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<v Speaker 1>Hello and Welcome to Western SIEV Episode four hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>sixty two Brave New World. Well, the trial of Stafford continued,

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<v Speaker 1>the comments seemed uncertain about the direction of other public policy.

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<v Speaker 1>On one occasion, after the prayers had been said, the

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<v Speaker 1>members of the House of Commons lapsed into silence and

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<v Speaker 1>simply looked at one another. They didn't know where to begin.

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<v Speaker 1>But the death of the Earl seemed to finally kick

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<v Speaker 1>things back into gear. The King himself had now become

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<v Speaker 1>almost in irrelevance in the business of renovating this kingdom.

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<v Speaker 1>The familiar grant of tonnage and poundage was made to him,

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<v Speaker 1>but only on the understanding that all his previous extractions

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<v Speaker 1>had been illegal. The old centers of royal authority were

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<v Speaker 1>simply swept away the Star Chamber, that old tutor innovation

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<v Speaker 1>was abolished, ship money was condemned as contrary to the law.

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<v Speaker 1>The limits of royal forests were declared to be those

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<v Speaker 1>that have been obtained in the twentieth year of King

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<v Speaker 1>James the First. Now, all the while there was still

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<v Speaker 1>the war of propaganda going on. The leading members of

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<v Speaker 1>the Commons published their speeches, which, according to the Puritan

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<v Speaker 1>Richard Baxter in his autobiography, were quote greedily bought up

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<v Speaker 1>throughout the land, which greatly increased the people's apprehension of

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<v Speaker 1>their danger end quote. Of course, by their danger, they

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<v Speaker 1>meant danger from the king. The sermons of the principal

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<v Speaker 1>preachers were also printed and distributed. Yet the pamphlets were

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<v Speaker 1>not simply directed against one or the other of the

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<v Speaker 1>factions then gaining ground. They were part of a vigorous

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<v Speaker 1>debate that was first forming about the ideals of public

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<v Speaker 1>and English religious life. Questions for the first time were

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<v Speaker 1>being posed. What were the grounds of a just monarchy?

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<v Speaker 1>Was there, in truth an ancient English constitution? Were the King,

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<v Speaker 1>Parliament and people uniquely joined in some way now to

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<v Speaker 1>all of these questions. The royalists were not silent and

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<v Speaker 1>fought back with pamphlets of their own. It was a

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<v Speaker 1>world of change. As the King would say to Parliament

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<v Speaker 1>earlier in the year, quote you have taken the government

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<v Speaker 1>all in pieces. In the weeks after Stafford's death, the

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<v Speaker 1>King seems to have become resigned to his loss of power.

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<v Speaker 1>He signed the bill for the abolishment of tonnage and poundage,

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<v Speaker 1>telling both houses of Parliament that quote. I had never

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<v Speaker 1>had other design but to win the affections of my

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<v Speaker 1>people end quote. He made a leading Puritan, the Earl

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<v Speaker 1>of Essex, his Lord Chamberlain. Now all of this seemed

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<v Speaker 1>to suggest that Charles had simply become resigned to the

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<v Speaker 1>new state of being, that he was going to be

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<v Speaker 1>fine with being a figurehead, and that the world would

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<v Speaker 1>simply move on without the English monarchy. Now that's how

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<v Speaker 1>it looked on the surface, but none of that was true.

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<v Speaker 1>In fact, beneath the surface, Charles was just playing for

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<v Speaker 1>time and waiting for his opportunity to strike. They were

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<v Speaker 1>already the makings of a king's party. From those outraged

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<v Speaker 1>at the pretensions of parliament in assuming executive powers. Others

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<v Speaker 1>weren't happy about the idea of a Puritan state church

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<v Speaker 1>controlled by parliamentary lay commissioners in place of episcopal bishops.

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<v Speaker 1>Those who were moderate or orthodox in religion and government

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<v Speaker 1>policy were starting steadily but surely to take the side

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<v Speaker 1>of the king, And of course it was also possible

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<v Speaker 1>that Charles might be able to divide the lords from

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<v Speaker 1>the commons. In June of sixteen forty one, the lords

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<v Speaker 1>threw out a bill excluding bishops from their numbers. They

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<v Speaker 1>said they weren't prepared to consider further reformation. At the

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<v Speaker 1>same time, Member of Parliament John Pim, who was very

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<v Speaker 1>much in control of the parliamentary faction at this point,

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<v Speaker 1>put forth a series of measures called the Ten Propositions.

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<v Speaker 1>These were all designed to increase parliamentary control of the

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<v Speaker 1>King's Court and Council. The first characteristic of these was

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<v Speaker 1>aimed at Catholics. All Jesuits and Catholic priests were to

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<v Speaker 1>be banned from court from here on out. And I

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<v Speaker 1>want to be clear, they were never allowed to hold

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<v Speaker 1>an official position. This is simply banning them from the

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<v Speaker 1>court altogether. There was more to the Ten Propositions. The

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<v Speaker 1>armies of Scotland and England were to be disbanded as

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<v Speaker 1>quickly as possible. But what was most notable about them

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<v Speaker 1>was the complete and total absence of even a reference

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<v Speaker 1>to the King. He didn't talk about the need to

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<v Speaker 1>eliminate royal authority, he just didn't talk about that authority

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<v Speaker 1>at all. Now, the Ten Propositions had been in part

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<v Speaker 1>prompted by the King's recent and carefully resolved decision to

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<v Speaker 1>travel to Scotland. It was feared by parliamentarians that in

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<v Speaker 1>fact his destination would be York rather than Edinburgh, where

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<v Speaker 1>he might take control of the English army garrison. There.

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<v Speaker 1>Hence the call that the English and Scottish armies should

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<v Speaker 1>stand down, because if the English and Scottish armies were

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<v Speaker 1>joined together under the command of the King, then Charles

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<v Speaker 1>would have an almost irresistible force behind him. John Pim

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<v Speaker 1>and his supporters were now seized with both anxiety and alarm,

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<v Speaker 1>and decided that they would seize on the people's anxiety

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<v Speaker 1>and alarm. They even convened Parliament on a Sunday morning

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<v Speaker 1>at the beginning of August to debate the nature of

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<v Speaker 1>the threat. They begged for a delay to the King's journey,

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<v Speaker 1>but he would only consent to a pause of one

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<v Speaker 1>single day. Now, as the King prepared to go on

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<v Speaker 1>his journey, a crowd gathered in Westminster and tried to

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<v Speaker 1>block his exits. It may be that his presence in

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<v Speaker 1>London acted as a form of reassurance at a time

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<v Speaker 1>of great disorder, or it may be that some in

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<v Speaker 1>the crowd suspected his intentions of trying to take control

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<v Speaker 1>of the army. Either way, he went to Parliament on

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<v Speaker 1>that morning, in a mood of I'd say, sort of

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<v Speaker 1>not very well concealed hostility. He named a commission of

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<v Speaker 1>twenty two men who would administer affairs in his absence.

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<v Speaker 1>Among them was the Earl of Newcastle, a notable enemy

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<v Speaker 1>of the parliamentary cause. So the comments immediately responded to

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<v Speaker 1>this by retiring to their chamber and debating the means

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<v Speaker 1>of trying to raise some form of defense. Just to

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<v Speaker 1>be on the safe side, an ordinance was passed, the

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<v Speaker 1>first of its kind, appointing several key parliamentarians to attend

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<v Speaker 1>the King in Scotland. They were, of course not travel companions.

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<v Speaker 1>These were very much spies and babysitters. They were hoping

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<v Speaker 1>to supervise Charles's actions. It seemed another confrontation had become inevitable.

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<v Speaker 1>Now Charles went to Edinburgh. He did not stop in York,

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<v Speaker 1>as was suspected, and he was greeted in Edinburgh with

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<v Speaker 1>every sign of acclamation. He had once proceeded to gain

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<v Speaker 1>the approval of the Scots, hoping to play his one's

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<v Speaker 1>enemies against his new enemies, He attended the services of

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<v Speaker 1>the Scottish Church with an outward display of piety, and

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<v Speaker 1>agreed to the demand of the Scottish Covenanters that the

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<v Speaker 1>bishops would be excluded from their reformed church. He attended

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<v Speaker 1>the sessions of the Scottish Parliament and agreed to the

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<v Speaker 1>terms of an Anglo Scottish Union, whereby his powers over

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<v Speaker 1>Parliament and the army would be cut dramatically. Now back

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<v Speaker 1>in England, at the same time, Parliament had, for the

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<v Speaker 1>first time in its history, begun to govern on its own.

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<v Speaker 1>It paid the army, and it issued orders to royal officials,

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<v Speaker 1>such as the Lieutenant of the Tower. It made decrees

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<v Speaker 1>about liturgy and forms of religious worship. Most importantly, perhaps

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<v Speaker 1>the Parliament decreed that this present Parliament could not be

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<v Speaker 1>closed without its own consent. It was in effect declaring

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<v Speaker 1>that Parliament from now on was a permanent British political

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<v Speaker 1>and governmental institution. Parliament reassembled on the twentieth of October

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<v Speaker 1>in sixteen forty one, this time determined to ring from

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<v Speaker 1>the King the same concessions the Scottish Parliament had already

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<v Speaker 1>obtained from him. Now at this point John Pim was

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<v Speaker 1>truly the leader of the Parliamentary Party and the orchestrator

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<v Speaker 1>of all parliamentary affairs. He had control over all all

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<v Speaker 1>the factions, it seems, and could direct them to will

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<v Speaker 1>wherever he needed them. Him and his colleagues were now

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<v Speaker 1>intent upon stripping Charles of his prerogative powers, namely his

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<v Speaker 1>ability to appoint his officers and counselors with no reference

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<v Speaker 1>to Parliament whatsoever. Yet to do this they had to

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<v Speaker 1>first deprive the upper house, the House of Lords, of

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<v Speaker 1>its majority in favor of the King. And so again Parliament,

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<v Speaker 1>that is, the House of Commons, moved to expel thirteen

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<v Speaker 1>bishops who sat in the House of Lords. A bill

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<v Speaker 1>was passed by the Commons to disqualify clerics from accepting

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<v Speaker 1>secular office, but of course, naturally enough, it was delayed

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<v Speaker 1>in the House of Lords. Him tried to raise the

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<v Speaker 1>temperature of the debate with the news of fresh army

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<v Speaker 1>plots and the ongoings in Edinburgh. Whether all of these

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<v Speaker 1>rumors were true or not wasn't the point, because all

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<v Speaker 1>they did was deep in the alarm within Parliament about

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<v Speaker 1>the King's intentions, and it simply confirmed a fact that

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<v Speaker 1>seemed to be known by everyone at this point that

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<v Speaker 1>Charles the First simply could not be trusted. And it

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<v Speaker 1>was just at that moment at the very beginning of

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<v Speaker 1>November that news reached Parliament a rebellion had broken out

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<v Speaker 1>in Ireland. This immediately changed the game. Honestly, it's one

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<v Speaker 1>of those turning points in history that you probably wonder

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<v Speaker 1>what would have happened if the rebellion wouldn't have broken out,

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<v Speaker 1>because I could see a scenario where somehow everyone steps

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<v Speaker 1>back from the brink. But this is the catalyst that's

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<v Speaker 1>going to push everything over the top, because immediately an

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<v Speaker 1>Irish rebellion aroused the fears of all Protestants throughout England.

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<v Speaker 1>The rebellion, though it came as a had eclismic shock

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<v Speaker 1>to those in England, honestly had been brewing for a

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<v Speaker 1>really long time. And so here we need to just

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<v Speaker 1>back up and explore the origins for a moment of

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<v Speaker 1>the Irish Rebellion of sixteen forty one. Now, there were

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<v Speaker 1>three defined elements in Irish society. The New English were

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<v Speaker 1>Protestant settlers who had established themselves after the Reformation. They

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<v Speaker 1>controlled the Parliament in Dublin and were intent upon imposing

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<v Speaker 1>English ways and standards upon the natives. I know that

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<v Speaker 1>Ireland and England are right next to each other, but

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<v Speaker 1>to them this was sort of an early form of

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<v Speaker 1>imperialism or colonization. The Old English were different. They had

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<v Speaker 1>arrived before the Reformation, some as early as the twelfth century,

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<v Speaker 1>and had become as acclimatized that they identified themselves with

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<v Speaker 1>Ireland rather than England. Many of them were Catholic, while

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<v Speaker 1>some merely conformed in public to the Protestant Church of Ireland.

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<v Speaker 1>They owned about one third of the best land. The

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<v Speaker 1>third group, known by the two former groups as the

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<v Speaker 1>quote unquote mirror Irish, made up the largest part of

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<v Speaker 1>the population, but like most downtrodden groups throughout history, they

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<v Speaker 1>have left little record of their loyalties or beliefs. But

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<v Speaker 1>those last two groups, the Irish and the Old English,

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<v Speaker 1>had a lot of grievances. The Crown had in previous

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<v Speaker 1>years confiscated one quarter of the land that had been

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<v Speaker 1>held by the Anglo Irish gentry and by the native Irish.

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<v Speaker 1>It had already been decided in the reign of King

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<v Speaker 1>James the First that no landowner could have the title

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<v Speaker 1>to his lands unless he could prove he held proper

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<v Speaker 1>feudal tenure. If he could not provide these credentials, then

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<v Speaker 1>his lands would be confiscated and taken over by New

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<v Speaker 1>English or sometimes Scottish settlers. Thus James had resented the

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<v Speaker 1>citizens of London with forty thousand acres in County Derry,

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<v Speaker 1>the territory that is today still known as Londonderry. The

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<v Speaker 1>six counties of Ulster had also dramatically fallen into the

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<v Speaker 1>hands of the Scottish Presbyterians, hence the division nowadays between

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<v Speaker 1>the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. The dismal state

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<v Speaker 1>of the Church of Ireland and the zealous work of

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<v Speaker 1>Jesuit missionaries had also emboldened the Catholic cause. The Catholics

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<v Speaker 1>had good reason for resentment. They were unable to educate

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<v Speaker 1>their children, and their priests, with no benefices, were required

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<v Speaker 1>to rely on the charity of their parishioners. Fines could

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<v Speaker 1>also be imposed upon those who did not attend Protestant services.

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<v Speaker 1>Many forces were therefore at work in the revolt. The

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<v Speaker 1>Irish Catholic leaders, who included the Old English, drew up

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<v Speaker 1>a remonstrance in which they claimed to be rising up

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<v Speaker 1>for the safety of their religion and for the defense

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<v Speaker 1>of their lives and the states. They were aware of

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<v Speaker 1>the proceedings of the English Parliament and of the concessions

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<v Speaker 1>made by the King to the Scottish Presbyterians, and so

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<v Speaker 1>felt all the more keenly the injustice to their native religion.

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<v Speaker 1>They feared also that the reformers or Puritans in England

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<v Speaker 1>had so deep a hatred of Catholicism that they would

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<v Speaker 1>force even more restraints upon them. And while they're doing that,

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<v Speaker 1>exact new duties and taxes from them, they might even

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<v Speaker 1>go further. And in a statement of Irish grievances, it

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<v Speaker 1>was suggested that the Scots and the English combined might

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<v Speaker 1>quote come into Ireland with the Bible in one hand

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<v Speaker 1>and the sword in the other, for to plant their

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<v Speaker 1>puritan and narchical religion among us, otherwise to utterly destroy

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<v Speaker 1>us end quote. Honestly, the message went around, why shouldn't

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<v Speaker 1>the Irish rise up in their own defense before it

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<v Speaker 1>was simply too late? This was a grand irony of

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<v Speaker 1>the period. The negotiations between England and Scotland had the

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<v Speaker 1>result of forcing Ireland into revolt. Charles had found it

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<v Speaker 1>impossible in practice to administer three kingdoms when one had

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<v Speaker 1>each pleased its loyalty to a separate religion, as honestly

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<v Speaker 1>was truly the case. At this point. You have Scotland Presbyterian,

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<v Speaker 1>you have England Protestant kind of Puritan, and the ne

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<v Speaker 1>of Ireland Catholic. On the twenty third of October sixteen

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<v Speaker 1>forty one, the rebellion began and the old English and

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<v Speaker 1>Irish rose up against their new English masters. A rebellion

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<v Speaker 1>in Dublin on the previous day had been partially discovered

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<v Speaker 1>and quelled, but the insurrection almost immediately spread throughout the countryside.

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<v Speaker 1>Parties of armed men would ravage an English own plantation

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<v Speaker 1>and then retire to their own territory. Others would actively

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<v Speaker 1>supplant the English owners and replace them with their former owners.

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<v Speaker 1>The English fugitives saw huge in the nearest army garrison,

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<v Speaker 1>where they remained in fear but bottled up. It was

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<v Speaker 1>stated that many thousands of Protestants had been killed, that

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<v Speaker 1>women had been raped and mutilated, and that babies had

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<v Speaker 1>been burned. A letter read out to the House of

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<v Speaker 1>Commons alleged that the Irish rebels in Munster were engaged

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<v Speaker 1>in quote exercising all manners of cruelties and striving who

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<v Speaker 1>can be the most barbarously exquisite in tormenting the poor

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<v Speaker 1>Protestants wheresoever they come, cutting off the privy members ears,

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<v Speaker 1>fingers and hands, plucking out their eyes, boiling the heads

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<v Speaker 1>of little children before their mother's faces, and then ripping

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<v Speaker 1>out their mother's bowels, stripping women naked and standing by

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<v Speaker 1>them naked. Willis they are in travail. That means labor,

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<v Speaker 1>killing the children as soon as they're born, ripping up

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<v Speaker 1>their mother's bellies as they are delivered. End quote. Now, Okay,

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of that was hyperbole and quite frankly wasn't happening.

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<v Speaker 1>The real truth was that there was about five thousand

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<v Speaker 1>English Protestants who were killed and about an equal number

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<v Speaker 1>of Irish Catholics had fallen in the course of the

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<v Speaker 1>English counterattack. But all of this hyperbole and misinformation is

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<v Speaker 1>going to sow the seeds of what's going to happen

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<v Speaker 1>when Oliver Cromwell comes to power. Now November the fifth,

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<v Speaker 1>John pam rose from his seat in Parliament to pledge

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<v Speaker 1>his life and a state to the cause of suppressing

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<v Speaker 1>the Irish rebellion. Parliament at this point decided it not

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<v Speaker 1>the King would be in charge of organizing and directing

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<v Speaker 1>a Protestant army that might be employed in its own

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<v Speaker 1>cause and its own defense if needed, but for now

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<v Speaker 1>it could be used to suppress the rebellion in Ireland.

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<v Speaker 1>Now this was the occasion for the debate in a

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<v Speaker 1>document that would later become known in the history of

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<v Speaker 1>the English Civil War as the Grand Remonstrance, which just

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<v Speaker 1>about two hundred and four clauses length and really sets

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<v Speaker 1>out the basis for parliamentary rule of the Kingdom from

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<v Speaker 1>there on out. He needed this, Pim decided because he

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<v Speaker 1>sensed that a Royalist party was starting to acquire more

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<v Speaker 1>and more support, and he put everything out in writing,

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<v Speaker 1>but at the same time issued a statement that certain

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<v Speaker 1>clauses could be up for negotiation and amended as needed.

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<v Speaker 1>This was sort of an olive branch to the Royalists

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<v Speaker 1>to try to bring them into the fold, or I

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<v Speaker 1>suppose keep them on Parliament's side. Is increasingly members, especially

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<v Speaker 1>of the House of Lords, started to waiver. The significance

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<v Speaker 1>of this occasion is marked by Oliver Cromwell, who said,

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<v Speaker 1>on leaving the chamber that quote, if the Remonstrance had

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<v Speaker 1>been rejected, I would have sold all I had next

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<v Speaker 1>morning and never have seen England more end quote. So

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<v Speaker 1>it was a line in the sand that was being

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<v Speaker 1>drawn at this point over which side you were on

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<v Speaker 1>and what you believed in. Edward Nichols wrote to the

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<v Speaker 1>King while this was being debated all the way back

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<v Speaker 1>on the eighth of November, writing quote it the remonstrance

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<v Speaker 1>relates all the misgovernment and unpleasing things that have been

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<v Speaker 1>done by ill counsuls, as they call it. If your

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<v Speaker 1>Majesty come not instantly away from Edinburgh to London, I

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<v Speaker 1>trouble to think what will be the issue of it?

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<v Speaker 1>End quote. So, hearing the news, Charles does decide to

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<v Speaker 1>return to London from Edinburgh seventeen days later, and on

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<v Speaker 1>his entrance into the city he was met by a cavalcade.

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<v Speaker 1>He told those who assembled to greet him that he

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<v Speaker 1>would maintain the old laws and the Protestant faith, and

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<v Speaker 1>it's likely, honestly that the welcome from the Londoners was genuine.

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<v Speaker 1>The Venetian ambassador had already reported that anonymous placards had

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<v Speaker 1>been posted in the streets naming the lords of Puritans

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<v Speaker 1>as traders and authors of all the sedition, and just

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<v Speaker 1>before the King had left Scotland, he too had received

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<v Speaker 1>news that the Irish had erupted in rebellion. Now Pim

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<v Speaker 1>and his colleagues were inclined to blame Charles for the rebellion.

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<v Speaker 1>In a more direct sense, some of the Irish rebels

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<v Speaker 1>claimed that they had a commission from the King under

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<v Speaker 1>the Great Seal, to arrest and seize goods, estates and

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<v Speaker 1>persons of all the English Protestants. This claim, like many

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<v Speaker 1>of the other ones that I've read, was not true

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<v Speaker 1>by any sense, but it persuaded Pim and his followers

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<v Speaker 1>that the King had actually intentionally started the revolt, the

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<v Speaker 1>idea being that that would give him an excuse to

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<v Speaker 1>raise an army, which he could actually then just turn

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<v Speaker 1>against Parliament before using it in Ireland. And so there

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<v Speaker 1>was a bitter controversy over the size and direction of

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<v Speaker 1>the military campaign in Ireland. The King said that one man,

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<v Speaker 1>rather than four hundred, was best to direct a campaign.

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<v Speaker 1>The parliamentarians naturally disagreed, claiming that Charles could not raise

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<v Speaker 1>an army that the express approval of Parliament. In the

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<v Speaker 1>last two months of the year, the Earl of Warwick

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<v Speaker 1>set about creating what was essentially a parliamentary force. Charles

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<v Speaker 1>wanted a holly volunteer force composed of his supporters, while

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<v Speaker 1>the parliamentarians insisted upon pressing men into service at every

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<v Speaker 1>stage in the process. The Commons, with a small majority

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<v Speaker 1>against the King, was opposed by the lords. In the event,

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<v Speaker 1>only one regiment was ultimately sent to Ireland in sixteen

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<v Speaker 1>forty one. A further force would arrive about five months

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<v Speaker 1>later in sixteen forty two. Of about five thousand Menlish

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<v Speaker 1>garrisons in Ireland were for the moment essentially left on

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<v Speaker 1>their own to fight their own battles. It's probably fair

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<v Speaker 1>to assume that Pim and his fellows wish to continue

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<v Speaker 1>to gather their resources for a conflict that they believed

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<v Speaker 1>was coming much closer to home.
