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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to Western civ Episode five hundred and thirteen,

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<v Speaker 1>Slavery's Shadow. Today, we're going to go forward in American

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<v Speaker 1>history and also a little bit back to just talk

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<v Speaker 1>about the incredible influence that shadow slavery is going to

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<v Speaker 1>have on the young American Republic. Honestly, between the end

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<v Speaker 1>of the American Revolution and the end of the American

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<v Speaker 1>Civil War, there really is no issue that permeates every

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<v Speaker 1>aspect of the American economy, politics, social like like chattel slavery.

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<v Speaker 1>It is the elephant in the room in every discussion,

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<v Speaker 1>and oftentimes the addressed elephant in the room. And so

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<v Speaker 1>it's important to understand how it gets to be the

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<v Speaker 1>level that it does, and why in the eighteen forties

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<v Speaker 1>and eighteen fifties it becomes such an intractable problem that

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<v Speaker 1>it results in the only civil war in American history,

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<v Speaker 1>I guess I should say yet, but the only civil

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<v Speaker 1>war in American history to date. Now today, our story

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<v Speaker 1>actually begins by going backwards in the dense, humid tide

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<v Speaker 1>water of seventeenth century Virginia, where back then the tobacco

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<v Speaker 1>fields were like the factories of the modern day, power

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<v Speaker 1>belonged to the plant or elite that possessed them. In

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<v Speaker 1>sixteen seventy six, a young, restless aristocrat named Nathaniel Bacon

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<v Speaker 1>led a rebellion that would reverberate far beyond its immediate violence. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>the cause of Bacon's rebellion is much much less important

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<v Speaker 1>than its impact. Bacon's rebellion was loosely premised on the

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<v Speaker 1>idea of protecting frontier colonists against Native American attacks. Really,

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<v Speaker 1>if you back up, it's a lot more about economic

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<v Speaker 1>tensions between the wealthy plan or elite and poor white farmers,

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<v Speaker 1>in particular former indentured servants who served out their time

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<v Speaker 1>after passage to the New World and then believed that

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<v Speaker 1>they were entitled to a plot of land. The problem

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<v Speaker 1>was the plot that they often got was worthless. That

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<v Speaker 1>bread a lot of resentment. And so what you see

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<v Speaker 1>during Bacon's rebellion is you see the dispossessed peoples of

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<v Speaker 1>the Tide Water region reaching out to one another and

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<v Speaker 1>making connections. And they often reached out over ethnic and

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<v Speaker 1>racial lines. You had some Native Americans involved, you had

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<v Speaker 1>some enslaved Africans, you had some former enslaved Africans. All

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<v Speaker 1>of them were rallied by Nathaniel Bacon against Governor William Berkeley,

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<v Speaker 1>claiming that the colonial government had failed again here's the pretext,

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<v Speaker 1>to protect community governments from Native American attacks. There was

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<v Speaker 1>a bitter social reality though underneath all of this, Virginia

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<v Speaker 1>was a deeply divided colony, divided between wealthy planters and

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<v Speaker 1>a large mass of landless laborers. When Bacon's multi racial

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<v Speaker 1>coalition set the torch to Jamestown, the planter class looked

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<v Speaker 1>on the flames with a new clarity. The rebellion ultimately failed.

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<v Speaker 1>Nathaniel Bacon dies of dysentery, but it reveals something terrifying

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<v Speaker 1>to the elite in Virginia, and that was that poor

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<v Speaker 1>whites and enslaved Africans had the capacity to unite against them,

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<v Speaker 1>and as a consequence from the ashes of Jamestown, a

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<v Speaker 1>new social order started to harden. Over the next decades, Virginia,

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<v Speaker 1>like much of the English Atlantic world, for the first time,

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<v Speaker 1>began to codify race into law, where earlier statutes had

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<v Speaker 1>sometimes been ambiguous. The late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries

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<v Speaker 1>forged a new, brutally simple rule of law. Africans would

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<v Speaker 1>be enslaved for life, their children enslaved after them. That's

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<v Speaker 1>what makes it chattel slavery. It's passed on from generation

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<v Speaker 1>to generation. Then you can be sold like a piece

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<v Speaker 1>of channel, like a piece of livestock, piece of farm equipment.

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<v Speaker 1>That's part of the inhumanity of the cysts, and whiteness

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<v Speaker 1>would become not a badge of class anymore, but a

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<v Speaker 1>badge that meant freedom. Now, I think it's important to

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<v Speaker 1>again back up and sort of walk through the value

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<v Speaker 1>of the transformation of slavery that happens after Bacon's rebellion.

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<v Speaker 1>Because Bacon's rebellion's at the tail end of the seventeenth century.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, it's still very much early colonial American history.

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<v Speaker 1>We're talking about clusters of European settlers really hugging the coast.

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<v Speaker 1>At this point, there's not a great deal of penetration

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<v Speaker 1>to the interior all along the eastern seaboard. But by

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<v Speaker 1>the early seventeen hundreds, so maybe only twenty five thirty

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<v Speaker 1>years from Bacon's rebellion, the Chesapeake Bay had now fully

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<v Speaker 1>embraced racial slavery as the foundation of its agricultural economy.

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<v Speaker 1>The demand that tobacco placed on labor was basically relentless,

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<v Speaker 1>indentured servitude. Once the dominant labor system declined steadily, as

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<v Speaker 1>more reliable and hereditary enslaved labor took its place. Enslaved Africans,

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<v Speaker 1>previously a small percentage of the population, grew rapidly in number.

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<v Speaker 1>During this period. Slave codes were tightened, Baptism no longer

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<v Speaker 1>free to slave, interracial marriage was banned forever, masters were

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<v Speaker 1>legally empowered to use deadly force if they felt it necessary.

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<v Speaker 1>In other words, slavery was no longer merely an economic institution.

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<v Speaker 1>It had become part of the social architecture, a way

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<v Speaker 1>of organizing life and hierarchy. In the colonies, particularly in

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<v Speaker 1>the southern colonies Virginia, Maryland, and the Carolinas. They all

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<v Speaker 1>built societies where race, labor, and law quickly became infused

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<v Speaker 1>into one single system. Other South, in the rice swamps

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<v Speaker 1>of South Carolina and Georgia, no cotton yet, that's going

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<v Speaker 1>to come later. Enslaved Africans carried agricultural knowledge from West

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<v Speaker 1>Africa that made plantation wealth possible. In places like the

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<v Speaker 1>Low Country, Africans formed the majority of the population, working

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<v Speaker 1>under the punishing task system that allowed planters to demand

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<v Speaker 1>immense labor while keeping a distance from the deadly, diseased

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<v Speaker 1>environments that would kill them but not the African slaves.

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<v Speaker 1>Through this brutal system, African languages, spiritual practices, and kinship

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<v Speaker 1>networks persisted. Though The Gulla and Geechee cultures emerged from

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<v Speaker 1>these crucibles of trauma and resilience stronger than ever. But really,

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<v Speaker 1>by the time we're inching up to the middle of

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<v Speaker 1>the eighteenth century, so we're getting close to the revolution.

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<v Speaker 1>At this point, slavery was deeply rooted in the colonies,

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<v Speaker 1>which was fascinating, of course, right because the rhetoric of

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<v Speaker 1>the coming American Revolution would introduce into all of this

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<v Speaker 1>a dangerous tension, just like we saw with the French Revolution.

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<v Speaker 1>Patriots spoke of liberty, natural rights, and resistance to tyranny.

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<v Speaker 1>Enslaved people like they would in San Deman. Now Haiti

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<v Speaker 1>listened to all these words, many began hearing their own

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<v Speaker 1>struggle in these same exact phrases. They started to petition

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<v Speaker 1>to courts. Eventually they fled to the British lines when

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<v Speaker 1>the revolution broke out, and in small scales they tried

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<v Speaker 1>to negotiate their own Freedom. Lord Dunmore, the British commander

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<v Speaker 1>in seventeen seventy five, promised freedom to enslave men who

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<v Speaker 1>joined the British during the American Revolution. This positively electrified

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<v Speaker 1>the South, making the South a lot more fertile ground

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<v Speaker 1>right the way for the British. Throughout the conflict, thousands

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<v Speaker 1>fled plantations to fight for the British Crown. For slave

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<v Speaker 1>holding revolutionaries like, of course, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and

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<v Speaker 1>James Madison, the War for Independence brought moments of reflection,

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<v Speaker 1>but rarely any sort of conviction Publicly. All these men

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<v Speaker 1>wrote about equality privately their plantations ran on enslaved labor.

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<v Speaker 1>But the Revolution did change slavery in a couple of

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<v Speaker 1>really important ways that will start to matter later on

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<v Speaker 1>in our story. First, the Northern States began a process

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<v Speaker 1>of gradual emancipation, beginning with Pennsylvania in the year seventeen eighty.

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<v Speaker 1>Slavery didn't disappear overnight in the northern parts of the

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<v Speaker 1>United States, but by the early eighteen hundreds it had

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<v Speaker 1>essentially faded away from New England and even some parts

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<v Speaker 1>of the mid Atlantic. You're starting, therefore, to see a

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<v Speaker 1>crucial break and divide amongst the country on regional lines,

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<v Speaker 1>where one part would be slave in one part would

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<v Speaker 1>be free. In other words, out of the ashes of

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<v Speaker 1>the American Revolution or some of the seeds of the

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<v Speaker 1>American Civil War. The Upper South saw its numbers rising,

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<v Speaker 1>especially for manumission, particularly in Virginia, where wartime ideology and

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<v Speaker 1>economic changes, albeit briefly, opened opportunities for black freedom. The

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<v Speaker 1>free black population grew steadily, concentrating itself in cities like Philadelphia, Baltimore,

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<v Speaker 1>and New York. The south of the Potomac, another transformation

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<v Speaker 1>was coming, one that would make slavery far more potent

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<v Speaker 1>than ever before. In the seventeen nineties, a young nation

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<v Speaker 1>faced westward expansion with hungry eyes. The cotton gin, patented

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<v Speaker 1>by Eli Whitney in seventeen ninety four, had transformed everything

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<v Speaker 1>and changed Western history. Lands that were once seemed unprofitable

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<v Speaker 1>suddenly promised fortune because now there was a new cash crop,

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<v Speaker 1>king cotton. It would be the white gold of the

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<v Speaker 1>new Republic that required labor, enormous labor. You see, before

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<v Speaker 1>the cotton gin, there was cotton production in the American South,

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<v Speaker 1>but it was relatively limited. Why because picking the seeds

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<v Speaker 1>out of cotton fibers was extremely I'M consuming, and so

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<v Speaker 1>you needed huge amounts of labor on all sides of

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<v Speaker 1>the production capacity in order to produce the cloth that

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<v Speaker 1>was necessary for New England textile mills and textile mills

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<v Speaker 1>in Great Britain. But with the invention of the cotton gin,

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<v Speaker 1>those seeds could be taken out mechanically. All of a sudden,

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<v Speaker 1>your labor was all on the cultivation and harvest side,

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<v Speaker 1>and that changed the formula dramatically, and the Southern states

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<v Speaker 1>responded with renewed vigor. The internal slave trade exploded. Over

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<v Speaker 1>one million enslaved people would be marched or sold from

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<v Speaker 1>the Chesapeake and Upper South to the Deep interior Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas.

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<v Speaker 1>Families were torn uparents in staggering numbers. Slaves coffels lined

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<v Speaker 1>the roads, shipped filled with human cargo, sailed up and

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<v Speaker 1>down the coast. This is oftentimes referred to as the

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<v Speaker 1>Second or New Middle Passage, the transition of enslaved peoples

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<v Speaker 1>from states like Maryland and Virginia to states in the

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<v Speaker 1>Deep South. And then, of course, there was the Louisiana

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<v Speaker 1>purchase in eighteen oh three, which opened up new territories

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<v Speaker 1>for slavery. While Jefferson privately hated the institution of slavery

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<v Speaker 1>we know this, he still publicly facilitated its expansion. New

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<v Speaker 1>states now emerged as battlegrounds between freedom and slavery, each

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<v Speaker 1>admission threatening to tip the balance in Congress. Because, of course,

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<v Speaker 1>after the Constitutional Convention, every single new state brought with

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<v Speaker 1>it two senators, regardless of the population of that state.

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<v Speaker 1>The slave owners in the South realized, as long as

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<v Speaker 1>they kept a grip on the Senate, they could keep

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<v Speaker 1>a grip on their property and their power. As cotton

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<v Speaker 1>profits soared, white Southerners rewrote their own history, recasting slavery

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<v Speaker 1>not as the head in the past, as a necessary evil,

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<v Speaker 1>but now as a positive good, vital to national prosperity,

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<v Speaker 1>and ordained by both God and nature. By the early

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<v Speaker 1>nineteenth century, the South's political class defended slavery with a

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<v Speaker 1>zeal that frankly, would have shocked earlier generations that lived

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<v Speaker 1>in the exact same state. And then, of course, there

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<v Speaker 1>was the Haitian Revolution, which cast a long shadow across

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<v Speaker 1>the United States. Here was suddenly an enslaved people who

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<v Speaker 1>had Risen defeated European armies and founded a Black Republic.

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<v Speaker 1>To enslaved Americans, Haiti was a beacon of possibility, but

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<v Speaker 1>to slaveholders positively, it was innatemare to be avoided at

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<v Speaker 1>all costs, and so across the South, legislatures tightened up

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<v Speaker 1>slave codes even further. Any expression of literacy, mobility, or

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<v Speaker 1>independent worship among enslaved people was treated as a potential

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<v Speaker 1>spark for revolt. The possibility of widespread rebellion became a

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<v Speaker 1>justification for even greater repression. As James Madison's tenure in

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<v Speaker 1>the White House, still smoldering from the War of eighteen twelve,

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<v Speaker 1>came to an end, the era of good feelings opened

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<v Speaker 1>with President James Monroe. When James Monroe took the oath

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<v Speaker 1>of office on a mild March day in eighteen seventeen,

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<v Speaker 1>the nation watched as a familiar figure rose into leadership.

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<v Speaker 1>These are still the era of all of the Revolutionary Guard.

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<v Speaker 1>Monroe had fought at the Battle of Trenton, It served

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<v Speaker 1>as a diplomat in Paris and London, and he held

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<v Speaker 1>basically every cabinet role that the young American Republic could offer.

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<v Speaker 1>He was in actually a lot of ways, the last

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<v Speaker 1>of the revolutionary generation to guide our country. And yet

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<v Speaker 1>his presidency wouldn't be a nostalgic return to earlier days.

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<v Speaker 1>It would become an era of sweeping transformation, expansion, and

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<v Speaker 1>profound nation building, all of which is going to add

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<v Speaker 1>a fuel to the fiery of the tension growing between

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<v Speaker 1>the North and the South. Now. Monroe's arrival in Washington

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<v Speaker 1>came on the heels of the War of eighteen twelve,

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<v Speaker 1>a conflict that had nearly broken the young Republic but

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<v Speaker 1>had ended with a surge of national pride. The Federalist

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<v Speaker 1>Party had collapsed after the Hartford Convention, and the Democratic

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<v Speaker 1>Republicans stood unchallenged. Newspapers hailed the dawn of an era

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<v Speaker 1>of good feelings, a phrase him Monroe himself never used,

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<v Speaker 1>but which clung stubbornly to his administration. Nevertheless, to reinforce

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<v Speaker 1>this sense of unity, Monroe embarked on a series of

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<v Speaker 1>good Wins tours, traveling through New England, the Midwest, and

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<v Speaker 1>the South. Dressed in his Revolutionary War uniform, he visited

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<v Speaker 1>towns and cities still bearing the scars of the British

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<v Speaker 1>invasion from the War of eighteen twelve, crowds greeted him

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<v Speaker 1>with parades, cannons, and patriotic banners. The symbolism was clear.

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<v Speaker 1>Monroe wanted to stitch the nation together after years of

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<v Speaker 1>war and partisan bitterness. But of course, beneath the surface,

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<v Speaker 1>regional tensions simmered. Economic instability, Western expansion, and debates about

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<v Speaker 1>national infrastructure hinted that unity wasn't going to come so

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<v Speaker 1>easily now. One of the defining questions of James Monroe's

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<v Speaker 1>presidency was how to modernize this country? After all, Great

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<v Speaker 1>Britain was now already within the throes of the Industrial Revolution.

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<v Speaker 1>How could America catch up? Roads, canals, harbors. These were

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<v Speaker 1>the arteries of a rapidly expanding nation, and many leaders

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<v Speaker 1>called on the federal government to invest heavily in them.

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<v Speaker 1>But Monroe was a strict constitutionalist. While he believed internal

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<v Speaker 1>improvements were essential, he doubted the Constitution gave Congress broad

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<v Speaker 1>authority to fund them. In eighteen seventeen, he vetoed the

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<v Speaker 1>Bonus Bill, which would have created a national fund for infrastructure.

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<v Speaker 1>Yet his veto message was unusually conciliatory. Monroe encouraged Congress

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<v Speaker 1>to attempt a constitutional amendment that would make such programs

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<v Speaker 1>clearly legal. He wasn't necessarily blocking progress. He was safeguarding

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<v Speaker 1>the rule of law, and so states took the hint

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<v Speaker 1>and took the lead. Over the next eight years, it

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<v Speaker 1>was the states themselves, not the federal governments, that launched

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<v Speaker 1>ambitious improvement projects, while private companies built the Erie Canal,

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<v Speaker 1>which opened in eighteen twenty five and reshaped American commerce.

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<v Speaker 1>Monroe's caution on federal power foreshadowed future debates that would

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<v Speaker 1>define the nineteenth century. But in the meantime, of course,

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<v Speaker 1>the country kept spreading westward, hungry for land and an opportunity.

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<v Speaker 1>One of the things I always find really fascinating about Monroe, though,

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<v Speaker 1>is if he's cautious when it comes to domestic policy,

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<v Speaker 1>he was definitely the boldest president to date when it

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<v Speaker 1>came to foreign affairs. Under a brilliant guidance from his

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<v Speaker 1>Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, the United States quickly

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<v Speaker 1>redefined its place in the world. The first question was Florida.

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<v Speaker 1>For years, Florida had been a problematic frontier, officially a

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<v Speaker 1>still a Spanish colony. The border was as porous as

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<v Speaker 1>it gets, refuge for runaway slaves, frustrating to those Southern states.

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<v Speaker 1>It was a base for the resistance of the Seminole

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<v Speaker 1>people and a launching point for conflicts all along its

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<v Speaker 1>long border with Georgia, and so in eighteen eighteen, General

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<v Speaker 1>Andrew Jackson, the hero of the Battle of New Orleans,

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<v Speaker 1>was sent to police the frontier, and as soon as

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<v Speaker 1>he got there he decided instead he would just invade

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<v Speaker 1>Spanish Florida. He executed two British subjects and quickly toppled

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<v Speaker 1>the Spanish governor. Diplomatic disaster seemed imminent, but John Quincy

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<v Speaker 1>Adams seized the moment. In the Adams Owners Treaty of

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen nineteen, Spain ceded Florida to the United States and

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<v Speaker 1>recognized the American claim to the Pacific Northwest. In return,

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<v Speaker 1>the US relinquished shaky claims to Texas, at least for

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<v Speaker 1>the moment. More on that soon, Monroe signed the Tree

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<v Speaker 1>with satisfaction. In one stroke, the Republic gained a new

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<v Speaker 1>territory and neutralized a diplomatic crisis. But perhaps no moment

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<v Speaker 1>defines Monroe's presidency more than his message to Congress in

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<v Speaker 1>December of eighteen twenty three. The revolutions which we'll turn

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<v Speaker 1>to in our next episode. That were sweeping. Latin America

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<v Speaker 1>had toppled colonial governments from Buenos Aires to Mexico City.

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<v Speaker 1>The old Spanish Empire was crumbling, and European monarchies Russia, France,

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<v Speaker 1>Austria appeared eager to restore European control. At the same time, Britain,

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<v Speaker 1>with its enormous navy and expanding commercial interests, urged the

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<v Speaker 1>United States to join in a joint declaration warning Europe

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<v Speaker 1>to stay out of the Western Hemisphere. Monroe and Adams

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<v Speaker 1>considered Britain's offer carefully. Adams urged caution. He told Monroe,

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<v Speaker 1>quote we must not come in as a cock boat

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<v Speaker 1>in the wake of a British man of war end quote.

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<v Speaker 1>The United States, he argued, had to speak alone in

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<v Speaker 1>its own voice to lay claim in a new sphere

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<v Speaker 1>of influence, and Monroe agreed. The statement that emerged soon

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<v Speaker 1>known as the Monroe Doctrine, declared the Western Hemisphere was

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<v Speaker 1>no longer open to European colonization period. Any attempt by

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<v Speaker 1>Europe to interfere in the Americas would be viewed as

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<v Speaker 1>a threat to US peace and security. In return, the

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<v Speaker 1>United States would not meddle in European affairs or in

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<v Speaker 1>any of its existing colonies. That was a virtually meaningless

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<v Speaker 1>code at the end, since the United States had no

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<v Speaker 1>power to do those things, and that's what makes it

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<v Speaker 1>such an incredibly bold pronouncement. The Monroe Doctrine was a

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<v Speaker 1>huge step forward for a still growing republic with a

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<v Speaker 1>modest at best, navy. But the doctrine captured the spirit

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<v Speaker 1>of the age. America didn't see itself as a fragile

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<v Speaker 1>experiment anymore. Now, America saw itself as a rising power,

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<v Speaker 1>confident enough to redraw geopolitical boundaries, and in the decades

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<v Speaker 1>to come, the Monroe Doctrine would become the cornerstone of

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<v Speaker 1>US foreign policy, invoked, expanded, and reinterpreted by nearly every

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<v Speaker 1>single administration. But for all the optimism of the era,

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<v Speaker 1>Americans felt the sharp sting of the first major crisis

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<v Speaker 1>in its national history, the Panic of eighteen nineteen. A

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<v Speaker 1>boom in Western land sales fueled by easy credit, collapsed

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<v Speaker 1>when the United States banked the second one suddenly tightened

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<v Speaker 1>its lending practices, plummeted, banks failed, farms were seized, Unemployment

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<v Speaker 1>surged in Eastern cities. Monroe did what presidents of that

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<v Speaker 1>era typically did. He stepped back, believing that the crisis

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<v Speaker 1>would resolve itself through market forces. The political fallout was

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<v Speaker 1>long lasting, however, Western farmers instantly grew distrustful of Eastern

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<v Speaker 1>financial mechanisms. The calls for banking reform intensified, and the

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<v Speaker 1>crisis also sparked new political movements, particularly among settlers who

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<v Speaker 1>believed the government should play a more active role in

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<v Speaker 1>protecting ordinary citizens and critically, While farmers moving out West

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<v Speaker 1>were impacted a lot by the Panic of eighteen nineteen,

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<v Speaker 1>King Cotton emerged relatively unscathed, building Southern confidence that their

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<v Speaker 1>slave based economy was the key to their financial security,

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<v Speaker 1>a lesson they wouldn't forget now. Though Monroe remained personally very,

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<v Speaker 1>very popular, the Panic of eighteen nineteen revealed cracks in

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<v Speaker 1>the seemingly calm facade that had become the Era of

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<v Speaker 1>Good Feelings. As Monroe's second term drew to a close, honestly,

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<v Speaker 1>the old Revolutionary generation was fading forever. He would be

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<v Speaker 1>the last president ever to wear a powdered wig, the

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<v Speaker 1>last whose political instincts were shaped on the battlefields where

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<v Speaker 1>the Continental Army had faced off against British imperial might.

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<v Speaker 1>His successor would ultimately be chosen in a hotly contested

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<v Speaker 1>election of eighteen twenty four, an election that James Monroe

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<v Speaker 1>watched with a mixture of pride and apprehension. His presidency

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<v Speaker 1>had overseen growth diplomatic triumphs, but he sensed the storms

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<v Speaker 1>that were coming. Sectional divides were starting to widen. Ambitious

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<v Speaker 1>new leaders men like John Quincy Adams and General Jackson

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<v Speaker 1>were preparing to reshape American politics forever. Monroe would ultimately

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<v Speaker 1>retire to his estate in Virginia. A quiet man by temperament,

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<v Speaker 1>he actually presided over a moment in which the United

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<v Speaker 1>States defined its borders, asserted its place in the world,

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<v Speaker 1>and tasted both the promise and the fragility by the

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<v Speaker 1>fragility is important of national unity. But despite the successes

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<v Speaker 1>of the Monroe administration, the United States future continued to

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<v Speaker 1>be dominated by the question of slavery, bringing us to

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<v Speaker 1>our next touch point, misery. By eighteen nineteen, the nation

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<v Speaker 1>had grown used to a delicate balance. Free states and

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<v Speaker 1>slave states were paired together, neither side gaining advantage in

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<v Speaker 1>the Senate. But when the mis Zuri territory applied for

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<v Speaker 1>stateshood as a slave state. The balance quickly trembled. Representative

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<v Speaker 1>James Talmadge Junior of New York introduced an amendment proposing

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<v Speaker 1>that enslaved people born in Missouri be freed at age

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<v Speaker 1>twenty five. At the proposed Talmadge Amendment, Southern politicians positively erupted. Slavery,

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<v Speaker 1>they argued, must expand in whatever direction settlers chose to

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<v Speaker 1>bring it. Anything else threatened the Constitution, the Union, and

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<v Speaker 1>the Southern way of life. The debates quickly grew venomous.

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<v Speaker 1>Thomas Jefferson watched from Monticello, writing that the controversy was

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<v Speaker 1>quote like a fire bell in the night end quote

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<v Speaker 1>the alarm he feared signaled a crisis that could one

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<v Speaker 1>day divide the nation irreparably. Now Luckily, instead, the United

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<v Speaker 1>States reached the Missouri Compromise of eighteen twenty one of

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<v Speaker 1>a first string of compromises we'll be working through over

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<v Speaker 1>the next couple of weeks to show how the United

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<v Speaker 1>States tries to stave off the Civil War but ultimately

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<v Speaker 1>can't stamp down the breaks quite enough. And when we

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<v Speaker 1>get to the outbreak of the conflict, I'll explain why.

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<v Speaker 1>But The Missouri of Compromise of eighteen twenty was pretty basic.

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<v Speaker 1>They had a few parts. One Missouri will enter now

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<v Speaker 1>as a slave state. Two Maine, which would break off

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<v Speaker 1>from Massachusetts, would enter simultaneously as a free state, which

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<v Speaker 1>would preserve that balance in the Senate. Then slavery north

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<v Speaker 1>of the thirty six thirty parallel in the remaining Louisiana

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<v Speaker 1>purchase territory would be banned forever. This is always confusing

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<v Speaker 1>because if you look at a map, the thirty six

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<v Speaker 1>thirty line is actually the southern border of Missouri. So

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<v Speaker 1>the compromise itself is kind of contradictory in that it says, well,

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<v Speaker 1>Missouri can come in as a slave state, but we're

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<v Speaker 1>also going to ban slavery north of Missouri's southern border,

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<v Speaker 1>which should have bannoned in Missouri. Now, none of this

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<v Speaker 1>is actually going to matter, by the way, because all

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<v Speaker 1>of these compromises are going to be quickly superseded by

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<v Speaker 1>other compromises. They're going to obviate the ones that come

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<v Speaker 1>before them. So just understand that it's a little bit

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<v Speaker 1>of a catch twenty two here. Now, the end of

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<v Speaker 1>the day, of course, was that this was a temporary piece.

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<v Speaker 1>It was a political tourniquit at best, wrapped around a

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<v Speaker 1>gaping wound. The compromise settled the debate for the moment,

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<v Speaker 1>but revealed the inescapable truth. The United States have been

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<v Speaker 1>built on slavery, and slavery would shape its future as

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<v Speaker 1>violently as it had shaped its past. And speaking to violence,

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<v Speaker 1>I mean first, next must to the presidency of John

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<v Speaker 1>Quincy Adams and the corrupt Bargain of eighteen twenty four.

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<v Speaker 1>At the beginning of John Quincy adams presidency was rocky

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<v Speaker 1>at best. He was like a man stepping into a storm. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>Adams had spent his entire life in service to the

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<v Speaker 1>United States. He had been a minister to Europe before

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<v Speaker 1>he was even a teenager, a diplomat in half a

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<v Speaker 1>dozen capitals, of course, related to the former President, John

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<v Speaker 1>Adams Secretary of State during most of the triumphant years

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<v Speaker 1>of American expansion. He was, I guess, by just about

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<v Speaker 1>any measure, one of the most qualified men ever to

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<v Speaker 1>enter the White House. However, when he took the oath

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<v Speaker 1>of office in March of eighteen twenty five, the air

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<v Speaker 1>was thick not with gratitude and admiration for this management

395
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<v Speaker 1>accomplished so much, but suspicion because the election that had

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<v Speaker 1>brought John Quincy Adams to power, the election of eighteen

397
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<v Speaker 1>twenty four was unlike anything the Republic had ever seen.

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<v Speaker 1>So this was the first time that we had a

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<v Speaker 1>divided field. Four different candidates had run for president, Adams,

400
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<v Speaker 1>Andrew Jackson, William Crawford, and Henry Clay. Now, Jackson won

401
00:31:25.119 --> 00:31:29.240
<v Speaker 1>the popular vote, and he won most of the electoral votes.

402
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<v Speaker 1>But that's not what it says. Under the constitution, you

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<v Speaker 1>cannot just simply win a plurality. You have to win

404
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<v Speaker 1>a majority. Under the constitution, you have to win fifty

405
00:31:42.920 --> 00:31:47.720
<v Speaker 1>one percent of the electoral votes to win outright. If

406
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<v Speaker 1>you don't, then again pursue it to the Constitution. The

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<v Speaker 1>House of Representatives gets to decide who wins. Now, I

408
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<v Speaker 1>went through this once before in the election of eighteen hundred.

409
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<v Speaker 1>In that case, the circumstances were different. Though Thomas Jefferson

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<v Speaker 1>had won the popular vote, it was essentially a tie

411
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<v Speaker 1>in the electoral college. In this case, Jackson had won

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<v Speaker 1>the popular vote and he had won the most electoral votes,

413
00:32:15.599 --> 00:32:19.359
<v Speaker 1>albeit he hadn't won fifty one percent. Now, one of

414
00:32:19.359 --> 00:32:22.359
<v Speaker 1>the four men running, Henry Clay happened to be the

415
00:32:22.400 --> 00:32:26.200
<v Speaker 1>Speaker of the House of Representatives and therefore the most

416
00:32:26.240 --> 00:32:30.799
<v Speaker 1>powerful broker available. Now, he hadn't come close to winning

417
00:32:31.079 --> 00:32:35.039
<v Speaker 1>enough electoral votes or popular votes to justify the House

418
00:32:35.200 --> 00:32:40.559
<v Speaker 1>voting for him, but instead, what Clay did was he

419
00:32:40.640 --> 00:32:45.960
<v Speaker 1>threw his support behind John Quincy Adams, even though Adams

420
00:32:46.039 --> 00:32:49.400
<v Speaker 1>had not won as many popular votes and as many

421
00:32:49.440 --> 00:32:56.559
<v Speaker 1>electoral votes as Jackson, and almost immediately after Adams took power,

422
00:32:56.960 --> 00:33:00.640
<v Speaker 1>he named Clay Secretary of State, which was the unseen

423
00:33:00.759 --> 00:33:04.240
<v Speaker 1>is really the second most powerful position in the United States.

424
00:33:05.200 --> 00:33:10.160
<v Speaker 1>To Jackson's supporters, the deal was unmistakable. For years thereafter.

425
00:33:10.400 --> 00:33:14.359
<v Speaker 1>It would be referred to as the corrupt bargain, an

426
00:33:14.400 --> 00:33:19.640
<v Speaker 1>absolute theft of the people's will. Now Adams, an honest

427
00:33:19.680 --> 00:33:23.680
<v Speaker 1>man to his core, denied any wrongdoing, but the shadow

428
00:33:23.720 --> 00:33:26.440
<v Speaker 1>of that bargain would trail him for the four long

429
00:33:26.519 --> 00:33:30.240
<v Speaker 1>years of his presidency, turning his presidency into a battle

430
00:33:30.240 --> 00:33:34.200
<v Speaker 1>notp between parties, but between vision and resentment, national ambition,

431
00:33:34.680 --> 00:33:39.960
<v Speaker 1>and what was turning into regional or sectional anger. Because Jackson,

432
00:33:40.200 --> 00:33:44.559
<v Speaker 1>among everything else that he represented, represented the poor farmers

433
00:33:44.640 --> 00:33:48.160
<v Speaker 1>of the West and southern interests and so for the

434
00:33:48.200 --> 00:33:51.960
<v Speaker 1>first time, really what you are starting to see is

435
00:33:52.000 --> 00:33:55.880
<v Speaker 1>the rise of sectionally related parties. And this has everything

436
00:33:55.880 --> 00:33:59.880
<v Speaker 1>to do with slavery again. And that is the mole

437
00:34:00.440 --> 00:34:04.160
<v Speaker 1>that we're going to see dominate American politics all the

438
00:34:04.200 --> 00:34:06.720
<v Speaker 1>way through. Where the South is going to vote effectively

439
00:34:06.960 --> 00:34:09.719
<v Speaker 1>as one enormous block, the North is going to do

440
00:34:09.760 --> 00:34:12.400
<v Speaker 1>the same. And then there's a question about where the

441
00:34:12.440 --> 00:34:15.280
<v Speaker 1>Western States as they come into the United States are

442
00:34:15.320 --> 00:34:20.400
<v Speaker 1>going to land. Now that being said, Adam's presidency was

443
00:34:20.440 --> 00:34:23.880
<v Speaker 1>relatively successful. He came into office with what had been

444
00:34:23.880 --> 00:34:28.000
<v Speaker 1>seen as the most probably ambitious domestic agenda of any

445
00:34:28.039 --> 00:34:31.760
<v Speaker 1>president before. Some say sense he believed that the federal

446
00:34:31.800 --> 00:34:35.000
<v Speaker 1>government shouldn't be hands off, that it should lift the

447
00:34:35.079 --> 00:34:39.039
<v Speaker 1>nation upward, that it was actually it's his responsibility to

448
00:34:39.119 --> 00:34:43.400
<v Speaker 1>build roads and canals, promote science, support the arts, foster

449
00:34:43.519 --> 00:34:47.679
<v Speaker 1>higher education, and create infrastructure that would slowly but surely

450
00:34:48.039 --> 00:34:51.920
<v Speaker 1>bind the continent together. And so he sent to Congress

451
00:34:52.159 --> 00:34:57.639
<v Speaker 1>of sweeping domestic proposal calling for a one national University,

452
00:34:57.719 --> 00:35:02.440
<v Speaker 1>two naval Academy, three vast networks of roads and canals,

453
00:35:02.840 --> 00:35:09.320
<v Speaker 1>for federal support for scientific research, including astronomical observatories, and five,

454
00:35:09.760 --> 00:35:13.800
<v Speaker 1>a coherent national strategy for the country to moderize and

455
00:35:13.880 --> 00:35:19.199
<v Speaker 1>above all industrialize. It was, in many ways a blueprint

456
00:35:19.280 --> 00:35:23.079
<v Speaker 1>for the America of the twentieth century presented in the

457
00:35:23.119 --> 00:35:29.599
<v Speaker 1>Americas of the eighteen twenties, but Adam had misjudged the

458
00:35:29.639 --> 00:35:34.320
<v Speaker 1>mood the country was drifting towards a more democratic, anti elitist,

459
00:35:34.679 --> 00:35:39.480
<v Speaker 1>states rights political culture. To many Southerners and Westerners, Adam's

460
00:35:39.519 --> 00:35:44.360
<v Speaker 1>proposals felt like federal overreach, a government of Boston intellectuals

461
00:35:44.559 --> 00:35:48.760
<v Speaker 1>telling the frontiers meant how they should live. To Jackson's supporters,

462
00:35:49.079 --> 00:35:52.840
<v Speaker 1>every proposal was further proof that the corrupt Bargain had

463
00:35:52.880 --> 00:35:55.800
<v Speaker 1>put an out of touch aristocrat in the White House,

464
00:35:56.760 --> 00:36:02.199
<v Speaker 1>and so Congress stonewalled grand projects, stalled before they had

465
00:36:02.199 --> 00:36:05.920
<v Speaker 1>a chance to take off, and Adams himself, though brilliant

466
00:36:05.920 --> 00:36:11.199
<v Speaker 1>and principled, lacked the political instincts to compromise. He governed

467
00:36:11.199 --> 00:36:15.639
<v Speaker 1>as if Congress should simply see the wisdom of his ideas. Congress, however,

468
00:36:15.880 --> 00:36:18.840
<v Speaker 1>saw an opportunity to weaken him before the next election.

469
00:36:20.320 --> 00:36:24.719
<v Speaker 1>As Secretary of State under Monroe, Adams had engineered some

470
00:36:24.880 --> 00:36:29.119
<v Speaker 1>of the most significant diplomatic achievements in US history. The

471
00:36:29.199 --> 00:36:33.639
<v Speaker 1>Adams Owners Treaty, the joint occupation of Oregon with Great Britain,

472
00:36:34.000 --> 00:36:38.480
<v Speaker 1>and of course, the articulation of the Monroe Doctrine. As President,

473
00:36:38.840 --> 00:36:42.519
<v Speaker 1>Adams hoped to continue shaping America's role in the world,

474
00:36:42.599 --> 00:36:48.280
<v Speaker 1>but even here Congress resisted his efforts. When Adams proposed

475
00:36:48.599 --> 00:36:52.480
<v Speaker 1>sending US delegates to the Panama Congress, that was a

476
00:36:52.519 --> 00:36:57.039
<v Speaker 1>hemispheric conference organized by the Columbian liberator Simon Bolivar, who

477
00:36:57.199 --> 00:36:59.199
<v Speaker 1>was going to start to get into in the next

478
00:36:59.199 --> 00:37:03.960
<v Speaker 1>few episodes, the Southern politicians revolted. They feared that the

479
00:37:04.039 --> 00:37:07.199
<v Speaker 1>conference would force the United States to address the issue

480
00:37:07.199 --> 00:37:11.599
<v Speaker 1>of slavery, because several Latin American nations, freed from the

481
00:37:11.639 --> 00:37:16.639
<v Speaker 1>Spanish yoke, had already abolished it. And so, after months

482
00:37:16.679 --> 00:37:21.119
<v Speaker 1>of delay, Congress grudgingly approved the mission, but they did

483
00:37:21.159 --> 00:37:23.880
<v Speaker 1>so too late for the delegates to actually get there

484
00:37:23.960 --> 00:37:28.880
<v Speaker 1>on time. Was again, slavery had intervened, this time in

485
00:37:28.960 --> 00:37:34.639
<v Speaker 1>American foreign policy, and the moment was lost. Now Adams

486
00:37:34.639 --> 00:37:37.519
<v Speaker 1>could read the writing on the wall. The foreign policy

487
00:37:37.599 --> 00:37:40.119
<v Speaker 1>vision he had crafted the United States as a leader

488
00:37:40.199 --> 00:37:44.800
<v Speaker 1>among free republics was colliding with domestic distrust and the

489
00:37:44.920 --> 00:37:50.079
<v Speaker 1>volatile politics of slavery. Now, Adams was able to achieve

490
00:37:50.400 --> 00:37:55.920
<v Speaker 1>some well say, quieter successes. His administration strengthened commercial treaties,

491
00:37:56.079 --> 00:37:59.679
<v Speaker 1>it defended fishing rights, and maintained peaceful relations during a

492
00:37:59.679 --> 00:38:03.119
<v Speaker 1>period of global instability, which, like I said, we'll start

493
00:38:03.119 --> 00:38:06.239
<v Speaker 1>to get into in the next episode. But these accomplishments,

494
00:38:06.440 --> 00:38:09.280
<v Speaker 1>steady as they were, didn't do much to shift the

495
00:38:09.280 --> 00:38:13.880
<v Speaker 1>political wins that were already just so heavily blowing against him,

496
00:38:14.280 --> 00:38:19.239
<v Speaker 1>and an enter stage left the Tariff of eighteen twenty eight.

497
00:38:20.679 --> 00:38:25.199
<v Speaker 1>In eighteen twenty eight, Congress passed a new tariff designed

498
00:38:25.199 --> 00:38:29.800
<v Speaker 1>to protect American manufacturers. That tariffs come up a lot today,

499
00:38:30.079 --> 00:38:31.599
<v Speaker 1>and they're going to come up a lot in American

500
00:38:31.639 --> 00:38:34.000
<v Speaker 1>history during this particular period. So let's just go over

501
00:38:34.039 --> 00:38:36.280
<v Speaker 1>really quickly what a tariff is. A tariff is a

502
00:38:36.360 --> 00:38:40.360
<v Speaker 1>tax on an imported good. It is generally paid by

503
00:38:40.719 --> 00:38:43.440
<v Speaker 1>the importer. So the moment that you take the item,

504
00:38:43.480 --> 00:38:45.400
<v Speaker 1>whatever the heck that item is, let's just say, a

505
00:38:45.440 --> 00:38:48.360
<v Speaker 1>widget off the ship, you have to pay the tariff

506
00:38:48.440 --> 00:38:51.559
<v Speaker 1>duty for that good. Now, most of the time an

507
00:38:51.559 --> 00:38:54.679
<v Speaker 1>importer will try to pass that cost along to the

508
00:38:54.719 --> 00:38:58.599
<v Speaker 1>customer in some way, shape or form. Or maybe get

509
00:38:58.599 --> 00:39:01.320
<v Speaker 1>the manufacturer to eat some of it. In any event,

510
00:39:01.519 --> 00:39:04.719
<v Speaker 1>the purpose behind a tariff is to try to make

511
00:39:05.079 --> 00:39:10.320
<v Speaker 1>imported goods more expensive so that your domestic purchasers will

512
00:39:10.360 --> 00:39:14.159
<v Speaker 1>buy domestic goods, thereby supporting your own industry. That's the

513
00:39:14.159 --> 00:39:18.320
<v Speaker 1>whole purpose of it. It's trade protectionism, one on one. Now.

514
00:39:18.559 --> 00:39:22.239
<v Speaker 1>The Tariff of eighteen twenty eight was a complex, heavily

515
00:39:22.320 --> 00:39:27.079
<v Speaker 1>political bill drafted in part by Jackson's allies to trap Adams.

516
00:39:27.679 --> 00:39:32.840
<v Speaker 1>They expected him either to lose northern support by vetoing it,

517
00:39:33.239 --> 00:39:36.320
<v Speaker 1>or to anger the South by signing it. Now, the

518
00:39:36.360 --> 00:39:41.599
<v Speaker 1>tariff dutally passed and became known in the South as

519
00:39:41.639 --> 00:39:49.280
<v Speaker 1>the Tariff of Abominations, sailed through Congress fairly easily. Now. Technically, Adams,

520
00:39:49.280 --> 00:39:52.960
<v Speaker 1>interestingly enough, didn't sign it. He didn't evolve for the trap,

521
00:39:53.719 --> 00:39:58.639
<v Speaker 1>and so under the law it simply became a law

522
00:39:58.880 --> 00:40:04.440
<v Speaker 1>without presidential signature at the end of Adam's term. Nonetheless,

523
00:40:05.199 --> 00:40:08.719
<v Speaker 1>John Quincy Adams was blamed for the Tariff of Abominations

524
00:40:08.760 --> 00:40:14.320
<v Speaker 1>throughout the South. Southern planters saw their export driven economy threatened,

525
00:40:15.000 --> 00:40:19.079
<v Speaker 1>and so South Carolina began whispering about a radical new

526
00:40:19.320 --> 00:40:24.679
<v Speaker 1>doctrine nullification, the idea that a state could invalidate a

527
00:40:24.760 --> 00:40:32.639
<v Speaker 1>federal law it deemed unconstitutional. Now Adams recognized the danger immediately.

528
00:40:33.320 --> 00:40:37.119
<v Speaker 1>It always believed in the strong, cohesive national government envisioned

529
00:40:37.119 --> 00:40:41.440
<v Speaker 1>by the Constitution. The tear of crisis revealed now just

530
00:40:41.480 --> 00:40:46.440
<v Speaker 1>how fragile that unity was becoming because of the underlying

531
00:40:46.519 --> 00:40:50.840
<v Speaker 1>issue of shadow slavery. Now, as the election of eighteen

532
00:40:50.960 --> 00:40:56.199
<v Speaker 1>twenty eight approached, the contrast between John Quincy Adams and

533
00:40:56.199 --> 00:41:01.679
<v Speaker 1>Andrew Jackson, who was running again, became stark. Jackson's supporters

534
00:41:02.199 --> 00:41:07.119
<v Speaker 1>organized mass rallies, They published campaign songs, and pioneered modern

535
00:41:07.159 --> 00:41:11.960
<v Speaker 1>political messaging. Adams, who believed that public canvassing was beneath

536
00:41:12.000 --> 00:41:16.519
<v Speaker 1>the dignity of his office, refused a campaign. But the

537
00:41:16.639 --> 00:41:21.840
<v Speaker 1>nation was changing and Adams didn't get it. Politics was

538
00:41:21.840 --> 00:41:27.239
<v Speaker 1>becoming democratic, emotional, and highly personal. Adams restraint, which he

539
00:41:27.320 --> 00:41:30.840
<v Speaker 1>thought was positive, looked like he was standing aloof looked

540
00:41:30.840 --> 00:41:33.360
<v Speaker 1>like he was another elite out of touch with the people.

541
00:41:34.199 --> 00:41:40.039
<v Speaker 1>Jackson's populism looked like authenticity, and so the attacks grew

542
00:41:40.280 --> 00:41:44.480
<v Speaker 1>more and more vicious. Adams was smeared as a corrupt aristocrat,

543
00:41:45.079 --> 00:41:51.280
<v Speaker 1>a monarchist in disguise. Jackson was attacked ultimately as a murderer, adulterer,

544
00:41:51.320 --> 00:41:55.239
<v Speaker 1>and an unstable military triumph. It was a dawn of

545
00:41:55.360 --> 00:42:02.159
<v Speaker 1>modern American politics, brutal, partisan, and utterly relentless. In November

546
00:42:02.239 --> 00:42:04.440
<v Speaker 1>eighteen twenty eight, to the verdict came there would be

547
00:42:04.559 --> 00:42:09.119
<v Speaker 1>no backdoor deals this time, because Andrew Jackson won the

548
00:42:09.159 --> 00:42:14.400
<v Speaker 1>election of eighteen twenty in an absolute landslide. John Quincy

549
00:42:14.440 --> 00:42:18.519
<v Speaker 1>Adams left the presidency with his reputation battered and his

550
00:42:18.719 --> 00:42:25.440
<v Speaker 1>ambitions unfulfilled. He was the first president who, not by choice,

551
00:42:25.679 --> 00:42:30.239
<v Speaker 1>didn't serve two terms. Interestingly enough, though, just a real

552
00:42:30.320 --> 00:42:33.119
<v Speaker 1>quick code to here, John Quincy Adams's story was far

553
00:42:33.159 --> 00:42:37.960
<v Speaker 1>from over. He returned to Massachusetts expecting a quiet retirement,

554
00:42:38.000 --> 00:42:41.159
<v Speaker 1>but instead he found a second life in Congress. In

555
00:42:41.199 --> 00:42:44.880
<v Speaker 1>eighteen thirty, his neighbors elected him to the House of Representatives,

556
00:42:45.159 --> 00:42:47.880
<v Speaker 1>making him the only former president in history to serve

557
00:42:48.119 --> 00:42:51.920
<v Speaker 1>in that chamber. There he became a fearce champion of

558
00:42:52.039 --> 00:42:56.119
<v Speaker 1>civil liberties, a relentless critic of slavery, and one of

559
00:42:56.119 --> 00:43:00.719
<v Speaker 1>the most influential congressmen in American history. He fought the

560
00:43:00.760 --> 00:43:04.280
<v Speaker 1>gag rule that sought to silence anti slavery petitions, and

561
00:43:04.320 --> 00:43:07.159
<v Speaker 1>as we'll talk about soon, he defended enslaved Africans in

562
00:43:07.199 --> 00:43:10.960
<v Speaker 1>the Amistad case. He stood year after year as a

563
00:43:10.960 --> 00:43:17.440
<v Speaker 1>moral counterweight against the rising tide of sectionalism. But all

564
00:43:17.519 --> 00:43:21.000
<v Speaker 1>of those facts will have to wait, as will Andrew Jackson,

565
00:43:21.039 --> 00:43:26.960
<v Speaker 1>because next week we're going to shift south and deal

566
00:43:27.039 --> 00:43:32.360
<v Speaker 1>with the years and convulsions of revolutions and counter revolutions

567
00:43:32.519 --> 00:43:36.119
<v Speaker 1>that are going to sweep Central and South America, creating

568
00:43:36.159 --> 00:43:39.840
<v Speaker 1>all that instability I talked about before, and creating the

569
00:43:39.880 --> 00:43:43.239
<v Speaker 1>conditions for which the Spanish would, finally, with the exception

570
00:43:43.320 --> 00:43:48.159
<v Speaker 1>of Cuba, be hurled completely out of the Western hemisphere.
