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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and Welcome to Western SIEV Episode four hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>ninety seven, The Terror Begins. The winter of seventeen ninety

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<v Speaker 1>three had been bitter, both in weather and in politics.

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<v Speaker 1>The execution of Louis the sixteenth on January the twenty

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<v Speaker 1>first had shocked Europe and hardened the resolve of France's enemies,

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<v Speaker 1>who now formed the First Coalition. In early March, the

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<v Speaker 1>revolution entered a new and much more violent phase. On

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<v Speaker 1>March tenth, seventeen ninety three, the National Convention established the

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<v Speaker 1>Revolutionary Tribunal in Paris, an extraordinary court designed to try

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<v Speaker 1>political crimes. Its creation reflected the fear and suspicion that

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<v Speaker 1>now dominated revolutionary politics. Jacques Rue, a fiery, enraged priest, warned,

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<v Speaker 1>quote the rich plot against the revolution. They must be

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<v Speaker 1>struck without mercy, lest they strangle liberty in its cradle.

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<v Speaker 1>The Tribunal, staffed by judges and jurors chosen by the Convention,

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<v Speaker 1>could condemn suspects to death with few safeguards. It marked

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<v Speaker 1>a decisive turn toward institutionalized terror. Now, at the same time,

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<v Speaker 1>as I mentioned, France faced disaster and pressure all along

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<v Speaker 1>its borders. The First Coalition Britain, Spain, the Dutch Republic,

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<v Speaker 1>Austria and Prussia slowly tightened the noose around the Kingdom.

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<v Speaker 1>De Moreyes's army, which had once so gloriously triumphed at

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<v Speaker 1>the Battle of Valmey, faltered. Invasion of the Dutch Republic

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<v Speaker 1>quickly collapsed, and in March his troops were driven back

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<v Speaker 1>into France. A deputy of the Convention wrote, our armies

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<v Speaker 1>retreat in disorder, and the Republic is in danger, not

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<v Speaker 1>from her enemies, but from her General's suspicion soon fell

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<v Speaker 1>on de Marie, who defected quickly thereafter to the Austrians.

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<v Speaker 1>His betrayal would quickly become a scar on revolutionary confidence.

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<v Speaker 1>But the gravest threat of all came from within. The

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<v Speaker 1>spark came from the Convention's decree in February of seventeen

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<v Speaker 1>ninety three of what's called the levee En mass. It

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<v Speaker 1>was a levy of three hundred thousand men who are

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<v Speaker 1>essentially going to be conscripted for the first time to

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<v Speaker 1>defend the nation. Now again, I want to point out

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<v Speaker 1>that if we're talking about like huge levy like this,

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<v Speaker 1>you really almost have to go back to the days

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<v Speaker 1>of Rome to find a moment when this was done

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<v Speaker 1>on this scale. All right, You know, you have sort

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<v Speaker 1>of finite time periods when in a siege or in

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<v Speaker 1>the need to, let's say, defend a given region, sure

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<v Speaker 1>a lord might call up a certain number of men,

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<v Speaker 1>but generally speaking, from the time of really almost the

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<v Speaker 1>end of Republican Rome to right now, which was in

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<v Speaker 1>the eighteenth century, you have this incredible time period in

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<v Speaker 1>European history when the fighting was done by and large

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<v Speaker 1>by a select few. Now again, if you know your

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<v Speaker 1>medieval history, what you understand is that that doesn't mean that,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, the burden of war only fell on a

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<v Speaker 1>select few. In fact, it was the peasants who dealt

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<v Speaker 1>with a lot of the corves, a lot of the

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<v Speaker 1>attacks that were going on on these rural villages and areas,

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<v Speaker 1>because it was really little more than pillaging. And if

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<v Speaker 1>you remember the One Hundred Years War, the vast majority

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<v Speaker 1>of that time was just sieges and pillages, but the

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<v Speaker 1>occasional epic battle in between, but those were few and far,

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<v Speaker 1>and so the idea that suddenly you would just call

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<v Speaker 1>up three hundred thousand men is really a foreign concept

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<v Speaker 1>to Europe because it's been foreign for so incredibly long,

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<v Speaker 1>and so that's why France reacted in part the way

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<v Speaker 1>that it did, because conscription fell hardest on the rural regions,

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<v Speaker 1>where resentment against Paris and the Revolution was already pretty high.

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<v Speaker 1>In the western countryside of Vinde, where Catholicism remained deeply rooted,

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<v Speaker 1>and the Revolution's attacks on the church had bred little

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<v Speaker 1>bit hostility, this draft, this levee En mass became intolerable.

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<v Speaker 1>A peasant song preserved from the region captured the mood

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<v Speaker 1>quote we want our King, our priests and Sundays end quote.

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<v Speaker 1>In March of seventeen ninety three, villages in the Vende

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<v Speaker 1>refused to deliver conscripts. Armed bands attacked revolutionary officials. The

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<v Speaker 1>uprising spread rapidly, coalescing into what eventually became known as

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<v Speaker 1>the War of the Vende. Rebels rallied under the white

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<v Speaker 1>banner of the Bourbons, crying vive le Rah, long live

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<v Speaker 1>the King, and calling for the restoration of their priests.

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<v Speaker 1>Local nobles like Enrie de la Rochambeau releaged as leaders.

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<v Speaker 1>Relochimbau was only twenty one years old. He told his men, quote,

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<v Speaker 1>if I advance, follow me, if I retreat. Kill me

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<v Speaker 1>if I die, avenge me. By mid March, tens of

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<v Speaker 1>thousands of peasants had risen. They seized towns like Colt

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<v Speaker 1>and Sainmeur. In some places, revolutionary officials were lynched. The Convention, alarmed,

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<v Speaker 1>declared the Vendet in rebellion. On March the nineteenth Deputies

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<v Speaker 1>thundered in Paris that, quote, the Vendet is the wound

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<v Speaker 1>in the side of the republic end quote. The insurrection

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<v Speaker 1>divided France rather starkly. The revolution had promised liberty and equality,

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<v Speaker 1>but in the Vendet peasants saw only confiscated churches, absent priests,

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<v Speaker 1>and now their sons conscripted and dragged off to a

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<v Speaker 1>war they didn't want to fight. The war there would

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<v Speaker 1>become a civil war of truly unparalleled ferocity, neighbor against neighbor,

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<v Speaker 1>patriot against loyalists. While the Venda burned, Paris continued to

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<v Speaker 1>simmer with tension. Food shortages and inflation drove the Sansculos

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<v Speaker 1>to desperation. On March tenth, enraged crowds invaded the Convention,

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<v Speaker 1>demanding price controls and harsher measures against the quote unquote traitors.

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<v Speaker 1>The deputies yielded, though for the moment only partially. On

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<v Speaker 1>March the eighteenth, they opposed the maximum on grain prices,

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<v Speaker 1>but popular anger did not abate. Radical journalists like Morale

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<v Speaker 1>fanned the flames. In his paper Ahmi de Pepe, he warned, quote,

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<v Speaker 1>the revolution is betrayed by moderates, by cowards in the Convention. People,

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<v Speaker 1>we must rise again as on the tenth of August

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<v Speaker 1>to save liberty. Marat's words were not empty rhetoric. They

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<v Speaker 1>translated into direct action. On March the ninth through the tenth,

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<v Speaker 1>crowds attempted an insurrection but failed to seize power. Yet

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<v Speaker 1>their pressure was felt. The Jacobins, led by Robes, Pierre Danton,

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<v Speaker 1>and Marat, increasingly dominated the political stage. The giron Din rivals,

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<v Speaker 1>advocates of a more moderate revolution came under fierce attack.

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<v Speaker 1>The giron Din's condemned Marat as the quote unquote drinker

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<v Speaker 1>of blood, and on April thirteenth, seventeen ninety three, the

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<v Speaker 1>Convention invoted to indict him before the revolutionary tribunal. Marat

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<v Speaker 1>appeared in court on April to twenty fourth, pale and

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<v Speaker 1>weakened by what was a chronic skin disease that he

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<v Speaker 1>suffered from basically his entire life. He nonetheless exuded confidence, declaring,

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<v Speaker 1>I alone defended the people, I alone denounced the traitors.

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<v Speaker 1>My crime is to have told the truth. The jury

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<v Speaker 1>acquitted him unanimously. He was carried home in triumph by

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<v Speaker 1>the people of Paris, crowned with Laurel like a hero.

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<v Speaker 1>Amid military defeats, rebellion in the Vendee and unrust in Paris,

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<v Speaker 1>the Convention realized it needed a more centralized authority, and

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<v Speaker 1>so on April sixth, seventeen ninety three, the Deputies took

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<v Speaker 1>a historic action, creating the Committee of Public Safety, perhaps

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<v Speaker 1>not really understanding what they were doing at first, the

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<v Speaker 1>Committee of Public Safety was a modest body of nine

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<v Speaker 1>members tasked with coordinate war and internal security. George Dantin,

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<v Speaker 1>with his booming voice and pragmatic energy, became its dominant figure.

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<v Speaker 1>In the early weeks. He declared, audacity, more audacity, always audacity,

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<v Speaker 1>and the fatherland is saved. The Committee was granted sweeping

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<v Speaker 1>powers over ministers, generals, and even local administrators. It could

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<v Speaker 1>direct armies, oversee diplomacy, and supervise internal security. Though conceived

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<v Speaker 1>of as temporary The Committee of Public Safety quickly became

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<v Speaker 1>the executive engine of the revolution, and one of its

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<v Speaker 1>members later wrote it was a war cabinet, a sword

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<v Speaker 1>suspended over the republic's enemies, and his shield for liberty.

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<v Speaker 1>But to many it was also dictatorship. Now the rivalry

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<v Speaker 1>between the Girondins and the Jacobins now reached its breaking point.

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<v Speaker 1>Remember these were the two most important political clubs that

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<v Speaker 1>had come to dominate Paris. The Girondins, alarmed by the

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<v Speaker 1>growing influence of Parisian radicals, denounced the Commune of Paris

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<v Speaker 1>and the Jacobin leaders as anarchists. Robespierre, the leader of

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<v Speaker 1>the Jacobins, retorted that the Girondins were the tools of

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<v Speaker 1>counter revolution. The decisive blow came in May. On May

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<v Speaker 1>thirty first, seventeen ninety three, tens of thousands of san

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<v Speaker 1>Culos surrounded the Convention, demanding the arrest of the Girondin deputies.

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<v Speaker 1>The Convention hesitated, but on June the second, under the

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<v Speaker 1>pressure of armed crowds and the National Guard, led by Anri,

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<v Speaker 1>it decreated the arrest of twenty nine leading Girondins. One

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<v Speaker 1>of the greatest orders of the time, Verenn side allowed quote, citizens,

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<v Speaker 1>we perish innocent, but what matter, our blood will be

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<v Speaker 1>the torch of liberty. Now. Ultimately, the fall of the

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<v Speaker 1>Girondins left the Jacobins unchallenged. And so now the revolution

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<v Speaker 1>had truly entered its most vicious phase, in which faction

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<v Speaker 1>after faction would be fed into the meat grinder of

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<v Speaker 1>the revolution in the name of patriotism, and faction after

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<v Speaker 1>faction would be devoured. With the Girondins crushed, the Jacobins

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<v Speaker 1>sought to consolidate their legitimacy. They pushed forward a new

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<v Speaker 1>democratic constitution, heavily influenced by Robespierre, adopted on June the

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<v Speaker 1>twenty fourth, seventeen ninety three. Read the Constitution of year

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<v Speaker 1>one promised universal male suffrage, social rights, and popular sovereignty.

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<v Speaker 1>Article thirty five declared quote, when the government violates the

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<v Speaker 1>rights of the people, insurrection is for the people the

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<v Speaker 1>most sacred of rights and the most indispensable of duties.

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<v Speaker 1>It was the most radical constitution France ever adopted, yet

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<v Speaker 1>it was also a dead letter. With war raging and

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<v Speaker 1>revolutions spreading in the West, the convention suspended its implementation.

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<v Speaker 1>The constitution became a symbol of republican virtue, but the

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<v Speaker 1>real power rested with the Committee of Public Safety. Now

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<v Speaker 1>this fervored atmosphere, Marat stood as the absolute idol of

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<v Speaker 1>the san Culo. His newspaper thundered daily against moderates and trade.

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<v Speaker 1>He lived modestly, often confined to his bath because of

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<v Speaker 1>his disease, yet wielded enormous influence. To his enemies, he

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<v Speaker 1>was a monster. The Girondin sympathizer Madame Roland wrote bitterly,

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<v Speaker 1>quote he is the wild beast of the revolution, vomiting

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<v Speaker 1>fire and blood, calling for heads, sowing terror end quote.

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<v Speaker 1>But to the poor in Paris, he was their champion.

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<v Speaker 1>He was their voice, at least in theory. He spoke

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<v Speaker 1>for everything that they wanted. They called him the friend

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<v Speaker 1>of the people, with genuine affection. It was a contrast

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<v Speaker 1>that would in the end lead directly to his death.

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<v Speaker 1>On July the thirteenth, seventeen ninety three, a young woman

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<v Speaker 1>from Normandy, Charlotte Corday, gained entry into Marat's apartment. Corday

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<v Speaker 1>had been associated with Girondin's circles and believed that martz

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<v Speaker 1>death would halt the revolution's descent into bloodshed. She found

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<v Speaker 1>him in his bath, writing notes. She presented a petition

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<v Speaker 1>on behalf of red bulls in Cayenne. As he glanced

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<v Speaker 1>at it, she plunged a kitten knife into his chest.

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<v Speaker 1>Maraut cried, help my beloved friends, before collapsing dead. Corday

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<v Speaker 1>was seized immediately later. At her trial, she declared, I

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<v Speaker 1>killed one man to save one hundred thousand. She died

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<v Speaker 1>at the guillotine on July seventeenth. Marat's assassination sent shockwaves

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<v Speaker 1>through Paris. His death transformed him into a martyr. The

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<v Speaker 1>painter Jacques Luis Davide organized a grand funeral, turning Maraunt

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<v Speaker 1>into a revolutionary saint. His body lay in state, draped

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<v Speaker 1>in the tricolor. Speeches hailed him as the friend of

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<v Speaker 1>the people, slain by the enemies of David's painting. The

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<v Speaker 1>death of Maraunt, depicting him in his bath quill still

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<v Speaker 1>in his hand, became one of the revolutions most enduring icons.

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<v Speaker 1>Robes Pierre declared, Maraudt's blood will be the cement of

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<v Speaker 1>our freedom, but in truth his death only deepened the

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<v Speaker 1>revolution's spiral into violence. The Jacobins, now unopposed, turned more

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<v Speaker 1>decisively toward terror, and so between March and July seventeen

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<v Speaker 1>ninety three, the revolution truly crossed a freshold. The Vende

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<v Speaker 1>rose in bloody rebellion, pitting Frenchmen against Frenchmen. The Committee

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<v Speaker 1>of Public Safety was born, an oregon that next time

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<v Speaker 1>will dominate the republic. The Girondins fell herged from the

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<v Speaker 1>convention under the pressure of the Sans Kulos. A radical

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<v Speaker 1>constitution was proclaimed but suspended, and Maraunt, the voice of

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<v Speaker 1>the public fury, was struck down to be exalted by

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<v Speaker 1>a martyr. It was the Revolution at its most dramatic,

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<v Speaker 1>idealist and violent. Liberty and terror all entwined inextricably. The

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<v Speaker 1>months ahead would see these forces unleashed. It's a terrible intensity.