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oh one oh seven nine. It's also the WBT text
line driven by Liberty Buick GMC. You can also find
me on Twitter where things are a raging at peak Calendar.
Why are things raging on Twitter? Well with a specific category, Well,
I mean, okay, things are always raging on Twitter. Okay,
fair enough, But I have got a swarm of the
the leftist moonbats around me over the last twenty four
hours on Twitter because they know it's bad. They know
this is a bad story for my good friend Ray
Roy cut him loose Cooper running for US Senate. They
are now concerned their actions prove it. They are very,
very worried about the connection between Roy Cooper's collusive settlement
with the ACLU and the NAACP that turned loose thousands
of inmates from the prisons during COVID, and they're trying
to play a little too clever by half with their
what about isms. I'm hearing what about Jay six ers,
what about Jay six what about all the Republicans?
Speaker 1: What about this? What about that? What about this? What
about that? Rather than.
Speaker 2: Dealing with the fact that Roy Cooper released thirty five
hundred inmates during COVID, he did so after he was sued.
The state was sued by the ACLU and the end
of LACP in North Carolina. And here's the thing they
touted it. We're going to take a walk down memory lane.
I have here in my hands various stories, reports, and
the settlement agreement itself that was entered into back in
twenty twenty one. As I understand it, now, the list
of the inmates that were released. I've seen different reports
that the list has now been released. I've not seen
the list. All it is is a list of three thousand,
five hundred inmate numbers with like release dates. And because
there were three different tracks that these inmates could go
down in order to get out early and by the way,
the Cooper administration before the settlement was publicizing how they
were working on reducing the jail population in an accelerated
fashion anyway, that they were doing things to clear out
the jails. In fact, they had reduced the jail population
by almost one third after the settlement. But before the
settlement they were touting how they had released like six
thousand inmates on an accelerated path to get them out
of the jails because of COVID. You see and the
reaction to this story. You can see the ground troops
all mobilizing for Cooper right there. But response team is
putting out these denials saying to Carlos Brown Junior, because
this was the impetus for all of this, was to
Carlos Brown Junior, the man accused of murdering Arena Zarutzka.
And really there's like there's really nothing else too. I mean,
like I don't even say allegedly because he's on video
doing it. We have two different video angles of it,
we have eyewitnesses. It's very clear he stood up behind
this Ukrainian refugee who was on the light railback in
August last year, riding home on the train. From work
at the pizza place and she sits down in a seat.
She's looking at her phone and Carlos Brown Junior stands
up behind her and just blindsides her and stabs her
in the neck and she dies right there within like
a minute. He then gets off the train. He's muttering
to himself, and that will be like whether or not
he is deemed to be mentally incapable of standing trial, right,
that's going to be the first sort of legal test
to go through because the facts of the case, when
you see the video, they are not in doubt he
did it. So he was on the list of the
people that were to be released as part of this settlement,
and that is that is lethal to a campaign like Cooper's.
The guy is running, as you know, four time attorney general,
I was the two term governor. I've always been tough
on crime, and I'm tough on crime because the Democrat
politicians as savvy as Cooper is, and say what you
want about Cooper, but he is politically savvy. He understands
the stuff, the defund the police garbage was toxic to
the Democrats in the last two legislative election cycles.
Speaker 1: They know this too. I mean, well, the smart ones do.
Speaker 2: There are still a bunch of leftists that still run
on this decarceration and defund the police platform, although to
be fair, they don't really say it out loud so
much anymore. But I'm sure it's some point. I mean,
that's what the abolish ice is all about too. It's just, hey,
here's the law enforcement agency we can target for defunding.
Speaker 1: It's just let's say, well, we'll go after them, same messaging.
Speaker 2: So Cooper knows this right, That's why he always touts
all of the endorsements from any kind of law enforcement
organization when he was running for ag or governor. Because
Democrats have a soft underbelly when it comes to crime
and public safety. They're not seen as strong on crime
because they're not. And you know, whether it's at the
judicial level with their judges and the magistrates, or it's
with the elected officials at the legislative level. They have
proven this to be the case over and over and
over again. Virginia is giving a it's a classic example
of it right now too. They're running bills now that
the Democrats have the trifecta up their House, Senate and governor,
they're running bills to lower the penalties for all sorts
of violent crimes and take your guns away from you too,
So this way you can't defend yourself when the criminals
are released back out onto the streets. So let's go back.
This is from the Carolina Public Press, a piece by
Jordan Wilkie. This was on February twenty fifth, twenty twenty one,
so almost exactly what five years ago, and this was
the day that the agreement was signed. February twenty fifth,
that the settlement in the litigation was signed, thereby avoiding
a trial after eleven months of litigation. The North Carolina
prison system will fast track the release of at least
three thousand, five hundred people over the next six months
as part of a legal settlement over prison condition during
the COVID nineteen pandemic. This is one of the largest
and likely the largest and most specific releases of people
from prison as a result of a court action during
a pandemic, according to Aaron Littman, the deputy director of
the COVID nineteen Behind Bars Data Project, which was led
by the UCLA Law School. In other cases around the
country where judges have ruled the release of significant numbers
of people. Higher courts overturned the rulings. See that's what
happens when you fight, you would actually win. The courts
on appeal would overturn the lower courts dumbass rulings. But
we didn't do that. In North Carolina, Governor Cooper and
Josh Stein, they didn't do that. They entered into the
deal because I assume they wanted to playgate their radical
decarceration base. And since it was a settlement, which is
an agreement between the parties involved, it cannot be overruled
by a judge. Wait County Superior Court Judge Vincetent Rosier
Junior or Rose Air Rosier Rosier. He ruled last June,
so that would have been June of twenty twenty that
prison conditions were likely unconstitutional in that the state had
to take several measures to protect incarcerated people from COVID nineteen.
So the measures that Cooper decided to take was to
just cut him loose.
Speaker 1: There you go.
Speaker 2: It's easier to get the six feet of distance between
everybody because that will slow the spread. We're going to
get six feet apart by having fewer people in the prisons.
So we just turn them all loose. Whitley Carpenter, a
lawyer for Forward Justice, one of the civil rights groups
that sued, said the most effective way to protect people
in prison from the COVID nineteen virus is to reduce
the number of people in prison. This was the point.
This was the entire point, decarceration. Get people out of
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limited time offer. In February of twenty twenty one, a
piece appeared at the Carolina Public Press dot org by
Jordan Wilkie talking about this settlement. The headline NC Prisons
settle naacpiece agree to fast track release of thirty five
hundred inmates. Spurred on by the lawsuit originally filed in
state court in April of twenty twenty. The state prison
system has already been releasing people at an increased rate. Okay,
so before the settlement even happened, the state was accele
the release of inmates. And you know who was part
of that acceleration to Carlos Brown Junior, he was also
on the list as part of the settlement, so they
counted him towards the thirty five hundred. So here's the deal. Okay,
they released him early. Had he not been released early,
and when I say early, I mean he served the
mandatory minimum sentence, but he still had about three years
left on his total sentence. But they cut him loose
rather than serve the max eight years for robbery with
a deadly weapon violent crime. Right, So rather than make
them serve the mandatory eight they cut him loose after
the mandatory minimum sentence and put him on parole. He
then commits another crime, gets rearrested, they cut him loose
again because they had already started the releasing of the
inmates on an accelerated rate. So had he not been
released on his back in September of twenty twenty with
the mandatory minimum sent and served, he would have been
included in the list in the settlement release.
Speaker 1: That's number one. Number two.
Speaker 2: Are we to believe then, that you put you, being
Roy Cooper, that Cooper put to Carlos Brown Junior onto
the list in order to puff up the numbers he
was already out, Pete, he was already out. He was
already out. He wasn't released as part of the settlement.
I mean he would have been, but he was already released.
He was already out. Well, then why did you put
him on the list to puff up the numbers so
you could go out there and say we have the
largest prison break, sorry release.
Speaker 1: Of any state in America.
Speaker 2: When Roy Cooper isn't out there doing laps around the
governor's mansion doing the black power fist in the air
with his mask halfway off his face in solidarity with
the BLM rioters. Meanwhile he's telling everybody else, you can't
go to an outdoor funeral for your loved one who
died while locked away, and you couldn't visit in their
final days when they died of COVID Like he did
this lockdown for everybody, and then when the BLM folks
take to the streets, that's okay, He'll march with them again.
This was in his re election campaign. This was twenty twenty.
He was facing reelection and so he needed to be
in the good graces of this radical component of the
Democrat base. He presents himself as a moderate, and he
governs as a radical because he can't say no to
these most depraved groups inside the Democrat Party. And so
best case scenario is that you fast tracked Brown for
early release before he was part of the settlement, and
then you threw his number, his inmate number, onto your
settlement list in order to jack up the numbers to
make it look like you were doing the most in America.
So he wanted the credit. He wanted the credit from
the ACLU and the media in the radical base, the
decarceration crowd, the defund the police crowd. He wanted. He
wanted their praise, and he got it. By the way
he got it. The state prison system was already releasing
people at an increased rate. According to the settlement. The
prison population went from thirty four thousand plus at the
beginning of the pandemic, went from thirty four to four
down to twenty eight five twenty five eighty one in
one year.
Speaker 1: Let's see here.
Speaker 2: This is from This is a quote from Ben Finnoult,
the director of the Just Sentencing Project for the NC
Prisoner Legal Services, which is a nonprofit and nonpartisan law firm,
quoted in this piece at Carolina Public Press as far
as I know, it's the largest mass decarceration effort in
the country.
Speaker 1: End quote.
Speaker 2: I said this yesterday, I said this the day before yesterday. Right,
this is the point it is to empty the jails.
And by the way, do you think it had any
impact on the crime rate surging during and right after COVID?
Now they're like, oh, crime is down. Crime is down, Yeah,
because all the people that you let out probably have
reoffended by now and have got locked up again. He says,
My hope is that the Department of Public Safety is
not simply going to, you know, release everybody who would
have been released in the next six months, and to
do it two weeks before they were going to be released,
just to get that number up. Well, is that what
Cooper did? Did Cooper trick you and the decarceration crowd?
Did they pump those numbers up artificially by including people
that had already been early released. In a May filing
for the defendants, Nicole Sullivan, the director of re Entry
Programs and Services for DPS, said, quote, there was simply
no way to accomplish a mass release of offenders into
the community at one time without sacrificing either the services,
the re entry services that make re entry a success,
or the interests of public safety. She said there was
no way to accomplish this without sacrificing re entry services
or public safety. Lawyers for the state held this position
through most of the court hearing. It is not clear
what has changed, if anything, in the state's preparedness is
to release the additional people as required in this settlement.
Speaker 1: What changed? What changed? You said?
Speaker 2: DPS said, we can't do this without risking the interest
of public without risking public safety, and then all of
a sudden they agree to it, and they've never said
what changed their mind. I feel like that's something that
should probably be answered. All right, I hope you had
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line driven by Liberty, Buick gmc bain asks, is this
Roy Cooper's Willie Horton?
Speaker 1: Yeah? I think so. That's what I said yesterday.
Speaker 2: And I think that's why you're seeing the reaction from
so many people on the left, whether it's you know,
the Rapid Response Team Cooper's campaign, Democrat Party media, but
mostly it's the uh, it's the ground troops on so
social media. Think of them as like keyboard warriors, like
the keyboard version of the ice agitators up in Minneapolis. Right,
so they are all like mobilizing now to try to
browbeat this story out of existence, to try to say,
what about the j sixers, what about that?
Speaker 1: What about this right?
Speaker 2: To try to distract and deflect away from what was
celebrated by Cooper, celebrated by the ACLU and the NAACP
and the defund the police crowd, and the decarceration crowd.
These people celebrated this announcement five years ago. This was
right on the heels of the BLM fiery but mostly
peaceful riots. This was after Cooper had set up his
Racial Justice Equity Task Force thing that then started providing
guidance to magistrates and judges around the state about how
to you know, look at a person's race before you
throw them in jail, and if they are of the
right race, lock them up. If for the wrong race,
let them go. I mean, they weren't that explicit about it,
but that was like, we have to be mindful of this,
and everybody understands what they mean when they say that stuff.
North Carolina before COVID, before this settlement, Okay, North Carolina
had the fewest number of people in its prisons since
nineteen ninety five, and with these releases, the population could
be as low as twenty five thousand people in six
months time. That is a one third reduction in the
population in the prisons since ninety five, that is twenty
five years. Do you think wait, has North Carolina grown
in population in twenty five years.
Speaker 1: I kind of feel like it has.
Speaker 2: I remember reading something about the explosive growth North Carolina
has seen. This is one of those things where it's like,
we have all these people, We got millions and millions
of new people that have moved in over the last
forty years, and we don't keep building more jails. In fact,
we have the smallest jail population than we've had since
ninety five. How does that make sense? Are we better
at preventing crime? No, this is a choice. It has
always been a choice. This has been democrat priorities. So
before the pandemic even hits, we're at thirty four thousand,
they start mass releasing people, they get sued, they agreed
to mass release even more people, and as part of
the settlement there would be essentially a population cap for
one year, so we would not albeit we would not
be allowed to incarcerate more than a certain amount of people.
If so, we would have to then accelerate more releases.
That was part of the settlement too. If the number
of people in prison goes up ten percent or more,
the prison system will have to quickly release people to
prevent further crowding. Like that is a turnstile system. But
this is after conviction. This isn't even pre trial stuff.
This is after conviction. Finnholt, who is with one of
these leftist organizations, the Just Sentencing Project, he said that's
not enough. Given that the prisons are experiencing a year's
long staff shortage exacerbated by the pandemic, more people should
be let out of prison. He doesn't even care what
their charges are. He doesn't care what the sentences are for.
He doesn't care what the crimes were that they committed.
It doesn't matter. This is decarceration. They do not believe
in imprisoning anybody. One boon of the settlement for DPS
is that the department keeps its authority over who it
lets out through its early re entry programs. That power
could have been taken away should the state have lost
the case at trial or in further preliminary rulings by
the judge. So they go to a friendly judge, they
get the judge to say keeping them in jail during
COVID is unconstitutional. That then quote forces the settlement agreement,
and all the state does is they get to maintain
control over the method in which they release the people.
So let's talk a little bit about that, because about
two weeks after that story. Okay, two weeks after that,
we get this story from Travis Fain at WRL. Top
state prison officials started a second appearance before state lawmakers
Tuesday with an apology. System leaders misled a legislative committee
last week about a lawsuit settlement that'll bring early release
for about thirty five hundred state inmates and an overall
reassessment of the prison system's COVID nineteen prevention efforts. See,
lawmakers were told only non violent offenders would get early release,
when in fact, violent offenders will. Two prison officials said
what they meant to say was no, violent offenders will
get out early through one of the release programs. However,
they will get out through two other release programs, and
those two programs involve way more inmates.
Speaker 1: Sorry about that.
Speaker 2: See so when yeah, so when we said we weren't
releasing any violent people, that actually was not the case.
Actually most of the people were releasing are violent. Sorry
about that, our bad. This came from testimony by Prisons
Commissioner Todd Ishi in an hour and a half long
questioning on the settlement. He said, I wish to issue
an apology. I think when we left last week there
was some confusion based on the lies we told. The
settlement has guardrails on release, though of course everyone involved
will already have a release date in twenty twenty one,
meaning that they would have gotten out this year. Regardless,
the thirty five hundred early releases will be spaced out
over as much as six months. Those releases will be
on top of fifteen hundred to seventeen hundred regular releases
the system does each month as inmates, both violent and nonviolent,
finish their sentences. Lawmakers asked whether they could revisit this settlement.
Orlando Rodriguez, a lawyer for the Attorney General's Office who
worked on the case, said it cannot. Sorry settlement terms
close out the case and the terms are locked in.
Lawmakers ask detailed questions about those talks, which the Cooper
administration has said it can't answer because of the terms
of the settlement. We're not allowed to talk about any
of this. It was part of our agreement. You'll just
have to trust us, even if it turns out that
we are misleading you. Rodriguez did confirm, though, that the
Attorney General, Josh Stein, was not personally involved in any
of the settlement negotiations.
Speaker 1: Can't have any of.
Speaker 2: Josh's fingerprints on any of this stuff. No, no, no,
all right. If you're listening to this show, you know
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Speaker 1: All right, let me go over to the text line
I guess let's say here.
Speaker 2: Bane following up, it's I it's ironic wanting to protect criminals.
North Carolina Governor Cooper releases over three thousand inmates because
it wasn't safe for them to live in close quarters.
Then you have Governor Cuomo of New York. He wanted
senior citizens to be saved from COVID, so he locked
them all together in nursing homes. Do you ever get
the feeling liberal leaders look at people as cattle?
Speaker 1: Again?
Speaker 2: I would just like, I would just like for somebody
to finally ask Governor Cooper, did you make a single
mistake in your response to COVID.
Speaker 1: That's it. Let's just start there. It's an easy question.
Speaker 2: Looking back knowing everything you know now, If you knew
then what you know now, would you have done anything different?
Did you make a single mistake in anything you did?
I'm not talking about the challenges. I understand all that.
I'm not talking about you know, a brand new virus,
nobody know what's going on. All that, I get all
of that. I gave Cooper a lot of leeway because
he was dealing with something that we hadn't seen before.
Everybody was, so I try to give a lot of grace.
But the fact that after all these years he has
never once been asked whether he made a single mistake.
They have never identified this policy we did here may
not have been the best policy.
Speaker 1: Like that is.
Speaker 2: That is shameful to the North Carolina media that covered it,
that still cover him, that are covering it, like how
have you not asked any of these questions? Completely incurious?
And see, this is why people are so worried, is
that they recognize how damaging this is among normies, among
regular people that don't pay attention to politics.
Speaker 1: They see some of this stuff. It's gonna be bad.
Speaker 2: Our friend Andrew Dunn from long leave politics, he apparently
got a hold of the of some of this list.
He said, the secret list of inmates freed includes fifty
one people who had been sentenced to life in prison.
He has pulled their offender numbers and he's going through
and getting the backgrounds. First up, Simon Ginopoulos, convicted of
second degree murder in nineteen eighty six, sentenced to life
plus twenty six years. He and his brother were convicted
of killing a thirty year old Greensboro man who was
tied up, gagged with a sock, beaten over the head
with a coat rack and fireplace poker, and stabbed twenty
four times in the back. Apparently these two brothers. The
older brother got mad when he found out the younger
brother was involved in a gay relationship with the victim.
So the brothers go to the house. The victim welcomes
them in because he has a relationship with the younger brother,
and they murder him. Where are you on that one, lefties?
Where are you LGBTQ community? This was one of the
guys the settlement list. How about Sheen Tou Jenkins, convicted
of the first degree murder of a Domino's pizza delivery
man in high Point. The victim's father was devastated to
hear that he had been released. This was out of
the Davidson Correctional Center in Lexington. The victim Kevin Dean Hodgen,
thirty five year old Dominoes driver during an armed robbery
outside the Domino store on Kirkwood Street, gunned down armed robbery.
Or how about Shannon McClintock, convicted of first degree rape
and robbery and McDowell County in nineteen eighty four, he says.
Andrew says, the details here are so horrific, I'm not
even going to repeat them. Local media reported he was
granted parole in twenty nineteen, but the Department of Corrections
records say he was released in twenty twenty one after
the settlement, So I'm not really sure what happened there.
Fourth on the list Javier Alexander Mackler County, convicted on
two unrelated murders. But the doc shows that he's still
in prison, so I'm not really sure why he would
be on the list. You'd have to ask Roy Cooper
why he got counted as one of the thirty five
hundred people freed. See again, what seems to be happening
here is as I hear more of these cases. I
think the Cooper people pumped up the numbers. I think
they lied. I think they pumped up the numbers. Next
on the list Eric Johnson, convicted in ninety four first
degree murder Vance County. He shot his twenty two year
old estranged wife in the head while lying while laying
in the mud in front of her mother. He received
a mandatory life sentence for the crime. Tony Hartzell convicted
of first degree murder nineteen ninety five for beating and
stabbing to death his eighty four year old neighbor. Jerry Foreman,
was shocked to hear he got released. Quote, he should
never be able to walk free, and we need to
be protected in societ needs to be protected from somebody
like this. That's according to Queens City News. That's just
five of the fifty one life sentences that were on
the list in that settlement. Again, I asked, as I
asked yesterday, who made the list, Who made this list,
who put the people on the list, who approved it?
Speaker 1: Was there any review.
Speaker 2: Regarding the systems that were used to release people. They
had three methods to release prisoners under the settlement. One
was called extended limits of confinement or ELCS, and that
is the one that would not include violent offenders, but
the other two courses, the other two tracks that were
used did include violent offenders. They would get discretionary credits
like time removed off of their sentences for various reasons.
That's a long standing program, but it was accelerated by
the settlement, and it will include some violent defenders. And
the third pathway for early release runs through the state's
parole system, which would include people now behind bars for
a violent crime. And that would have been the category
that de Carlos Brown Junior was in, but he had
already gotten out under that track. He was on the
list to get out on that track, but he had
already used the track to get out five months prior
and get re arrested and re released, even though he
violated a term of his parole, which was that he
got arrested again. The process kicked in in October of
twenty twenty one, and only if North Carolina remains in
a state of emergency, if the federal government or governor
rescind the current state of emergency, or if twelve months pass,
then that part of the settlement would be moot by
the way the emergency the Roy Cooper's ed the emergency
Declaration that ended in August of twenty twenty two, eight
hundred eighty eight days we were under that. One note
here from the settlement, this from section two b A
or B one A. I should say that they would
provide this list. It shall be treated as the list
of the inmates. The list shall be treated as attorney's
eyes only pursue it to the protective order entered in
the litigation. Why why is this a secret? Why would
you be trying to hide the people that you're releasing
from prison? If it's such a great idea and you
want all this credit for the largest prison release in
the country during COVID, Why can't the public know who's
just been released out onto our streets? All right, that'll
do it for this episode. Thank you so much for listening.
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