successor of Rajhutawi,

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<v Speaker 1>the founder of dynasty thirteen founded a new dynasty. The

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<v Speaker 1>greater part of his successors have left this monuments, and

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<v Speaker 1>the fact that these monuments have been found in all

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<v Speaker 1>parts of Egypt, from Tannis to Semne and even far

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<v Speaker 1>to the south of this place, proves that these pharaohs

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<v Speaker 1>had control of the entire country, though at times they

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<v Speaker 1>must have found and it quite a difficult task to

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<v Speaker 1>hold their own. Accordingly, we must not picture them to

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<v Speaker 1>ourselves as exceedingly mighty monarchs. They were nothing of the kind.

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<v Speaker 1>They merely succeeded in holding together the mighty kingdom of

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<v Speaker 1>the twelfth dynasty. They have left us only short inscriptions

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<v Speaker 1>and statues that are, it is true, sometimes of colossal

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<v Speaker 1>proportions and of superior workmanship, but that could easily have

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<v Speaker 1>been executed in a short period. Manipho states that this

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<v Speaker 1>dynasty came originally from the town of COIs in the Delta,

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<v Speaker 1>but where he got this information is a mystery to us.

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<v Speaker 1>Segem Ru Taui ras sebac Jhotep the third has left

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<v Speaker 1>us several records of the rise of the Nile at

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<v Speaker 1>Semne and Cumne. The sixth king of this line, semng

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<v Speaker 1>Kara Mermenfitu, is generally supposed to have been a usurper,

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<v Speaker 1>but this supposition is based merely on the fact that

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<v Speaker 1>his name Mermenfitou means general, and is very doubtful of him.

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<v Speaker 1>There are extant to colossal statues that once adorned the

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<v Speaker 1>temple of ptah at Tanis. Both of these were later

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<v Speaker 1>on usurped by the Hexos king Apepi, and still later

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<v Speaker 1>Rameses the second put his cartouches on one of them.

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<v Speaker 1>At the same time, a third statue of this ruler

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<v Speaker 1>was found, segemuach taui Ra. Sebakhotep the fourth was the

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<v Speaker 1>son of a private citizen named Mentuhotep and the princess

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<v Speaker 1>fuhnen Abu, the daughter of Queen Nenna. It would thus

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<v Speaker 1>seem that Sebakhotep the fourth based his claim to the

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<v Speaker 1>crown on his mother. Ha Sishestra Neferhotep, the son of

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<v Speaker 1>a private citizen named ha Anghrev and his wife Kimat,

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<v Speaker 1>was one of the mightiest of these kings, retaining the

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<v Speaker 1>crown eleven years. The temple of Abydos was specially favored

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<v Speaker 1>by this ruler. A long inscription found at this place

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<v Speaker 1>relates the following story. One day King Neferhotep was seized

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<v Speaker 1>with a desire to see the books of the god Attum,

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<v Speaker 1>a solar deity. Receiving permission, he entered the temple library

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<v Speaker 1>and studied them. Hereupon he resolved to restore the entire temple,

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<v Speaker 1>a good resolution, this and one he carried out. One

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<v Speaker 1>of the most interesting monuments of his reign is an

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<v Speaker 1>inscription on the rocks of Aswan, representing him and his

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<v Speaker 1>entire family, consisting of his parents, Prince Sahathor, Prince Sebakhotep,

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<v Speaker 1>and a relative named Nebhotep. A sandstone block found at Karnak,

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<v Speaker 1>which by the bye proves that he built here, is

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<v Speaker 1>of great interest, as it bears on the one side

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<v Speaker 1>the name of Neferhotep and on the other that of

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<v Speaker 1>sebac Hotep, his son and second successor. It would seem

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<v Speaker 1>from this that sebac Jotep had been appointed co regent

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<v Speaker 1>by his father in order that his succession might be assured.

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<v Speaker 1>A small granite statue of the king was found at

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<v Speaker 1>Tannis after the short reign of Sahathor, who seems to

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<v Speaker 1>have died soon after his accession, ha Nepherra, sebac Jotep

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<v Speaker 1>the fifth ascended the throne. He was a powerful monarch

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<v Speaker 1>who ruled over the entire land. A colossal statue of

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<v Speaker 1>rose colored granite representing this king, on which Ramses the

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<v Speaker 1>Second afterward cut his cartouches, was found at Tannis. A

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<v Speaker 1>second statue was found at Bubastis, and a third on

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<v Speaker 1>the island of Argo, far south of the Second Cataract.

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<v Speaker 1>His name is frequently found on the walls of the

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<v Speaker 1>Temple of Karnak. According to the classical authors who call

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<v Speaker 1>him Canephris, he died of elephantiasis. Ra Anghra sebac Quotet

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<v Speaker 1>the sixth is mentioned on the walls of the Temple

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<v Speaker 1>of Karnak and on several smaller monuments. Harajtepra sebac Quotet

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<v Speaker 1>the seventh ruled, according to the Turin Papyrus, four years,

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<v Speaker 1>eight months and twenty nine days. Wah abra ah Ab

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<v Speaker 1>reigned at ten years, eight months and eighteen days, and

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<v Speaker 1>mehr Nefherah I reigned thirteen years, eight months and eighteen days,

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<v Speaker 1>as far as we know, longer than any other king

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<v Speaker 1>of this dynasty. Mer Kharah said al Kotep the eighth

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<v Speaker 1>has left us a statue several important tombs at Siutz

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<v Speaker 1>date from this time. Of the remaining kings of this dynasty,

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<v Speaker 1>we know nothing. Little by little we lose grasp of

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<v Speaker 1>the historical connection, and all that has left us is

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<v Speaker 1>a mere list of names, with here and there the

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<v Speaker 1>statement that a certain king ruled so and so many years.

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<v Speaker 1>The tombs of Seiuts that date from this time all

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<v Speaker 1>show that the nobles here buried were rich and powerful.

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<v Speaker 1>They have the same value for this period as those

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<v Speaker 1>of Beni Hassan have for the Twelfth dynasty, but are

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<v Speaker 1>not nearly so well preserved and contain but few historical illusions.

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<v Speaker 1>Section three. The Hixos domination about seventeen eight d to

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<v Speaker 1>fifteen thirty b C. The Fifteenth dynasty. The fourteenth dynasty

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<v Speaker 1>succumbed to an invasion of Asiatic Bedouins, who gradually succeeded

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<v Speaker 1>in driving the Egyptian kings south. It is highly probable, however,

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<v Speaker 1>that the pharaohs yielded only after a long and bitter struggle.

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<v Speaker 1>The only account we have of the Hexos invasion is

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<v Speaker 1>that copied from Manifo's book by Josephus. This account is

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<v Speaker 1>as follows. At the time when King Timaeus ruled in Egypt. God,

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<v Speaker 1>for unknown reasons, became incensed at the Egyptians, a people

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<v Speaker 1>coming from the east, suddenly attacked the land and easily

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<v Speaker 1>conquered it. The ruling class were taken prisoners, the cities

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<v Speaker 1>were burnt down, and the temples devastated. All the inhabitants

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<v Speaker 1>were treated in the most hostile and barbarous manner. Some

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<v Speaker 1>were slain, and the wives and children of others were

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<v Speaker 1>sold into slavery. At last, these barbarians elected one of

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<v Speaker 1>their own number, named Salatus King. He made Memphis his capital,

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<v Speaker 1>levied taxes in upper and Lower Egypt, and garrisoned a

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<v Speaker 1>number of towns. The strongest garrisons were laid in the

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<v Speaker 1>eastern forts, as he feared the Assyrians, who were at

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<v Speaker 1>that time very powerful, might attack Egypt. Finding in the

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<v Speaker 1>Saitic mistake for Cethroitic Gnome, a city favorably located east

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<v Speaker 1>of the Bubastic branch of the Nile, which, owing to

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<v Speaker 1>an old legend, was called Avarice, he built a great

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<v Speaker 1>wall around it and put in a garrison of two

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<v Speaker 1>hundred and forty thousand men to this city. He came

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<v Speaker 1>in the summer partly to direct the distribution of food

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<v Speaker 1>and pay, and partly to frighten the enemy by constantly

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<v Speaker 1>drilling his men. After a reign of nineteen years, he died,

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<v Speaker 1>and the following were his successors, Belon who ruled forty

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<v Speaker 1>four years, Apacnas, who ruled thirty six years and seven months.

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<v Speaker 1>According to Africanus sixty one years a Phoebus, also called

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<v Speaker 1>Apolphus sixty one years, Annus fifty years and one month,

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<v Speaker 1>and Asseth forty nine years and two months. These six

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<v Speaker 1>kings were the first rulers of the people that lived

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<v Speaker 1>in constant strife with the Egyptians and sought to exterminate them.

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<v Speaker 1>The whole people had the name of hixos i e.

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<v Speaker 1>Shepherd kings, for Huk signifies in the Old language king

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<v Speaker 1>and soss shepherd, and still has this meaning in the

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<v Speaker 1>demodic Some say they were Arabs. In another copy of Manitho, however,

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<v Speaker 1>there is the note that the syllable huk does not

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<v Speaker 1>signify king, but that the entire word means prisoners of war.

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<v Speaker 1>This latter explanation seems to me that's Josephus, the more

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<v Speaker 1>plausible and better in accord with ancient history. The last

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<v Speaker 1>note given by Josephus was certainly not found in the

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<v Speaker 1>original work of Manitho, but was added by some later copyists,

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<v Speaker 1>provided it being an invention of Josephus himself. This writer's

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<v Speaker 1>object in quoting this passage from Manifo in his History

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<v Speaker 1>of the Jews was to prove that the Hixos and

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<v Speaker 1>the Jews were one and the same people, and thus

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<v Speaker 1>to demonstrate the great antiquity and nobility of the Jewish race.

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<v Speaker 1>Now there was one thing that bothered him. The Hixos

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<v Speaker 1>entered the land as conquerors, while the Jews, according to

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<v Speaker 1>the Old Testament, entered it peacefully. Josephus therefore bethought himself

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<v Speaker 1>of this not over ingenious compromise. On the other hand,

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<v Speaker 1>Manitho's etymology is correct. Hert does mean prince, and huck

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<v Speaker 1>may well be corrupted from this word, and souls certainly

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<v Speaker 1>is a corruption of Chasu or Chas, which was the

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<v Speaker 1>name commonly applied in this period to the Nomads on

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<v Speaker 1>the Asiatic frontier. I must, in this connection remind the

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<v Speaker 1>reader of the fact that the Greeks had no and nosh,

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<v Speaker 1>and were compelled to render the former as k and

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<v Speaker 1>the latter as The only difficulty lay in the fact

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<v Speaker 1>that hick represented the singular hec, while the plural heku

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<v Speaker 1>would have been the proper form. But it has been

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<v Speaker 1>demonstrated that the form Hixos is a mistake for hikusos.

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<v Speaker 1>While Manitho is right here, he has made some terrible

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<v Speaker 1>slips in other parts of his narrative. His most glaring

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<v Speaker 1>mistake is that he speaks of a powerful Assyrian empire

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<v Speaker 1>in about seventeen eighty b C, at a time when

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<v Speaker 1>Assur was a small and unimportant town that could scarcely

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<v Speaker 1>hold its own against its near neighbors. Even three hundred

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<v Speaker 1>years later, Assyria was so weak that when Thutmosis the

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<v Speaker 1>third had defeated the Syrian kings, it sent him tribute.

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<v Speaker 1>Another bad slip is the story about Avarice. Assuredly, the

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<v Speaker 1>Hixos did not conquer Egypt in order to be able

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<v Speaker 1>to garrison a town on the borders of the desert.

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<v Speaker 1>Only the bare facts of Manitho's narrative are available for

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<v Speaker 1>historical purposes, and these are that a vast horde of

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<v Speaker 1>a Asiatic bedouins. This is the best rendering of Shasu

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<v Speaker 1>invaded Egypt and after a long struggle succeeded in conquering

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<v Speaker 1>the country. What race these Bedouins belonged to we cannot say,

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<v Speaker 1>nor have we any idea of their appearance. The monuments

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<v Speaker 1>at Tannis and formerly attributed to them have long since

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<v Speaker 1>been proved to belong to another epoch of Egyptian history.

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<v Speaker 1>Their religion was, of course, different from that of the Egyptians.

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<v Speaker 1>An Egyptian text treating of the expulsion of the Hexos

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<v Speaker 1>states that they worshiped the god Sutekh. This is the

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<v Speaker 1>name applied by the Egyptians to the god of the foreigners,

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<v Speaker 1>and is often a translation of the Semitic baal Thus,

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<v Speaker 1>the baalim of the various Gheta towns are designated as

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<v Speaker 1>Sutekhu plural of Sutek, as god of the foreign enemies

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<v Speaker 1>of Egypt. Sutek is identified with set, the enemy of

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<v Speaker 1>Horus and principle of evil, and it is but natural

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<v Speaker 1>that this god should be looked upon as the tutelar

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<v Speaker 1>deity of the hostile foreigners. In later times, when the

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<v Speaker 1>power of the New Empire declined, Suttech as the powerful

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<v Speaker 1>god of the mighty enemies, was considered a very potent

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<v Speaker 1>divinity and found many worshipers in Egypt. The names of

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<v Speaker 1>most of the Hixos kings or compounds of the name

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<v Speaker 1>of the god set, but some are compounds of the

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<v Speaker 1>name Ra, showing that the Hixos were to some extent

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<v Speaker 1>influenced by Egyptian religious thought. The sixteenth dynasty, the Hixos

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<v Speaker 1>did not always remain uncultured barbarians, but with time began

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<v Speaker 1>to adopt the civilization of Egypt. Egyptian officials were put

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<v Speaker 1>in charge of the various departments. Egyptian literature, science, and

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<v Speaker 1>art were encouraged. Under King ah Wesserrah Apepi, the first

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<v Speaker 1>was compiled a mathematical treatise of which a copy written

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<v Speaker 1>in the twenty third year of his reign has come

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<v Speaker 1>down to us Ah Penenra Apepi. The second is known

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<v Speaker 1>from several monuments. The reign, or rather death of King

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<v Speaker 1>ah Pehtisset Nubti is used as an era in an

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<v Speaker 1>inscription of the time of Ramses the Second, which is

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<v Speaker 1>dated four hundred years after King Nubti. This would place

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<v Speaker 1>Nubti in the seventeenth century, somewhere between seventeen hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>sixteen thirty b c. As the inscription unfortunately does not

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<v Speaker 1>give the year of Ramses reign. Of the other Hixos kings,

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<v Speaker 1>we know the names only section four the seventeenth dynasty,

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<v Speaker 1>beginning of the struggle for independence toward the close of

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<v Speaker 1>the Hexos domination. They are ruled in Thebes a line

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<v Speaker 1>of kings who were in all probability descended from the

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<v Speaker 1>last kings of the fourteenth or perhaps of the thirteenth dynasty.

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<v Speaker 1>They are the rulers of the seventeenth dynasty who began

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<v Speaker 1>the combat with the Hixos. A legend preserved on a

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<v Speaker 1>papyrus belonging to the British Museum Salier I relates the

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<v Speaker 1>story of the outbreak King Apepi, the Hixos ruler who

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<v Speaker 1>was an ardent worshiper of Suttech, sent messengers to the

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<v Speaker 1>Egyptian king of Thebes rasecnenta A, bearing certain propositions regarding

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<v Speaker 1>religious matters, which Rasakinen rejected. There had also arisen misunderstandings

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<v Speaker 1>regarding a well lying on or near the border, in

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<v Speaker 1>regard to which no agreement could be reached. This brought

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<v Speaker 1>on the war. Rasekanen is called throughout the story Prince

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<v Speaker 1>of the Southern city i e. Thebes, and it would

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<v Speaker 1>seem from this that the Hixos had either never reached

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<v Speaker 1>that city or the country had been reconquered so far

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<v Speaker 1>north as Thebes. At all events, the Theban kings were

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<v Speaker 1>independent rulers and resented the Hixos king's attempt to assert

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<v Speaker 1>any claim of sovereignty over them, and they boldly took

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<v Speaker 1>up the cause of Egyptian liberty. Long years the war lasted,

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<v Speaker 1>and the Hixos were slowly driven north. The kings who

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<v Speaker 1>distinguished themselves in this war were raseeknenta A the First,

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<v Speaker 1>Tar the Second, the Great, Ta the Third the Brave,

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<v Speaker 1>and kames A, husband of Queen Ahhouttep and father of

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<v Speaker 1>Ahmis the First, the final liberator of Egypt. In eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>eighty one, the mummy of King Ra Sakanen was found

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<v Speaker 1>in a shaft at Dare El Bahari. An ugly gash

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<v Speaker 1>on the head of the mummy proves that the king

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<v Speaker 1>died of violent death. In all probability, he was killed

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<v Speaker 1>in his struggle for the liberty of his country. End

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<v Speaker 1>of chapter four recording by Owen Cook in Potawatamie ceded

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<v Speaker 1>Land