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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to Western SIV, episode four hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>fifty nine. Personal Rule. Now, while he was ruling on

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<v Speaker 1>his own, Charles was determined that the local gentry and

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<v Speaker 1>nobility should play an active part in the government of

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<v Speaker 1>their own neighborhoods, and so a proclamation was issued fairly

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<v Speaker 1>early on, ordering any of the nobility still living in

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<v Speaker 1>London to go back to the countryside where they belong

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<v Speaker 1>and take up an active role in his government. And

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<v Speaker 1>all throughout the realm it seems like the servants of

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<v Speaker 1>the Crown were doing their duties. At the beginning of March,

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<v Speaker 1>William Laud preached at Paul's Cross in celebration of the

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<v Speaker 1>sixth anniversary of the King's ascension. He remarked that quote

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<v Speaker 1>some are so woppishly set to sting that nothing can

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<v Speaker 1>please their ears until it sharpened their edge against authority.

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<v Speaker 1>I hope I shall offend none by praying for the

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<v Speaker 1>King end quote. But there are other counsilors going on.

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<v Speaker 1>Sir Thomas Wentworth a name that we'll have to know.

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<v Speaker 1>He had been dispatched to York as the Lord President

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<v Speaker 1>of the North to curb disorder. But at the beginning

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<v Speaker 1>of sixteen thirty two, he was further promoted to now

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<v Speaker 1>the Lord Deputy of Ireland. The Lord Deputy of Ireland

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<v Speaker 1>was a critical position. Ireland was, for all practical purposes,

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<v Speaker 1>a colony of Great Britain at this point, and as

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<v Speaker 1>a consequence he was there to rule over the rebellious,

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<v Speaker 1>not only Irish, but what we'll call the old English,

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<v Speaker 1>who will get to in short enough term here now Wentworth,

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<v Speaker 1>like lawd believed that only royal sovereignty could bring order

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<v Speaker 1>out of disorder and plan out of anarchy. As Lord

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<v Speaker 1>Deputy of Ireland, therefore, he was inclined to drive himself

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<v Speaker 1>over any opposition to consolidate the authority of the King

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<v Speaker 1>to lead the people, and in particular the recent English settlers,

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<v Speaker 1>the new English, into the pastors of obedience and docility.

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<v Speaker 1>He believed fully in the powers of the King, and

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<v Speaker 1>he believed them like scripture. Interestingly enough, it was Lawed

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<v Speaker 1>the preacher that was more practical than Wentworth. All the

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<v Speaker 1>facets of royal power, by virtue of the fact that

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<v Speaker 1>Parliament wasn't going to be called for eleven years, had

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<v Speaker 1>to grow in stature. During this period. Proclamations of the

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<v Speaker 1>Privy Council were now given legislative authority. There wasn't another choice,

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<v Speaker 1>and Privy councilors could make laws on those matters which

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<v Speaker 1>actual courts neglected or simply avoided. The Star Chamber, that

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<v Speaker 1>old institution that was developed under Henry the eighth, also

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<v Speaker 1>enjoyed new authority with its enforcement of proclamations from the

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<v Speaker 1>Council and his pursuit of any transgressors of royal prerogative. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>of all the people who began to follow the law,

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<v Speaker 1>there were, of course many who did not, and one

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<v Speaker 1>of the most prominent public offenders was William Prine. He

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<v Speaker 1>had already aroused controversy throughout this period of independent rule

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<v Speaker 1>with his strongly Puritan opinions. He was also a writer,

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<v Speaker 1>and in the late autumn of sixteen thirty two Prinn's

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<v Speaker 1>History Max a Scourge of stage players, launched a general

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<v Speaker 1>assault upon the plays and players of London, with a

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<v Speaker 1>particular attack upon the practice of boys playing female roles,

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<v Speaker 1>of any women at all appearing on stage. This was

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<v Speaker 1>one of those sort of common targets of Puritans. He

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<v Speaker 1>wrote that actresses were quote unquote notorious whores and asked

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<v Speaker 1>quote if any Christian woman be so more than horrishly

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<v Speaker 1>imputed to act to speak publicly on stage in presence

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<v Speaker 1>of sundry men and women end quote. Now this was

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<v Speaker 1>a very unfortunate sentence for Prine to write, because the Queen,

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<v Speaker 1>Henrietta Maria, had only just taken part in a theatrical

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<v Speaker 1>production entitled The Shepherd's Paradise, and did it just a

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<v Speaker 1>few weeks after this tract came out. The play itself

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<v Speaker 1>was totally mild. It was recorded that it's audience that quote,

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<v Speaker 1>my Lord Chamberlain saith that no chamber maids shall enter

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<v Speaker 1>unless she sit cross legged on top of a bulk

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<v Speaker 1>end quote. Nevertheless, Prine's attack upon female characters was reinterpreted

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<v Speaker 1>in royal circles as an attack upon the Queen herself.

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<v Speaker 1>He also denounced dancing as the cause of shame and wickedness.

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<v Speaker 1>It was also well known that the Queen was quite

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<v Speaker 1>fond of dancing. Prine was ultimately sent to the Tower,

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<v Speaker 1>where he faced prosecution by the Star Chamber and by

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<v Speaker 1>the High Commission on Religious Affairs. He was sentenced to

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<v Speaker 1>imprisonment for life, find five thousand pounds and expelled from

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<v Speaker 1>London's Inn, where he had practiced law. The severity of

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<v Speaker 1>this judgment was enhanced by the brutal order that both

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<v Speaker 1>of his ears should be cut off, and the sentence

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<v Speaker 1>was duly carried out. One of his ears was sent

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<v Speaker 1>to Westminster, the other Cheapside. In the spring of sixteen

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<v Speaker 1>thirty three, the king returned to his homeland, Scotland. He

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<v Speaker 1>made a leisurely journey northward and reached Edinburgh by the

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<v Speaker 1>middle of June. His relations with Scotland in the past

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<v Speaker 1>had not been entirely happy, but on this occasion he

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<v Speaker 1>was crowned the King of Scotland in due order on

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<v Speaker 1>the eighteenth of June. The coronation itself marked by ritual

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<v Speaker 1>and formal ceremony, and nobody was interested in this. Most

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<v Speaker 1>of the Scots, brought up in the Presbyterian faith thought

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<v Speaker 1>this looked a little bit too much like Roman popery.

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<v Speaker 1>One of the complaints advanced by the Scots concerned the

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<v Speaker 1>introduction of English ritual into their service. Yet the chief

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<v Speaker 1>proponent of that ritual was about to be raised to

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<v Speaker 1>the highest papal see in England when Bishop Laud came

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<v Speaker 1>into the King's presence for the first time. After the

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<v Speaker 1>journey to Scotland. He was greeted with unfamiliar words quote,

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<v Speaker 1>my Lord's Grace of Canterbury, you are most welcome quote.

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<v Speaker 1>Charles had just heard of the death of George Abbott,

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<v Speaker 1>the previous Archbishop of Canterbury. As Bishop of London, lud

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<v Speaker 1>had been the King's principal religious adviser, but his authority

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<v Speaker 1>had been ill defined. Now as the new Archbishop of Canterbury,

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<v Speaker 1>Laud became the source and spring of all English religion,

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<v Speaker 1>with an energy and purpose that the King himself lacked.

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<v Speaker 1>Lord was an interesting man, prone to bouts of anxiety

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<v Speaker 1>and small in stature. His harshness and rigor quickly made

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<v Speaker 1>him enemies, particularly among the Puritans, whom he hated. To them,

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<v Speaker 1>he was known as quote unquote the Shrimp. But soon enough,

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<v Speaker 1>despite his size, his influence would be felt. In October

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<v Speaker 1>of sixteen thirty three, he and the King caused to

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<v Speaker 1>be republished King james Declaration of Sports, which had granted

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<v Speaker 1>a degree of entertainment and recreation on the sabbath. This

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<v Speaker 1>indicated that the King's people should not be discouraged from

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<v Speaker 1>dancing or archery, while the sports of leaping and vaulting

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<v Speaker 1>would also be permitted for Calvinists and the stricter Sorts

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<v Speaker 1>of Protestants. The declaration of Sorts was an anathema, and

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<v Speaker 1>it was set to destroy the true religion. Lines were

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<v Speaker 1>already being drawn. There were further provocations for the Puritans.

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<v Speaker 1>In the same period. The church authorities determined that the

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<v Speaker 1>plain communion table should be moved from the middle of

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<v Speaker 1>the church to the eastern end, where it was to

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<v Speaker 1>be railed off. It then more closely resembled the altars

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<v Speaker 1>of the old Roman Catholic faith. In addition, the priests

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<v Speaker 1>now bowed towards it, and some of them employed the

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<v Speaker 1>sign of the Cross to bless it, angering strict Calvinists

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<v Speaker 1>even further. The Archbishop Lowed was concerned to augment the

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<v Speaker 1>beauty and the holiness of the rites of the church,

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<v Speaker 1>inducing respect, if not awe. Laudianism as it has been

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<v Speaker 1>known by historians, though wasn't Roman Catholicism. The archbishop in

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<v Speaker 1>fact had a distaste for the Roman religion, and that

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<v Speaker 1>distaste was genuine. Indeed, what lawd wanted more than anything

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<v Speaker 1>else was to create a truly national church, void of

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<v Speaker 1>zelotry and intolerance of the Puritans, as well as all

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<v Speaker 1>the superstitions of the Papists. He honestly didn't care a

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<v Speaker 1>lot for theological argument, And on that everlasting debate that

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<v Speaker 1>had plagued the Church since Martin Luther between free will

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<v Speaker 1>and predestination, he said only that quote something about these

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<v Speaker 1>controversies is unmasterable in this life end quote that being said,

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<v Speaker 1>Laude clearly was choosing a side in this fight. He

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<v Speaker 1>appointed only bishops who were firmly anti Calvinist. Now it

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<v Speaker 1>was believed also that he needed more. I guess you'd

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<v Speaker 1>call them bureaucratic bishops, Bishops much more in the mold

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<v Speaker 1>of a late medieval cleric, someone who could be a

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<v Speaker 1>justice of the peace as well as being a bishop,

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<v Speaker 1>a way to augment clerical power, to increase the strength

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<v Speaker 1>of corporations of cathedral towns, a way to get those

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<v Speaker 1>who were invested in the church back in the lifeblood

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<v Speaker 1>of the government of England in a way that they

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<v Speaker 1>truly had not been since Henry the Eighth and the

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<v Speaker 1>break with Rome. In addition, Laud decided to bring back

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<v Speaker 1>the old processions and festivals of the late medieval period.

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<v Speaker 1>With the republication of the Declaration of Sports, came a

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<v Speaker 1>general relaxing of social custom. The ritual of quote unquote

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<v Speaker 1>beating the bounds was soon followed by the parishes of London.

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<v Speaker 1>Holy days like all Saints were celebrated for the first

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<v Speaker 1>time since Henry the Eighth Day. The custom of the

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<v Speaker 1>Lord of misrule returned, and with the attendant atmosphere of party, games, dancing,

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<v Speaker 1>and drinking of spiced ale. These feasts had never totally

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<v Speaker 1>died away, but in this new atmosphere that was decidedly

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<v Speaker 1>anti Puritan, they flourished, and as they flourished, they incensed

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<v Speaker 1>the Puritans ever more. Now the king was to further

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<v Speaker 1>test the loyalty of his nation in other ways, and

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<v Speaker 1>the autumn of sixteen thirty four, writs of ship money

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<v Speaker 1>were issued yet again for the first time ever, though

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<v Speaker 1>in a period of peace. The proximate cause for the

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<v Speaker 1>reintroduction of this tax was the prospect of new alliances

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<v Speaker 1>in Europe. The French and the Dutch had entered into

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<v Speaker 1>an unlikely alliance to dominate the continent, and a secret

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<v Speaker 1>treaty between England and Spain was deemed necessary by many

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<v Speaker 1>at court to counterbalance it. There was no hope, however,

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<v Speaker 1>that the members of the king's own council would countenance

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<v Speaker 1>the fact of an English force taking the part of

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<v Speaker 1>Spain against the Dutch. How many asked, could the King

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<v Speaker 1>of England the pre eminent Protestant power in Europe, or

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<v Speaker 1>at least that's the way England liked to think of itself,

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<v Speaker 1>ally with the pre eminent Catholic power, and attack a

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<v Speaker 1>Protestant republic, It's just anathema. Once again, Charles relied upon

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<v Speaker 1>intrigue with any or every party that seemed likely to

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<v Speaker 1>favor him. He had to conceal his alliance with Spain

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<v Speaker 1>and pretend that the ships were being prepared as a

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<v Speaker 1>defense against a potential attack from all directions. It was

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<v Speaker 1>said that we needed to protect English trade not from Spain,

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<v Speaker 1>but from Tunis and Turkey Is maybe as much as France.

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<v Speaker 1>So the King claimed the right of sovereignty in all

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<v Speaker 1>of his sees, including the English Channel and of course

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<v Speaker 1>the North Sea. The first writs of ship money were

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<v Speaker 1>dispatched only to the ports into the towns along the coast.

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<v Speaker 1>They were ordered to provide a sum sufficient to fit

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<v Speaker 1>out a certain number of ships, as well as to

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<v Speaker 1>maintain them and their crews for six months. The money

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<v Speaker 1>was to be given to a collector appointed by the crown.

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<v Speaker 1>London alone attempted to oppose this tax, having been required

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<v Speaker 1>to raise one fifth of the total, but the town

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<v Speaker 1>council and mayor were quickly subdued with threats and talks

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<v Speaker 1>of treason. That's not going to work forever. Again, the

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<v Speaker 1>question kept coming up, though, what was the purpose of

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<v Speaker 1>this fleet that was being prepared. In the spring of

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<v Speaker 1>sixteen thirty five, the first fleet raised by ship money

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<v Speaker 1>finally took sale. The forty two vessels, nineteen of them

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<v Speaker 1>over fifty tons, set forth with orders to curb piracy,

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<v Speaker 1>protect English traders, prevent the Dutch from fishing in English waters, and,

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<v Speaker 1>according to one news writer Edward Rossingham, quote, to preserve

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<v Speaker 1>the sovereignty of the narrow seas from the French king,

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<v Speaker 1>who had the design, longed to take it from us,

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<v Speaker 1>and therefore he hath provided a very great navy unquote.

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<v Speaker 1>In other words, what were these ships intended to do?

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<v Speaker 1>The answer might come everything. The answer might also come nothing.

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<v Speaker 1>So the ship money had been raised in the end,

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps out of fear, perhaps out of loyalty, and the

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<v Speaker 1>success of the tax ensured survival in the following year,

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<v Speaker 1>ship money was again required, this time not by just

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<v Speaker 1>the towns and ports on the water, by the whole country.

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<v Speaker 1>It was argued that since counties and urban corporations were

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<v Speaker 1>interested in the honor, profit and safety of the English seas,

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<v Speaker 1>that was appropriate that everybody should chip in. The appeal worked,

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<v Speaker 1>and the tax of sixteen thirty five became the model

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<v Speaker 1>for the next five years, in which eighty percent of

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<v Speaker 1>the money that was demanded by the king was paid. This, however,

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<v Speaker 1>as we're about to see, would be one of the

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<v Speaker 1>few long term success stories of Charles's finance during his

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<v Speaker 1>period a personal rule. In the summer of sixteen thirty six,

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<v Speaker 1>Charles and Henrietta Maria paid a visit to Oxford. It

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<v Speaker 1>was now, in essence, you could just rename it to

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<v Speaker 1>Lawd University. The archbishop had that much power over what

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<v Speaker 1>went on there. Yet only the academic officials paid homage

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<v Speaker 1>to the royal couple as they rode through the streets.

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<v Speaker 1>There were no calls of God save the King. The

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<v Speaker 1>scholars and the citizens alike stood silent, and this didn't

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<v Speaker 1>bode well, And it was a little reminder that personal

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<v Speaker 1>rule was building up steadily grievances amongst Charles's people. The

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<v Speaker 1>fines for encroaching on royal forests had quote brought more

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<v Speaker 1>prejudice upon the court and more discontent upon the King

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<v Speaker 1>from the considerable parts of the nobility and gentry in

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<v Speaker 1>England than any one action that it had its rise

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<v Speaker 1>from the King's will and pleasure. Charles had alienated his

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<v Speaker 1>subjects in a lot of different ways, many of them religious.

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<v Speaker 1>He had unilaterally published a book of canons, which he

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<v Speaker 1>required to be adopted by the Scottish Church. Now could

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<v Speaker 1>receive the sacrament except on his or her knees. No

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<v Speaker 1>man was allowed to cover his head during the divine service.

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<v Speaker 1>No person was allowed to engage in spontaneous prayer. The

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<v Speaker 1>clergy was not allowed to hold private meetings to explain

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<v Speaker 1>and expound upon the scriptures. This was detested by many

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<v Speaker 1>in England, and certainly by the Presbyterians in Scotland, and

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<v Speaker 1>soon enough that bill would become due. In the spring

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<v Speaker 1>of sixteen thirty seven, a new service book for Scotland

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<v Speaker 1>was published by the King. It applied much of the

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<v Speaker 1>English Book of Common Prayer and abolished most of John

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<v Speaker 1>Knoxus's Book of Common Order. It was in effect another

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<v Speaker 1>English imposition, bearing all the marks of the intervention of

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<v Speaker 1>Archbishop Laud. It was first read in public at Saint Giles,

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<v Speaker 1>recently become the Cathedral Church of Edinburgh. The dean ascended

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<v Speaker 1>the pulpit, but when he began to recite the words

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<v Speaker 1>of the new book, shouts of abuse came from the

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<v Speaker 1>women of the congregation. The shouts sounded the mass is

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<v Speaker 1>entered upon us, but all is in the church. The

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<v Speaker 1>Bishop of Edinburgh then stepped forward to try to calm

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<v Speaker 1>the angry women and begged them to desist from profaning

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<v Speaker 1>holy ground. This was not a phrase to be used

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<v Speaker 1>in front of a Puritan assembly, and further abuse was

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<v Speaker 1>screamed against him. He was denounced as a fox, as

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<v Speaker 1>a wolf, as a belly god. One of the women

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<v Speaker 1>hurled her stool at him. It missed him barely and

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<v Speaker 1>almost managed to hit the dean of the college behind him.

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<v Speaker 1>The magistrates were then called to clear the church, but

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<v Speaker 1>the women, once ejected, surrounded the building. Its great doors

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<v Speaker 1>were pummeled and stones were flung in its windows. As

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<v Speaker 1>the unhappy ceremony proceeded to its end, cries could be

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<v Speaker 1>heard outside of quote a pape, a pape antichrist stone him,

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<v Speaker 1>pull him down. Quote. When the bishop came out, the

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<v Speaker 1>women shouted to kill the man. Now what's fascinating about

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<v Speaker 1>this whole episode is that it is not a spontaneous action.

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<v Speaker 1>It's not this random confluence of events that takes place

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<v Speaker 1>to bring this into being. Really, what this was was

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<v Speaker 1>an organized assault on the new service Book that the

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<v Speaker 1>Presbyterians already knew was coming. Certain nonconformist gentry and clergy

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<v Speaker 1>had been planning this event for about three months, and

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<v Speaker 1>even though the scale of the riot was not perhaps

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<v Speaker 1>and has anticipated regardless, the incident quickly became known both

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<v Speaker 1>in Scotland and down in England as Stony Sunday. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>on hearing the news of the riots in Edinburgh, the

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<v Speaker 1>King ordered the immediate suppression of the malcontents in a

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<v Speaker 1>city where the majority of the populace was on their side.

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<v Speaker 1>This frankly wasn't possible. Laud asked the Scottish bishops if

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<v Speaker 1>they were ready to quote cast down the milk they

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<v Speaker 1>had given because a few milkmaids had scolded them. I

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<v Speaker 1>hope they will be better advised end quote. Yet it

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<v Speaker 1>was Archbishop Laud here who was in need of advice.

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<v Speaker 1>The Edinburgh magistrates stated that no member of the clergy

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<v Speaker 1>would be able to read the new service. Most of

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<v Speaker 1>the ministers adherd its contents, and all of them feared

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<v Speaker 1>further riot. Petitions were now arriving from all parts of Scotland,

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<v Speaker 1>deploring these new papist intentions, this new prayer book that

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<v Speaker 1>was so far from the old form of worship of Scotland.

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<v Speaker 1>The Scottish Council wrote to the King that the interventions

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<v Speaker 1>were simply unprecedented and not acceptable. Their remonstrances became all

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<v Speaker 1>the more urgent when a second riot broke out in Edinburgh.

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<v Speaker 1>The news had spread that the Lord Provest had tried

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<v Speaker 1>to prevent a petition against the service book from ever

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<v Speaker 1>reaching London. The petitioners, as they became known, were now

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<v Speaker 1>the largest contingent in this very rebellious city. Charles back

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<v Speaker 1>in London, he didn't know what to do. He had

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<v Speaker 1>not anticipated such an unwelcome act of defiance. It's referred

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<v Speaker 1>that his very first words were quote, I mean to

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<v Speaker 1>be obeyed end quote. But how is he going to

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<v Speaker 1>enforce his will? He didn't have an army and only

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<v Speaker 1>unwilling support from his representatives in Scotland. A solution to

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00:21:42.519 --> 00:21:45.480
<v Speaker 1>the immediate impasse was then suggested by members of the

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<v Speaker 1>Scottish Privy Council. The petitioners would leave Edinburgh and return

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<v Speaker 1>to their homes, leaving a group of commissioners to speak

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<v Speaker 1>and act in their names. It was clear that these commissioners,

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<v Speaker 1>as they will be called, and as I'm going to

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<v Speaker 1>refer to them, are going to essentially become the government

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<v Speaker 1>of Scotland from this point forward in our story, and

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<v Speaker 1>as possible to see all of these incidents in Edinburgh

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<v Speaker 1>as a prelude to the more fatal incidents that are

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<v Speaker 1>going to lead to a civil war in England. I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>but that is ex post facto, like there's no way

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<v Speaker 1>that anybody at the time could have looked at this

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<v Speaker 1>and seen that coming. I mean, let's be honest. This

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<v Speaker 1>was a minor uprising in Scotland. To put it mildly,

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<v Speaker 1>it was religious in nature, but nobody had refused to

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<v Speaker 1>pay any taxes. Yet there wasn't a complete abrogation of

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<v Speaker 1>royal authority. This was a group of individuals that was

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<v Speaker 1>upset about the imposition of religious change. Again in the

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<v Speaker 1>sixteenth seventeenth centuries. There's nothing new here. This is you know,

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<v Speaker 1>rinse and repeat. Charles should have been able to deal

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<v Speaker 1>with this. The only problem is he was not the

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<v Speaker 1>man for the hour, folks, as we're going to see. Instead,

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<v Speaker 1>Scotland had set an example of defiance that was regarded

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<v Speaker 1>by admiration in England, at least by some Now another

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<v Speaker 1>great controversy concerning the king's authority now emerged in London.

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<v Speaker 1>In the summer of sixteen thirty seven, the King decided

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<v Speaker 1>to call John Hampton before the Court of Exchequer for

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<v Speaker 1>refusing to pay his portion of ship money. Hampden having

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<v Speaker 1>been imprisoned for ten years earlier for declining the King's

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<v Speaker 1>forced loan. You know, but he didn't seem to have

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<v Speaker 1>cared that experience didn't curb his independence, and so at

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<v Speaker 1>the beginning of the year twelve senior judges declared that,

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<v Speaker 1>in the face of danger to the nation, the King

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<v Speaker 1>had a perfectly fine right to order his subjects to

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<v Speaker 1>finance the preparation of a fleet. In addition, they declared

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<v Speaker 1>that in the event of the refusal, the King was

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<v Speaker 1>entitled to use compulsion. One contemporary historian wrote, quote the

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<v Speaker 1>judges could not have delivered a more important decision. It

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<v Speaker 1>is one of the great events of English history. Quote.

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<v Speaker 1>The royal prerogative of ship money had become essentially the

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<v Speaker 1>foundation and cornerstone of Charles's entire government. Another would write that,

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<v Speaker 1>if indeed it could be exacted lawfully, quote, the King,

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<v Speaker 1>upon like pretense, might gather the same sum ten twelve

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<v Speaker 1>or one hundred times redoubled, and so to infinite proportions

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<v Speaker 1>to anyone shire, when and as often as he pleased,

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<v Speaker 1>And so no man was in conclusion worthy of anything

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<v Speaker 1>end quote. It was a powerful argument and one that

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<v Speaker 1>was going to be tested in the trial of John Hampton.

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<v Speaker 1>The court case lasted from November of sixteen thirty seven

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<v Speaker 1>all the way through the following summer of sixteen thirty eight.

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<v Speaker 1>It was watched with extreme interest by the political nation.

356
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<v Speaker 1>This was really a test of power between sovereign and subject.

357
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<v Speaker 1>Was considered to be one of the the most significant

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<v Speaker 1>cases ever put to judgment. The prosecution essentially rested upon

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<v Speaker 1>two points. The Crown contended that all precedents from the

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<v Speaker 1>time of the Anglo Saxons were going back to the

361
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<v Speaker 1>Anglo Saxons. Guys allowed the King to gather money for

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<v Speaker 1>his navy. Okay, that's relatively undisputed. Hampton in turn argued

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<v Speaker 1>back that previous methods of taxation had in no way

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<v Speaker 1>resembled the recent rips for ship money that had been

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<v Speaker 1>sent to inland counties. Now the Crown turned back and

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<v Speaker 1>defended the reasonableness of its claim for financial assistance in

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<v Speaker 1>face of foreign danger. By the time, I mean, after all,

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<v Speaker 1>it took so long for Parliament to be assembled. By

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<v Speaker 1>the time it got there to debate the member that

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<v Speaker 1>the country could be an attacked. Heck, England itself could

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<v Speaker 1>be invaded. There wasn't time to put these questions to Parliament.

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<v Speaker 1>This is why you had an executive. The King had

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<v Speaker 1>to act. Now turned around and argued that, well, you

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<v Speaker 1>know what, but the rits had been sent out six

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<v Speaker 1>months before any ships were fitted, and honestly, guys, there

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<v Speaker 1>was ample time for an assembly at Westminster. Besides, the

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<v Speaker 1>writs were, in any case contrary to statutes forbidding any

378
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<v Speaker 1>tax without the consent of Parliament. So what's the big

379
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<v Speaker 1>deal here? Now? As this all went back and forth,

380
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<v Speaker 1>the court was packed with spectators. A squire from Norfolk

381
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<v Speaker 1>had come to London simply to attend the trial. But

382
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<v Speaker 1>when he arrived the crowd was already so great that

383
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<v Speaker 1>he could only get two three yards from the door,

384
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<v Speaker 1>and this was at dawn. Those who did obtain entrance

385
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<v Speaker 1>seemed largely to have been on Hamden's side. When one

386
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<v Speaker 1>of his councils, Oliver Sinjin, opened the defense, he was,

387
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<v Speaker 1>according to a Puritan observer quote, much applauded and hummed

388
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<v Speaker 1>by the bystanders, though my Lord Finch, the Chief Justice,

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<v Speaker 1>signified his displeasure for it end quote. At the close

390
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<v Speaker 1>of sin John's argument, everyone applauded again. The argument continued

391
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<v Speaker 1>beyond the walls of the court. Debates between the opposing

392
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<v Speaker 1>sides were fierce. They were spilling out. They were in

393
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<v Speaker 1>the streets, they were in the markets, they were in

394
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<v Speaker 1>the taverns. Everybody was talking about Hampton in his defense.

395
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<v Speaker 1>This had become, I guess, the oj trial, except there

396
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<v Speaker 1>wasn't a murder. People used to argue about ship money.

397
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<v Speaker 1>Isn't that quaint? The judges deliberated and eventually gave a

398
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<v Speaker 1>decision in favor of the court seven to five. It

399
00:27:39.680 --> 00:27:44.440
<v Speaker 1>was the smallest of all possible majorities for the King Nevertheless,

400
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<v Speaker 1>the words of the Chief Justice and his support were

401
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<v Speaker 1>repeated throughout the country. Finch declared, and he was going

402
00:27:52.079 --> 00:27:55.599
<v Speaker 1>to eat these words. Don't worry that quote acts of

403
00:27:55.759 --> 00:28:00.279
<v Speaker 1>Parliament to take away royal power in the defense ends

404
00:28:00.319 --> 00:28:06.559
<v Speaker 1>of the kingdom are void end quote, or as another

405
00:28:06.720 --> 00:28:16.680
<v Speaker 1>judge put it rather inadvisedly, quote rex st lex. The

406
00:28:16.799 --> 00:28:22.759
<v Speaker 1>king is the law. Now it seemed the ancient rights

407
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<v Speaker 1>of the Englishmen were of no importance. The declarations of

408
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<v Speaker 1>the Magna Carta and the petition of right had become inconsequential.

409
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<v Speaker 1>Neither law nor parliament could bind the king's power. In

410
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<v Speaker 1>our next episode we see just how it long that

411
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<v Speaker 1>principle can last.
