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<v Speaker 1>Today, I want to tell you about a journey that

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<v Speaker 1>I've been on for most of my life. Ever since

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<v Speaker 1>I was a kid, I've heard tales of bigfoot and

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<v Speaker 1>wild men while spending time with my friends and family.

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<v Speaker 1>As I grew older and read more about the paranormal,

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<v Speaker 1>my interest in encryptids and other things strange only deepened.

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<v Speaker 1>That's why I'm so excited to share with you what

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<v Speaker 1>I've personally become involved with the Untold Radio Network. The

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<v Speaker 1>Untold Radio Network is a live streaming podcast network that

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<v Speaker 1>airs a new show every day across all podcast platforms, YouTube,

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<v Speaker 1>and more. They have eight different shows on all sorts

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<v Speaker 1>of exciting topics such as bigfoot, cryptids, UFOs, aliens, and

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<v Speaker 1>much more. I even have my own show called Weird Encounters,

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<v Speaker 1>where I talk about all things strange. This is more

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<v Speaker 1>than just a podcast network. It's a community that allows

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<v Speaker 1>me to meet so many amazing people who share their

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<v Speaker 1>stories and experiences with strange. If you're interested in hearing

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<v Speaker 1>more of these stories and learning more about the paranormal

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<v Speaker 1>and encryptids, make sure you check out the Untold Radio

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<v Speaker 1>Network for all kinds of exciting shows. It's free to subscribe.

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<v Speaker 1>So what are you waiting for visit www dot untold

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<v Speaker 1>radionetwork dot com today.

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<v Speaker 2>Now, what are your reporting? I got a screen going

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<v Speaker 2>on here. Something just kid with my dog, something to

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<v Speaker 2>kill your dog? My dog. We're flying through there, over

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<v Speaker 2>the tree. I don't know how it did it? Okay, Damn,

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<v Speaker 2>I'm really confused. All I saw was my dog coming

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<v Speaker 2>over the fence, and they would dead once you hit

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<v Speaker 2>the grill. I didn't see any cars. All I saw

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<v Speaker 2>was my dog coming over the fence.

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<v Speaker 1>Happen?

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<v Speaker 2>What are you reporting? We got some wonder or something

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<v Speaker 2>crawling around out here? Did you see what it was?

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<v Speaker 2>It was enough out here. Look, I'm new to one

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<v Speaker 2>doow now and I don't need anything. I don't want

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<v Speaker 2>to go outside. Hello, hit the boddy out here? What quin?

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<v Speaker 2>I'm out there? I thought of a venus about text nine?

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<v Speaker 2>I don't know. Easy ann ount there. Yeah, I'm walking

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<v Speaker 2>right heady.

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<v Speaker 1>Before we begin today's exploration of Sasquatch in Native American history,

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<v Speaker 1>I want to share something personal with you. Many of us,

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<v Speaker 1>myself included, have seen these creatures with our own eyes.

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<v Speaker 1>We know that they exist. This isn't just belief or speculation.

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<v Speaker 1>It's based on direct experience. Now I understand skepticism. In fact,

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<v Speaker 1>I remain deeply skeptical of many pieces of evidence and

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<v Speaker 1>even some eyewitness accounts. I question blurry photos, analyze track

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<v Speaker 1>casts critically, and approach every new Bigfoot video with healthy doubt.

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<v Speaker 1>That kind of critical thinking is essential in this field.

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<v Speaker 1>But there's something I found impossible to ignore, and that's

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<v Speaker 1>the overwhelming number of references to these beings across Native

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<v Speaker 1>American and First Nations cultures who had no way of

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<v Speaker 1>communicating with one another. From the Pacific Northwest to the Everglades,

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<v Speaker 1>from the Eastern Woodlands to the high deserts of the Southwest,

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<v Speaker 1>Indigenous peoples described remarkably similar entities with consistent physical features

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<v Speaker 1>and behaviors. This reality directly contradicts skeptics who claim there

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<v Speaker 1>is no historical basis for sasquatch in indigenous traditions, that

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<v Speaker 1>these beings were essentially invented in the mid twentieth century

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<v Speaker 1>and retroactively inserted into Native American lore. Nothing could be

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<v Speaker 1>further from the truth. It begs a fundamental question. Can

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<v Speaker 1>all of these accounts across hundreds of distinct cultural groups

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<v Speaker 1>with different languages, belief systems, and geographic locations just be stories,

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<v Speaker 1>or should we apply our critical thinking skills and consider

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<v Speaker 1>the possibility that these traditions contain more fact than fiction.

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<v Speaker 1>As you listen particular attention to the detailed descriptions preserved

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<v Speaker 1>across tribal traditions, height, hair covering, distinctive foot morphology, wood knocking, communications, whistling, vocalizations,

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<v Speaker 1>and that characteristic odor. What's remarkable is how consistently these

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<v Speaker 1>details align with contemporary accounts from people with no knowledge

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<v Speaker 1>of these indigenous traditions. When a modern hiker in Washington

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<v Speaker 1>State describes hearing the same pattern of wood knocks that

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<v Speaker 1>the Yakama people documented generations ago, or when a contemporary

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<v Speaker 1>tracker in northern California finds footprints showing the same mid

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<v Speaker 1>tarsal flexibility described in traditional Urrok knowledge, we're witnessing connections

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<v Speaker 1>that span centuries. This isn't about blindly accepting every claim.

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<v Speaker 1>It's about recognizing and respecting the depth, breadth, and continuity

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<v Speaker 1>of indigenous knowledge that has been too often dismissed, appropriated,

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<v Speaker 1>or simply ignored. It's about acknowledging that Native Americans and

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<v Speaker 1>First Nations peoples have been documenting these observations for thousands

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<v Speaker 1>of years before European contact, observations that continue to be

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<v Speaker 1>reported by people just like you and me today. So

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<v Speaker 1>as we journey through this narrative together, I invite you

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<v Speaker 1>to consider the evidence with both an open mind and

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<v Speaker 1>critical judgment. What you're about to hear might challenge some assumptions,

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<v Speaker 1>but it represents one of the most enduring and consistent

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<v Speaker 1>bodies of traditional knowledge on this continent. The indigenous history

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<v Speaker 1>of the beings we now call sasquatch, beings that many

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<v Speaker 1>of us know without a doubt are real. Long before

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<v Speaker 1>the name Bigfoot entered the American lexicon in the late

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen fifties, long before grainy footage captured a large, hair

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<v Speaker 1>covered figure striding along Bluff Creek in northern California, the

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<v Speaker 1>indigenous peoples of North America shared stories of tall, powerful

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<v Speaker 1>beings who dwelled in the shadows of forests, mountains, and

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<v Speaker 1>remote valleys. These beings went by hundreds of different names

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<v Speaker 1>in different languages, reflected diverse attributes depending on the tribe

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<v Speaker 1>and region, and occupied various positions in the complex spiritual

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<v Speaker 1>and cultural frameworks of Native American peoples across the continent.

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<v Speaker 1>This is not a simple story with a clear beginning

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<v Speaker 1>and end. Rather, it is a rich tapestry of tribal knowledge,

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<v Speaker 1>oral traditions, spiritual beliefs, and lived experiences spanning thousands of

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<v Speaker 1>years and hundreds of distinct cultures. The narrative of what

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<v Speaker 1>we now collectively call sasquatch or bigfoot in contemporary culture

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<v Speaker 1>is in reality many interconnected narratives that reflect the deep

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<v Speaker 1>relationship between indigenous peoples and the landscapes they inhabited. In

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<v Speaker 1>exploring this history, we must approach with respect and humility,

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<v Speaker 1>acknowledging that these traditions are not mere folklore or campfire tales,

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<v Speaker 1>but vital components of living cultural heritage. Many tribes consider

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<v Speaker 1>their knowledge of these beings to be sacred, and while

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<v Speaker 1>some information has been shared with outside researchers and anthropologists,

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<v Speaker 1>much remains protected within tribal communities. The earliest known traditions

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<v Speaker 1>of wild hairy humanoids in North America emerge from oral

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<v Speaker 1>histories that, by their nature, are difficult to date precisely.

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<v Speaker 1>Anthropologists estimate some of these traditions may extend back thousands

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<v Speaker 1>of years, preserved through generations of careful storytelling and ceremonial recounting.

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<v Speaker 1>The Yoku's people of California's Central Valley have traditions of

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<v Speaker 1>a being called hairy man or chutia that predate European

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<v Speaker 1>contact by centuries. Their stories describe these beings as having

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<v Speaker 1>existed since the beginning, suggesting an ancient recognition of these

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<v Speaker 1>creatures presence on the landscape. Similarly, the coast Salish peoples

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<v Speaker 1>of the Pacific Northwest describe their encounters with Sasquatch like

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<v Speaker 1>beings known as Sesquak, Seatko, or various other names depending

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<v Speaker 1>on the specific langthanguage, as extending back to time immemorial.

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<v Speaker 1>What striking about these early traditions is their consistency across

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<v Speaker 1>geographic regions and linguistic families that had limited contact with

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<v Speaker 1>one another, From the Algonquian speaking tribes of the northeast

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<v Speaker 1>to the nod in A languages of the Sabardic, from

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<v Speaker 1>the Salish languages of the northwest coast to the uto

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<v Speaker 1>Aztecan languages of the southwest. Descriptions of large, hairy humanoid

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<v Speaker 1>forest dwellers appear with remarkable similarity in basic physical characteristics,

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<v Speaker 1>despite significant cultural variations in how these beings were understood

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<v Speaker 1>pre contact. Descriptions of these beings across numerous tribes share

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<v Speaker 1>several consistent elements, though with regional variations. The Lakota spoke

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<v Speaker 1>of chia Tanka great elder Brother as standing taller than

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<v Speaker 1>a man, covered in hair with a strong smell. The

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<v Speaker 1>Hoopa of northern California described o Ma, a boss of

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<v Speaker 1>the woods, as having a similar stature, but with distinctive

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<v Speaker 1>backward facing feet. The Iroquois Confederation tribes shared stories of

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<v Speaker 1>stone giants Gano's Giguaya, who, while sometimes described as wearing

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<v Speaker 1>armor of stone, shared many physical characteristics with sasquatch like

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<v Speaker 1>beings described by other tribes. The Tilamouk of Oregon told

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<v Speaker 1>of multiple types of forest beings, including the fearsome ki

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<v Speaker 1>mana wild man who would carry off women and children.

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<v Speaker 1>The Klamath and Modoc peoples of the southern Oregon northern

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<v Speaker 1>California region described a being called lumtock Maks, the one

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<v Speaker 1>who whistles, as extremely tall with a covering of black hair,

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<v Speaker 1>known for its distinctive whistling call used to communicate with

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<v Speaker 1>others of its kind. Several common physical traits emerge across

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<v Speaker 1>these early descriptions. Most traditions describe beings that stand considerably

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<v Speaker 1>taller than humans, often seven to ten feet tall. They

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<v Speaker 1>are almost universal described as covered in hair or fur,

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<v Speaker 1>typically dark in color, though some traditions, particularly in the Arctic,

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<v Speaker 1>describe white haired variants. They are frequently mentioned as having

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<v Speaker 1>a distinctive, powerful smell, often compared to wet animal fur,

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<v Speaker 1>rotten vegetables, or skunk. Despite variations, most traditions describe a

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<v Speaker 1>being with a fundamentally humanoid appearance, walking upright on two

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<v Speaker 1>legs with hands capable of tool use. They are invariably

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<v Speaker 1>described as possessing strength far exceeding that of humans. While

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<v Speaker 1>physical descriptions show remarkable consistency across tribal boundaries, the cultural significance,

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<v Speaker 1>spiritual status, and relationship with humans attributed to these beings

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<v Speaker 1>varied significantly between tribal groups. For some tribes, particularly in

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<v Speaker 1>the Pacific Northwest, these beings were considered a separate race

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<v Speaker 1>of people who shared the landscape with humans. The Quakiutl

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<v Speaker 1>Quaquacka walk of British Columbia incorporated beings called Bukwus wild

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<v Speaker 1>man of the woods into their complex clan structure and

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<v Speaker 1>potlatch traditions, viewing them as transformed humans who had become

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<v Speaker 1>lost in the spiritual realm. The Thompson Indians Lakapomas of

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<v Speaker 1>the interior Pacific Northwest viewed the beings they called skocomic

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<v Speaker 1>as powerful medicine beings who possessed supernatural abilities, including shape shifting, invisibility,

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<v Speaker 1>and the power to paralyze humans with fear or drive

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<v Speaker 1>them mad. Thompson elders taught that these beings should be

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<v Speaker 1>respected rather than feared, and could serve as spirit helpers

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<v Speaker 1>to particularly gifted Shamans. Among many California tribes, including the

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<v Speaker 1>karuk Hoopa Valley tribe and Urak stories described Oma or

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<v Speaker 1>similar beings as more animal like and potentially dangerous, though

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<v Speaker 1>still possessing intelligence and supernatural qualities. These tribes often had

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<v Speaker 1>specific taboos and protective practices regarding these creatures, including avoiding

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<v Speaker 1>certain areas of the forest, particularly at night. The Algonquins

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<v Speaker 1>speaking peoples of the Northeast, including the mick Mac, Panobscot,

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<v Speaker 1>and Abenaki, spoke of the wendigo, a malevolent entity sometimes

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<v Speaker 1>described with physical characteristics similar to other sasquatch traditions, but

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<v Speaker 1>with a fearsome spiritual dimension as a spirit of greed, hunger,

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<v Speaker 1>and winter. The Wendigo tradition represents one of the more

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<v Speaker 1>negative portrayals, though scholars debate whether the Wendigo and more

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<v Speaker 1>neutral sasquatch like beings represent the same or distinct traditional

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<v Speaker 1>entities among the Iroquois confederacy. How Denisauni stone giants Geno's

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<v Speaker 1>Kiawa were fearsome enemies in some stories, but became allies

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<v Speaker 1>of humans and others. The complex relationship portrayed in these

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<v Speaker 1>traditions reveals an understanding of these beings as having their

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<v Speaker 1>own agency and moral complexity, capable of both harm and

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<v Speaker 1>help depending on circumstances and how they were treated by humans.

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<v Speaker 1>Pre contact traditions frequently embedded detailed ecological knowledge about these beings,

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<v Speaker 1>information that contemporary biologists might classify as behavioral ecology or

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<v Speaker 1>natural history. These details appear across tribal traditions with remarkable consistency,

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<v Speaker 1>almost universally. They are described as dwelling in remote, mountainous

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<v Speaker 1>or densely forested areas, often near water sources. Many traditions,

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<v Speaker 1>particularly in regions with harsh winters, describe seasonal migrations between

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<v Speaker 1>lowland and highland areas following food availability. They are commonly

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<v Speaker 1>described as being more active at night, with daytime sightings

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<v Speaker 1>considered rare, usually portrayed as omnivorous, eating a combination of

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<v Speaker 1>plant foods, berries, roots, tree cambium, and animal foods fish,

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<v Speaker 1>small game, though rarely described as hunters of large game,

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<v Speaker 1>often described as living in small family groups rather than

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<v Speaker 1>large communities, with some traditions mentioning male female pairs and offspring.

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<v Speaker 1>Numerous traditions mentioned complex communication systems, including whistles, howls, knocking sounds,

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<v Speaker 1>often by striking trees or rocks, and in some cases

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<v Speaker 1>forms of language. Several traditions described these beings using simple tools,

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<v Speaker 1>particularly wooden clubs or sticks, and having the ability to

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<v Speaker 1>move large stones or logs. The Yakama nation of the

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<v Speaker 1>Columbia Plateau region had particularly detailed traditions regarding the beings.

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<v Speaker 1>They called stick Indians, a non pejorative term referring to

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<v Speaker 1>their forest dwelling nature. Yakima elders described specific food plants.

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<v Speaker 1>These beings, favored, their techniques for catching salmon, and their

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<v Speaker 1>careful avoidance of human settlements, except during times of extreme

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<v Speaker 1>hunger or curiosity about human activities. Yakima traditions also detailed

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<v Speaker 1>how these beings would sometimes leave gifts of freshly killed

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<v Speaker 1>game near the camps of hunters who had shown them

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<v Speaker 1>respect by leaving offerings of tobacco, and stay tuned for

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<v Speaker 1>more sasquatch Ottesee will be right back after these messages.

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<v Speaker 1>The Lummy people of coastal Washington had similarly detailed ecological

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<v Speaker 1>knowledge of the beings they called t semech ways, describing

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<v Speaker 1>how they would construct temporary brush sheelters in remote valleys,

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<v Speaker 1>their preference for certain berry patches which human gatherers would

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<v Speaker 1>deliberately avoid harvesting completely, and their habit of pushing over

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<v Speaker 1>small trees as territorial markers. For many tribes, stories about

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<v Speaker 1>Sasquatch like beings served important pedagogical functions beyond simply acknowledging

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<v Speaker 1>their existence. These narratives often embedded practical knowledge, moral lessons,

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<v Speaker 1>and tribal values that helped prepare young people for life

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00:15:51.440 --> 00:15:55.840
<v Speaker 1>in their environments. The Salish peoples of the inland Northwest

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<v Speaker 1>used Seat coast stories to teach children about dangerous areas

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<v Speaker 1>in their terrors, proper behavior when traveling alone in the forest,

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<v Speaker 1>and the importance of maintaining ceremonial cleanliness to avoid attracting

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<v Speaker 1>unwonted attention from spiritual beings. Among the tilling It of

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00:16:12.519 --> 00:16:17.639
<v Speaker 1>southeast Alaska, stories of Kushtaka land otter man, sometimes described

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<v Speaker 1>with sasquatch like attributes, warned of the dangers of hunting

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<v Speaker 1>alone and the importance of proper preparation before journeying into

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00:16:25.360 --> 00:16:29.399
<v Speaker 1>remote areas. The Monomony of the Great Lakes region told

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<v Speaker 1>stories of the large, hairy beings they called manaby walk

236
00:16:33.120 --> 00:16:37.320
<v Speaker 1>to illustrate proper and improper behavior toward the natural world.

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<v Speaker 1>In these narratives, those who showed respect toward the forest

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00:16:40.879 --> 00:16:44.039
<v Speaker 1>and its inhabitants might receive protection or gifts from the

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00:16:44.080 --> 00:16:48.480
<v Speaker 1>manabye walk, while those who were wasteful, greedy, or disrespectful

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<v Speaker 1>might face frightening encounters or even disappearance. For many California tribes,

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00:16:53.919 --> 00:16:57.720
<v Speaker 1>including the Miewalk and Yucuts, stories of their respective wild

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00:16:57.799 --> 00:17:02.200
<v Speaker 1>men served as lessons about balance and humility. These traditions

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00:17:02.240 --> 00:17:05.119
<v Speaker 1>often portrayed the beings as ancient dwellers of the land

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00:17:05.319 --> 00:17:09.599
<v Speaker 1>who existed before humans and possessed knowledge of plants, animals

245
00:17:09.599 --> 00:17:12.920
<v Speaker 1>and landscape features that humans would do well to respect

246
00:17:13.039 --> 00:17:17.119
<v Speaker 1>rather than dominate. The densely forested mountains and valleys of

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<v Speaker 1>the Pacific Northwest, stretching from northern California, through Oregon, Washington,

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00:17:21.960 --> 00:17:26.839
<v Speaker 1>British Columbia, and into southeast Alaska, contained the highest concentration

249
00:17:27.000 --> 00:17:30.720
<v Speaker 1>and most elaborate traditions of Sasquatch like beings in North America.

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<v Speaker 1>This region, not coincidentally, also accounts for the highest number

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<v Speaker 1>of contemporary Bigfoot reports among the Coast Salish peoples, including

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00:17:41.039 --> 00:17:46.680
<v Speaker 1>the Squamish, musquaem Secualt and related groups. The traditions of Saskets,

253
00:17:46.960 --> 00:17:51.640
<v Speaker 1>from which the anglicized Sasquatch derives, were particularly well developed.

254
00:17:52.440 --> 00:17:56.000
<v Speaker 1>Coast Salish traditions often described these beings as a race

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<v Speaker 1>of hairy giants who lived in parallel to human communities

256
00:17:59.480 --> 00:18:04.720
<v Speaker 1>but avoided contact. They were believed to possess supernatural abilities,

257
00:18:04.920 --> 00:18:09.279
<v Speaker 1>including hypnosis, telepathy, and the power to induce memory loss

258
00:18:09.319 --> 00:18:13.519
<v Speaker 1>in humans who encountered them. The Quaquaka Walk formerly known

259
00:18:13.519 --> 00:18:17.319
<v Speaker 1>as quak Utel of northern Vancouver Island and adjacent mainland

260
00:18:17.559 --> 00:18:20.559
<v Speaker 1>incorporated wild men and women of the woods into their

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00:18:20.559 --> 00:18:25.880
<v Speaker 1>complex ceremonial system. Figures such as Baquas and Dessonoqua appeared

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00:18:25.880 --> 00:18:29.920
<v Speaker 1>in potlatch ceremonies, masked dances, and his figures carved on

263
00:18:29.960 --> 00:18:33.880
<v Speaker 1>totem poles and house posts. These beings were understood as

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00:18:33.920 --> 00:18:36.960
<v Speaker 1>transformed humans who had become lost in the spirit world

265
00:18:37.279 --> 00:18:40.079
<v Speaker 1>and now existed in a liminal state between human and

266
00:18:40.160 --> 00:18:44.519
<v Speaker 1>supernatural realms. The Nisga people of the Nas River region

267
00:18:44.519 --> 00:18:47.680
<v Speaker 1>in British Columbia speak of Bukwas, who lives near rivers

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<v Speaker 1>and carries a large staff. According to tradition, this being

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00:18:51.880 --> 00:18:55.680
<v Speaker 1>has glowing eyes that can hypnotize humans, explaining why few

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00:18:55.720 --> 00:18:59.720
<v Speaker 1>people who see him can clearly recall the encounter. Among

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00:18:59.759 --> 00:19:05.039
<v Speaker 1>interior Salish groups like the Thompson, O'connigan and Shuswap, traditions

272
00:19:05.039 --> 00:19:09.079
<v Speaker 1>of stick Indians or bush men Skocomic in Laka Pamluck's

273
00:19:09.119 --> 00:19:12.839
<v Speaker 1>language describe beings who live deep in the forest and mountains.

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00:19:13.480 --> 00:19:17.359
<v Speaker 1>These traditions often emphasized the elusiveness of these beings and

275
00:19:17.440 --> 00:19:20.799
<v Speaker 1>their ability to mimic human and animal sounds to confuse

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00:19:20.880 --> 00:19:25.359
<v Speaker 1>hunters or lure the unwary away from camp. Unique among

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<v Speaker 1>Pacific Northwest traditions are those of the Simshian people of

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00:19:29.079 --> 00:19:32.440
<v Speaker 1>the northern British Columbia coast, who tell of both harry

279
00:19:32.559 --> 00:19:36.680
<v Speaker 1>giants similar to other Sasquatch traditions, and a distinct category

280
00:19:36.720 --> 00:19:40.720
<v Speaker 1>of being called bax Bakuwala Nuxiwi man eater at the

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00:19:40.759 --> 00:19:44.680
<v Speaker 1>north end of the world. This fearsome entity, while sharing

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00:19:44.680 --> 00:19:48.799
<v Speaker 1>some physical characteristics with sasquatch, was described as a cannibal

283
00:19:48.839 --> 00:19:52.119
<v Speaker 1>spirit with a gaping mouth who ate humans who violated

284
00:19:52.119 --> 00:19:55.839
<v Speaker 1>taboos or wandered too far from the protection of their community.

285
00:19:56.559 --> 00:20:00.880
<v Speaker 1>The indigenous peoples of California, representing numerous langsguage families and

286
00:20:00.920 --> 00:20:05.039
<v Speaker 1>cultural traditions, maintained some of the most explicit traditions of

287
00:20:05.160 --> 00:20:09.880
<v Speaker 1>sasquatch like beings in North America. The Karuk, Koopa and

288
00:20:10.079 --> 00:20:14.920
<v Speaker 1>Uruk tribes of northwestern California shared traditions of Oma, variously

289
00:20:14.960 --> 00:20:18.839
<v Speaker 1>translated as boss of the woods or wild man. These

290
00:20:18.839 --> 00:20:22.359
<v Speaker 1>traditions described beings of great size and strength who inhabited

291
00:20:22.400 --> 00:20:26.720
<v Speaker 1>the remote ranges of the Klamath Mountains. Urak elders explained

292
00:20:26.759 --> 00:20:30.880
<v Speaker 1>that Omah were known to occasionally kidnap humans, particularly women,

293
00:20:31.359 --> 00:20:35.599
<v Speaker 1>presumably for breeding purposes, a motif that appears in Sasquatch

294
00:20:35.640 --> 00:20:40.559
<v Speaker 1>traditions across multiple regions. The Modoc and Klamath peoples of

295
00:20:40.599 --> 00:20:45.160
<v Speaker 1>the California Oregon border region told of Lumtok mocks, known

296
00:20:45.200 --> 00:20:49.960
<v Speaker 1>for its distinctive whistling sounds. In Modoc tradition, these beings

297
00:20:49.960 --> 00:20:52.279
<v Speaker 1>were said to live in the lava beds and caves

298
00:20:52.480 --> 00:20:56.359
<v Speaker 1>of what is now Lava Beds National Monument, emerging primarily

299
00:20:56.359 --> 00:20:59.920
<v Speaker 1>at night to hunt and gather food. Among the Yokits

300
00:20:59.920 --> 00:21:03.680
<v Speaker 1>of central California, traditions of the hairy man Chu Taia

301
00:21:04.240 --> 00:21:07.920
<v Speaker 1>included specific locations known to be inhabited by these beings.

302
00:21:08.720 --> 00:21:12.400
<v Speaker 1>Certain valleys, caves, and remote canyons were deliberately avoided, with

303
00:21:12.480 --> 00:21:16.119
<v Speaker 1>tribal elders warning that trespassing in these areas could result

304
00:21:16.160 --> 00:21:20.519
<v Speaker 1>in frightening encounters or bad luck. Interestingly, some of these

305
00:21:20.519 --> 00:21:25.680
<v Speaker 1>traditional Chutia territories remain hot spots for contemporary bigfoot sidings.

306
00:21:26.480 --> 00:21:29.759
<v Speaker 1>The Miewok people of the western Sierra Nevada Foothills told

307
00:21:29.799 --> 00:21:34.359
<v Speaker 1>of Uyami hairy forest beings who possessed powerful medicine and

308
00:21:34.400 --> 00:21:38.240
<v Speaker 1>could cause illness in those who offended them. Meewok traditions

309
00:21:38.279 --> 00:21:41.319
<v Speaker 1>emphasized that these beings should be treated with respect rather

310
00:21:41.400 --> 00:21:44.680
<v Speaker 1>than fear, and offerings of tobacco or food should be

311
00:21:44.759 --> 00:21:49.000
<v Speaker 1>left when entering their territory for hunting or gathering. While

312
00:21:49.079 --> 00:21:53.200
<v Speaker 1>less numerous than in heavily forested regions, traditions of Sasquatch

313
00:21:53.359 --> 00:21:57.640
<v Speaker 1>like beings also appear among indigenous peoples of the American Southwest.

314
00:21:58.519 --> 00:22:02.720
<v Speaker 1>The Apache and Navajo DNA peoples share traditions of beings

315
00:22:02.759 --> 00:22:09.039
<v Speaker 1>they call Yaidso Navajo or chie Tanka Apache. These were

316
00:22:09.039 --> 00:22:11.920
<v Speaker 1>described as tall, hairy beings who lived in the higher

317
00:22:11.920 --> 00:22:16.279
<v Speaker 1>elevations of mountain ranges in Arizona, New Mexico, and Colorado.

318
00:22:17.119 --> 00:22:21.079
<v Speaker 1>According to Navajo tradition, these beings were dangerous and associated

319
00:22:21.119 --> 00:22:25.400
<v Speaker 1>with witchcraft, while Apache traditions portrayed them as generally neutral

320
00:22:25.400 --> 00:22:30.599
<v Speaker 1>toward humans unless provoked. Among the Hopi of Arizona, traditions

321
00:22:30.599 --> 00:22:34.200
<v Speaker 1>speak of various categories of spiritual beings, some of which

322
00:22:34.240 --> 00:22:39.640
<v Speaker 1>share characteristics with Sasquatch traditions. The Poco tocoala dog man

323
00:22:40.039 --> 00:22:42.880
<v Speaker 1>was described as a dangerous hairy being that lived in

324
00:22:42.960 --> 00:22:48.480
<v Speaker 1>remote canyons. However, Hope scholars have cautioned against simplistic equations

325
00:22:48.480 --> 00:22:52.839
<v Speaker 1>between Poco Tacala, and Bigfoot as the hope. Conceptualization of

326
00:22:52.880 --> 00:22:57.759
<v Speaker 1>these entities emphasizes their spiritual rather than physical nature. The

327
00:22:57.799 --> 00:23:00.960
<v Speaker 1>Pueblo peoples of the Rio Grande Valley in New Mexico

328
00:23:01.039 --> 00:23:04.640
<v Speaker 1>maintained traditions of mountain dwelling beings who were considered ancient

329
00:23:04.920 --> 00:23:08.799
<v Speaker 1>and possessed of great wisdom regarding plant medicines and weather patterns.

330
00:23:09.680 --> 00:23:13.599
<v Speaker 1>These traditions described beings who might reveal themselves to individuals

331
00:23:13.599 --> 00:23:18.200
<v Speaker 1>of exceptional spiritual preparation, but would remain invisible to most humans.

332
00:23:19.119 --> 00:23:23.039
<v Speaker 1>The indigenous peoples of the Great Plains, while inhabiting environments

333
00:23:23.039 --> 00:23:26.039
<v Speaker 1>with less forest cover than regions to the east and west,

334
00:23:26.559 --> 00:23:31.680
<v Speaker 1>nevertheless maintained traditions of sasquatch like beings, particularly in riverine

335
00:23:31.799 --> 00:23:34.960
<v Speaker 1>forests and the foothills of mountain ranges at the plain's edges.

336
00:23:35.759 --> 00:23:39.559
<v Speaker 1>Among the Lakota Sioux, traditions speak of chia Tanka Great

337
00:23:39.599 --> 00:23:43.119
<v Speaker 1>Elder Brother, described as a tall, hairy being who lived

338
00:23:43.160 --> 00:23:47.440
<v Speaker 1>primarily in the Black Hills and other mountainous regions. Lakota

339
00:23:47.480 --> 00:23:51.880
<v Speaker 1>medicine man Pete catches Oglala explained in interviews during the

340
00:23:51.960 --> 00:23:56.400
<v Speaker 1>nineteen seventies that Chiatanka were considered sacred beings who served

341
00:23:56.400 --> 00:24:01.279
<v Speaker 1>as messengers between the physical and spiritual realms. According to Catches,

342
00:24:01.519 --> 00:24:04.680
<v Speaker 1>these beings would sometimes serve as spirit helpers to medicine

343
00:24:04.680 --> 00:24:09.160
<v Speaker 1>people of exceptional power and purity. The Cheyenne spoke of

344
00:24:09.240 --> 00:24:13.680
<v Speaker 1>Maximista hairy man, describing him as a solitary being who

345
00:24:13.759 --> 00:24:18.240
<v Speaker 1>avoided human contact, but occasionally left footprints around encampments as

346
00:24:18.279 --> 00:24:23.039
<v Speaker 1>a way of monitoring human activities without direct interaction. Cheyenne

347
00:24:23.039 --> 00:24:27.279
<v Speaker 1>traditions emphasized that Maximista was not hostile toward humans, but

348
00:24:27.319 --> 00:24:31.519
<v Speaker 1>preferred to remain separate from human society. Among the Kiowa,

349
00:24:31.759 --> 00:24:34.920
<v Speaker 1>traditions of hairy giants who dwelt in the mountains included

350
00:24:34.960 --> 00:24:39.640
<v Speaker 1>stories of these beings occasionally taking human captives. Kiowa elder

351
00:24:39.680 --> 00:24:42.599
<v Speaker 1>Billy Evans Horse shared in the nineteen eighties that his

352
00:24:42.680 --> 00:24:45.799
<v Speaker 1>grandfather had warned him about places in the Wichita Mountains

353
00:24:46.119 --> 00:24:48.920
<v Speaker 1>where one should not camp alone due to the presence

354
00:24:48.960 --> 00:24:52.480
<v Speaker 1>of these beings. The Osage people of what is now

355
00:24:52.599 --> 00:24:57.880
<v Speaker 1>Oklahoma and Missouri maintained traditions of shrewd Napiashka forest people,

356
00:24:58.440 --> 00:25:01.519
<v Speaker 1>describing them as nocturnal being who lived along the fringes

357
00:25:01.559 --> 00:25:05.920
<v Speaker 1>of Osage territory, and sometimes served as guardians against enemy raids,

358
00:25:06.319 --> 00:25:10.240
<v Speaker 1>as they would vocalize loudly when detecting strangers entering their domain.

359
00:25:11.160 --> 00:25:14.240
<v Speaker 1>The forests of eastern North America, from the Great Lakes

360
00:25:14.279 --> 00:25:16.880
<v Speaker 1>to the Gulf Coast and from the Mississippi River to

361
00:25:16.920 --> 00:25:21.279
<v Speaker 1>the Atlantic Ocean hosted numerous indigenous cultures with traditions of

362
00:25:21.400 --> 00:25:27.240
<v Speaker 1>sasquatch like beings. Among the Iroquois Confederacy, Hawdenasaani of the northeast,

363
00:25:27.720 --> 00:25:32.720
<v Speaker 1>traditions of Geno's Guawah stone giants share many characteristics with

364
00:25:32.799 --> 00:25:37.000
<v Speaker 1>Sasquatch descriptions, though with the distinctive feature of stone like

365
00:25:37.160 --> 00:25:41.720
<v Speaker 1>or armored skin. The Seneca in particular maintained detailed traditions

366
00:25:41.720 --> 00:25:45.200
<v Speaker 1>of these beings, describing them as ancient enemies of humans,

367
00:25:45.200 --> 00:25:49.200
<v Speaker 1>who later established an uneasy truce with some stone giants,

368
00:25:49.200 --> 00:25:53.839
<v Speaker 1>eventually joining human communities. The Algonquian speaking peoples of New

369
00:25:53.839 --> 00:25:57.359
<v Speaker 1>England and the Maritime Provinces shared traditions of several forest

370
00:25:57.440 --> 00:26:02.920
<v Speaker 1>dwelling entities that share aspects of sasasquatch descriptions. The Panobscot

371
00:26:02.960 --> 00:26:06.680
<v Speaker 1>and Abenaki spoke of Kiwak, a giant, hairy being of

372
00:26:06.720 --> 00:26:11.680
<v Speaker 1>the deep forest. The Mickmack mick Mak traditions include Googo,

373
00:26:12.240 --> 00:26:15.240
<v Speaker 1>a female giant said to capture humans in a large sack.

374
00:26:16.200 --> 00:26:20.720
<v Speaker 1>The controversial Wendigo tradition, found primarily among Algonquian peoples of

375
00:26:20.759 --> 00:26:24.920
<v Speaker 1>the northern forests, including a Jibwe, Cree and related groups,

376
00:26:25.440 --> 00:26:30.359
<v Speaker 1>describes a malevolent entity associated with winter starvation and cannibalism.

377
00:26:31.160 --> 00:26:36.039
<v Speaker 1>While some aspects of wendigo descriptions great height, unusual strength,

378
00:26:36.319 --> 00:26:41.559
<v Speaker 1>and forest dwelling parallel Sasquatch traditions, the wendigo is distinctly

379
00:26:41.640 --> 00:26:45.960
<v Speaker 1>characterized by its gaunt appearance and association with spiritual corruption,

380
00:26:46.440 --> 00:26:50.960
<v Speaker 1>rather than the robust, hair covered appearance typically ascribed to Sasquatch.

381
00:26:51.799 --> 00:26:55.079
<v Speaker 1>Among the Cherokee of the Southern Appalachians, traditions speak of

382
00:26:55.160 --> 00:27:00.519
<v Speaker 1>nun Yinui stone man, and Ketsla Kudlah harry savage beings

383
00:27:00.559 --> 00:27:06.519
<v Speaker 1>who inhabited remote mountain areas. Cherokee traditions, particularly those regarding Keklakudla,

384
00:27:06.960 --> 00:27:12.039
<v Speaker 1>closely parallel other Sasquatch descriptions, depicting a large, hairy humanoid

385
00:27:12.279 --> 00:27:16.039
<v Speaker 1>that avoided human settlements but might occasionally interact with hunters

386
00:27:16.079 --> 00:27:20.200
<v Speaker 1>or medicine people in the deep forest. The Seminole and

387
00:27:20.279 --> 00:27:25.039
<v Speaker 1>Mikosuki peoples of Florida maintain traditions of Stili swamp ape,

388
00:27:25.519 --> 00:27:29.559
<v Speaker 1>a hairy being that inhabited the Everglades and remote swamp forests.

389
00:27:30.440 --> 00:27:34.279
<v Speaker 1>These traditions describe a creature smaller than many Sasquatch descriptions

390
00:27:34.279 --> 00:27:37.960
<v Speaker 1>from other regions, but sharing the characteristic hair covering and

391
00:27:38.079 --> 00:27:42.240
<v Speaker 1>powerful build The indigenous peoples of the far North also

392
00:27:42.319 --> 00:27:47.319
<v Speaker 1>maintain traditions of large, hairy humanoids, though with adaptations reflecting

393
00:27:47.359 --> 00:27:51.839
<v Speaker 1>the unique environmental conditions of their homelands. Among the dean

394
00:27:52.079 --> 00:27:56.599
<v Speaker 1>Athabaskan peoples of Alaska and northwestern Canada, traditions speak of

395
00:27:56.680 --> 00:28:02.160
<v Speaker 1>Nikani or Nantina bush man, described as tall, powerful beings

396
00:28:02.200 --> 00:28:05.400
<v Speaker 1>covered in hair who lived in the boreal forests and mountains.

397
00:28:06.279 --> 00:28:09.599
<v Speaker 1>Dnate traditions often emphasize the ability of these beings to

398
00:28:09.680 --> 00:28:12.880
<v Speaker 1>move silently despite their size, and to survive in the

399
00:28:12.960 --> 00:28:17.240
<v Speaker 1>harshest winter conditions. The tling It people of coastal Alaska

400
00:28:17.319 --> 00:28:22.559
<v Speaker 1>maintain traditions of several forest dwelling beings, including Kushtaka, usually

401
00:28:22.559 --> 00:28:26.920
<v Speaker 1>translated as land otter man, but sometimes described with sasquatch

402
00:28:27.079 --> 00:28:32.640
<v Speaker 1>like characteristics and Gagwok big man with little hat tling

403
00:28:32.640 --> 00:28:35.960
<v Speaker 1>At traditions often emphasize the liminal nature of these beings,

404
00:28:36.519 --> 00:28:41.000
<v Speaker 1>describing them as existing between human and animal realms. Among

405
00:28:41.079 --> 00:28:44.480
<v Speaker 1>Inuit and Yupik peoples of the Arctic, traditions speak of

406
00:28:44.559 --> 00:28:49.319
<v Speaker 1>several large humanoid beings, including torn It, described as powerful

407
00:28:49.359 --> 00:28:53.200
<v Speaker 1>but shy humanoids who predated Inuit arrival in some regions,

408
00:28:53.720 --> 00:28:57.039
<v Speaker 1>and the more fearsome Ijirak shape shifters who could take

409
00:28:57.160 --> 00:29:00.839
<v Speaker 1>human or beast form. While these traditions differ in some

410
00:29:00.880 --> 00:29:05.519
<v Speaker 1>respects from sasquatch descriptions in more southerly regions, they share

411
00:29:05.559 --> 00:29:08.240
<v Speaker 1>the theme of humanoid beings who share the landscape with

412
00:29:08.359 --> 00:29:13.680
<v Speaker 1>humans while largely avoiding direct contact. While most traditional knowledge

413
00:29:13.680 --> 00:29:18.200
<v Speaker 1>of sasquatch like beings was transmitted through cultural narratives, ceremonies,

414
00:29:18.240 --> 00:29:23.039
<v Speaker 1>and general traditional ecological knowledge, many tribes also preserved accounts

415
00:29:23.079 --> 00:29:27.759
<v Speaker 1>of specific historical encounters. These narratives differ from general cultural

416
00:29:27.799 --> 00:29:33.279
<v Speaker 1>descriptions in that they reference particular individuals, locations, and time periods,

417
00:29:33.720 --> 00:29:37.039
<v Speaker 1>often within the remembered history of the community rather than

418
00:29:37.079 --> 00:29:41.880
<v Speaker 1>in mythic time. Kurruk elder Charlie Tom Senior, a respected

419
00:29:41.920 --> 00:29:46.440
<v Speaker 1>traditional healer and cultural knowledge keeper, shared numerous Oma accounts

420
00:29:46.480 --> 00:29:50.319
<v Speaker 1>passed down through generations of his family. In one narrative

421
00:29:50.440 --> 00:29:54.640
<v Speaker 1>documented by anthropologists in the nineteen seventies, Tom described an

422
00:29:54.720 --> 00:29:58.880
<v Speaker 1>encounter from approximately eighteen fifty five when his great grandfather

423
00:29:59.000 --> 00:30:01.640
<v Speaker 1>and several other care men were hunting in the high

424
00:30:01.720 --> 00:30:06.599
<v Speaker 1>country near present day Happy Camp, California. And stay tuned

425
00:30:06.599 --> 00:30:08.799
<v Speaker 1>for more sasquatch ott to see We'll be right back.

426
00:30:08.839 --> 00:30:16.000
<v Speaker 1>After these messages, according to the account, the hunting party

427
00:30:16.000 --> 00:30:19.519
<v Speaker 1>discovered an o Ma sleeping near a spring. The being

428
00:30:19.640 --> 00:30:23.200
<v Speaker 1>was described as over seven feet tall, covered in reddish

429
00:30:23.200 --> 00:30:26.200
<v Speaker 1>brown hair, with a face like a man, but not

430
00:30:26.279 --> 00:30:30.440
<v Speaker 1>a man. The hunters quietly withdrew without disturbing the creature,

431
00:30:30.920 --> 00:30:33.599
<v Speaker 1>considering it bad luck to harm or even wake an

432
00:30:33.640 --> 00:30:37.359
<v Speaker 1>oh Mah. Tom noted that this location remained known in

433
00:30:37.440 --> 00:30:41.039
<v Speaker 1>cark oral geography as a place where oma were occasionally

434
00:30:41.079 --> 00:30:45.079
<v Speaker 1>seen into the twentieth century. Yakama Nation tribal members have

435
00:30:45.160 --> 00:30:48.480
<v Speaker 1>preserved numerous accounts of encounters with the beings they traditionally

436
00:30:48.519 --> 00:30:54.319
<v Speaker 1>call stick Indians. One particularly detailed narrative documented by ethnographer

437
00:30:54.480 --> 00:30:58.079
<v Speaker 1>Lucille Housley in the nineteen forties, but describing events from

438
00:30:58.119 --> 00:31:01.680
<v Speaker 1>the eighteen seventies of a Yakama woman who was picking

439
00:31:01.759 --> 00:31:04.799
<v Speaker 1>huckleberries in the foothills of Mount Adams when she was

440
00:31:04.839 --> 00:31:09.440
<v Speaker 1>surrounded by several hairy manlike creatures who communicated among themselves

441
00:31:09.519 --> 00:31:13.359
<v Speaker 1>with whistling sounds. The woman, who had been taught traditional

442
00:31:13.440 --> 00:31:17.640
<v Speaker 1>protocols for such encounters, sat perfectly still and began softly

443
00:31:17.640 --> 00:31:21.319
<v Speaker 1>singing a spirit song. After observing her for some time,

444
00:31:21.440 --> 00:31:24.960
<v Speaker 1>the beings eventually left, leaving a freshly killed deer nearby,

445
00:31:25.559 --> 00:31:30.359
<v Speaker 1>interpreted as a gift acknowledging her respectful behavior. This location

446
00:31:30.480 --> 00:31:33.200
<v Speaker 1>in the Mount Adams Foothills continued to be known among

447
00:31:33.240 --> 00:31:37.279
<v Speaker 1>tribal members as a place where human sasquatch interactions occurred,

448
00:31:37.839 --> 00:31:41.680
<v Speaker 1>with the last reported tribal encounter dating to the nineteen sixties.

449
00:31:42.559 --> 00:31:46.279
<v Speaker 1>Lakota elder Asa Primo Senior shared an account passed down

450
00:31:46.279 --> 00:31:50.000
<v Speaker 1>from the late eighteen eighties during the early reservation period.

451
00:31:50.839 --> 00:31:53.359
<v Speaker 1>According to this narrative, a group of Lakota men who

452
00:31:53.440 --> 00:31:56.000
<v Speaker 1>had slipped away from Pine Ridge Agency to hunt in

453
00:31:56.039 --> 00:31:59.119
<v Speaker 1>the traditional manner in the Black Hills encountered a family

454
00:31:59.160 --> 00:32:02.720
<v Speaker 1>group of Chiato, two large adults and what appeared to

455
00:32:02.720 --> 00:32:06.200
<v Speaker 1>be a juvenile. The beings were observed from a distance,

456
00:32:06.279 --> 00:32:10.559
<v Speaker 1>gathering routes along a stream bank. Following traditional protocol, the

457
00:32:10.640 --> 00:32:14.160
<v Speaker 1>hunters left tobacco as an offering and withdrew without attempting

458
00:32:14.240 --> 00:32:18.079
<v Speaker 1>to approach the beings. Primo explained that this was considered

459
00:32:18.119 --> 00:32:21.599
<v Speaker 1>an auspicious encounter, as Chia Tanka sidings had become rare

460
00:32:21.680 --> 00:32:25.960
<v Speaker 1>after widespread European American settlement of the region. The hunters

461
00:32:25.960 --> 00:32:29.359
<v Speaker 1>interpreted the siding as a sign that, despite reservation confinement,

462
00:32:29.880 --> 00:32:33.640
<v Speaker 1>the traditional spiritual relationships between the Lakota and other beings

463
00:32:33.680 --> 00:32:37.720
<v Speaker 1>of their homeland remained intact. In the nineteen twenties and

464
00:32:37.839 --> 00:32:42.920
<v Speaker 1>nineteen thirties, anthropologist Erna Gunther collected numerous Sasquatch encounter narratives

465
00:32:43.119 --> 00:32:47.079
<v Speaker 1>while working with Coast Salish communities in Washington and British Columbia.

466
00:32:47.839 --> 00:32:51.759
<v Speaker 1>One particularly detailed account came from a Scaggitt elder named Patrese,

467
00:32:52.279 --> 00:32:56.000
<v Speaker 1>who described an encounter from approximately nineteen ten near the

468
00:32:56.000 --> 00:33:00.119
<v Speaker 1>headwaters of the Scaggitt River. According to this narrative, Patriseus

469
00:33:00.119 --> 00:33:02.839
<v Speaker 1>and his brother were hunting elk when they discovered enormous

470
00:33:02.920 --> 00:33:07.759
<v Speaker 1>human like footprints crossing a muddy stream bank. Following the tracks,

471
00:33:07.759 --> 00:33:10.839
<v Speaker 1>they observed a large, hair covered being washing roots in

472
00:33:10.880 --> 00:33:14.119
<v Speaker 1>the stream. The being appeared to sense their presence and

473
00:33:14.200 --> 00:33:18.400
<v Speaker 1>quickly disappeared into dense forest. Patrice noted that his grandfather

474
00:33:18.440 --> 00:33:20.799
<v Speaker 1>had told him of similar encounters in the same valley

475
00:33:20.880 --> 00:33:24.359
<v Speaker 1>dating back to the mid eighteen hundreds. The arrival of

476
00:33:24.440 --> 00:33:29.160
<v Speaker 1>European colonizers fundamentally altered the context in which Indigenous knowledge

477
00:33:29.200 --> 00:33:33.880
<v Speaker 1>about Sasquatch like beings existed and was transmitted. This period

478
00:33:33.960 --> 00:33:37.599
<v Speaker 1>of cultural disruption, which played out differently across regions and

479
00:33:37.640 --> 00:33:42.480
<v Speaker 1>time periods, had profound effects on traditional knowledge systems, including

480
00:33:42.519 --> 00:33:46.759
<v Speaker 1>those related to Sasquatch. Among the earliest written references to

481
00:33:46.799 --> 00:33:50.160
<v Speaker 1>what might be Sasquatch traditions appears in the journals of

482
00:33:50.200 --> 00:33:54.119
<v Speaker 1>members of the Lewis and Clark Expedition. While ascending the

483
00:33:54.119 --> 00:33:57.759
<v Speaker 1>Missouri River through what is now Montana, the expedition heard

484
00:33:57.799 --> 00:34:02.480
<v Speaker 1>accounts from local indigenous peoples about hairy giants that reportedly

485
00:34:02.519 --> 00:34:07.440
<v Speaker 1>inhabited remote mountain areas. Meriwether Lewis in particular, noted the

486
00:34:07.480 --> 00:34:11.079
<v Speaker 1>seriousness with which these accounts were conveyed, though he himself

487
00:34:11.239 --> 00:34:15.519
<v Speaker 1>remained skeptical. In the Pacific Northwest, early fur traders and

488
00:34:15.559 --> 00:34:20.440
<v Speaker 1>missionaries frequently encountered Indigenous traditions about wild hair covered humanoids.

489
00:34:21.239 --> 00:34:26.000
<v Speaker 1>The reaction of these European observers varied considerably. Some dismissed

490
00:34:26.000 --> 00:34:30.000
<v Speaker 1>these accounts as pure superstition, while others noted similarities to

491
00:34:30.079 --> 00:34:34.480
<v Speaker 1>European folklore traditions of wild men and forest beings. A

492
00:34:34.519 --> 00:34:38.519
<v Speaker 1>few took the accounts more seriously, particularly those colonizers who

493
00:34:38.559 --> 00:34:42.360
<v Speaker 1>had spent significant time living among indigenous communities and had

494
00:34:42.360 --> 00:34:46.800
<v Speaker 1>come to respect native knowledge systems. J. W. Burns, a

495
00:34:46.840 --> 00:34:50.679
<v Speaker 1>Canadian Government Indian agent working on the Schehalis Indian Reserve

496
00:34:50.800 --> 00:34:53.880
<v Speaker 1>in British Columbia during the nineteen twenties, was among the

497
00:34:53.880 --> 00:34:59.199
<v Speaker 1>first non natives to extensively document Indigenous sasquatch traditions. Burns

498
00:34:59.199 --> 00:35:03.400
<v Speaker 1>collected numerous accounts from Shahila's people and other Salish communities,

499
00:35:03.880 --> 00:35:08.519
<v Speaker 1>publishing them in Canadian newspapers and magazines. Burns is credited

500
00:35:08.519 --> 00:35:13.800
<v Speaker 1>with popularizing the Anglicized term sasquatch, derived from the Salish

501
00:35:13.800 --> 00:35:19.440
<v Speaker 1>word saskets or similar variants. Christian missionaries across North America

502
00:35:19.519 --> 00:35:25.239
<v Speaker 1>frequently targeted Indigenous beliefs about non human entities, including Sasquatch traditions,

503
00:35:25.679 --> 00:35:29.920
<v Speaker 1>for suppression as part of conversion efforts. Traditional beliefs about

504
00:35:29.920 --> 00:35:34.280
<v Speaker 1>forest beings were often explicitly condemned as pagan superstition or

505
00:35:34.320 --> 00:35:39.079
<v Speaker 1>even devil worship among tribes heavily influenced by Christian conversion.

506
00:35:39.559 --> 00:35:42.719
<v Speaker 1>This led to a significant reduction in the open transmission

507
00:35:42.760 --> 00:35:48.079
<v Speaker 1>of Sasquatch knowledge, though such traditions often continued privately. In

508
00:35:48.119 --> 00:35:54.079
<v Speaker 1>some regions, syncretism occurred between traditional beliefs and introduced Christian concepts.

509
00:35:54.119 --> 00:35:58.239
<v Speaker 1>Among some converted Salish communities, for instance, Sasquatch came to

510
00:35:58.280 --> 00:36:02.599
<v Speaker 1>be explained as descendants of Kine from biblical tradition, cursed

511
00:36:02.719 --> 00:36:07.320
<v Speaker 1>to wander the wilderness. Similar syncretic interpretations appeared in other

512
00:36:07.360 --> 00:36:10.960
<v Speaker 1>regions as Indigenous people sought to reconcile traditional knowledge with

513
00:36:11.079 --> 00:36:16.119
<v Speaker 1>new religious frameworks. The boarding school era approximately eighteen sixty

514
00:36:16.159 --> 00:36:21.119
<v Speaker 1>to nineteen seventy eight was particularly devastating to traditional knowledge transmission,

515
00:36:21.599 --> 00:36:27.159
<v Speaker 1>including Sasquatch traditions. Indigenous children forcibly removed from their communities

516
00:36:27.400 --> 00:36:30.599
<v Speaker 1>and forbidden to speak their languages, lost access to the

517
00:36:30.639 --> 00:36:35.960
<v Speaker 1>cultural contexts in which traditional ecological knowledge was embedded. Many

518
00:36:36.000 --> 00:36:39.440
<v Speaker 1>elders today cite this period as critical in the fragmentation

519
00:36:39.599 --> 00:36:44.000
<v Speaker 1>of continuous knowledge about beings like Sasquatch. As awareness of

520
00:36:44.079 --> 00:36:49.360
<v Speaker 1>Sasquatch traditions spread beyond tribal communities, particularly after the nineteen fifties,

521
00:36:49.920 --> 00:36:54.559
<v Speaker 1>Indigenous perspectives were frequently marginalized in emerging popular and scientific

522
00:36:54.599 --> 00:36:59.119
<v Speaker 1>discourse around Bigfoot. Traditional knowledge was often cherry picked for

523
00:36:59.159 --> 00:37:02.320
<v Speaker 1>sensational els elements while being stripped of its cultural and

524
00:37:02.400 --> 00:37:07.440
<v Speaker 1>spiritual context. The commercialization of Bigfoot as a cultural icon,

525
00:37:07.880 --> 00:37:12.119
<v Speaker 1>appearing in everything from beef jerky advertisements to monster truck rallies,

526
00:37:12.559 --> 00:37:18.159
<v Speaker 1>has been particularly problematic from indigenous perspectives. Many tribal elders

527
00:37:18.159 --> 00:37:21.599
<v Speaker 1>have expressed concern that sacred beings from their traditions have

528
00:37:21.719 --> 00:37:25.559
<v Speaker 1>been reduced to cartoon characters or horror movie monsters in

529
00:37:25.679 --> 00:37:31.320
<v Speaker 1>mainstream American culture. Simultaneously, some non native researchers and Bigfoot

530
00:37:31.400 --> 00:37:36.679
<v Speaker 1>enthusiasts have appropriated elements of indigenous ceremonial practices, claiming these

531
00:37:36.719 --> 00:37:41.320
<v Speaker 1>will help attract or communicate with Sasquatch. Such appropriation has

532
00:37:41.320 --> 00:37:45.239
<v Speaker 1>been criticized by tribal cultural preservation officers and elders as

533
00:37:45.280 --> 00:37:49.360
<v Speaker 1>both disrespectful to Indigenous cultures and potentially dangerous from a

534
00:37:49.400 --> 00:37:54.119
<v Speaker 1>traditional perspective, as proper protocols for interaction with powerful non

535
00:37:54.199 --> 00:37:59.159
<v Speaker 1>human beings are not being followed. Despite the challenges of colonization,

536
00:37:59.480 --> 00:38:04.679
<v Speaker 1>forced to say, and cultural appropriation, traditional Indigenous knowledge about

537
00:38:04.679 --> 00:38:09.360
<v Speaker 1>Sasquatch like beings has persisted and in many communities, experienced

538
00:38:09.400 --> 00:38:15.039
<v Speaker 1>significant revitalization in recent decades. Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries,

539
00:38:15.320 --> 00:38:19.920
<v Speaker 1>even as traditional knowledge systems faced extreme pressure, Indigenous people

540
00:38:20.000 --> 00:38:24.360
<v Speaker 1>across North America continued to report encounters with Sasquatch like beings.

541
00:38:25.159 --> 00:38:29.880
<v Speaker 1>These experiences, shared within family and community contexts, helped maintain

542
00:38:30.000 --> 00:38:35.400
<v Speaker 1>continuity of tradition despite external pressures. Yakama Nation tribal member

543
00:38:35.480 --> 00:38:38.119
<v Speaker 1>Leo Aleck shared in a two thousand and three interview

544
00:38:38.119 --> 00:38:41.880
<v Speaker 1>that his family maintained an unbroken tradition of leaving offerings

545
00:38:41.880 --> 00:38:45.480
<v Speaker 1>at specific locations known to be visited by Stick Indians

546
00:38:45.760 --> 00:38:49.920
<v Speaker 1>from his great grandfather's time into the present day. Similarly,

547
00:38:50.159 --> 00:38:53.960
<v Speaker 1>Lakota medicine man Basle Braveheart noted in the nineteen nineties

548
00:38:54.159 --> 00:38:57.480
<v Speaker 1>that despite over a century of Christian missionization on Pine

549
00:38:57.519 --> 00:39:01.760
<v Speaker 1>Ridge Reservation. Traditional knowledge about Chietanka had been preserved in

550
00:39:01.840 --> 00:39:07.039
<v Speaker 1>certain families and spiritual societies among Northwestern tribes, where some

551
00:39:07.079 --> 00:39:11.920
<v Speaker 1>of the strongest Sasquatch traditions exist. Numerous contemporary tribal members

552
00:39:11.960 --> 00:39:16.599
<v Speaker 1>have reported encounters Urrok. Tribal member Wanda Benson described a

553
00:39:16.639 --> 00:39:19.719
<v Speaker 1>detailed sighting near the Klamath River in nineteen eighty one

554
00:39:20.079 --> 00:39:23.760
<v Speaker 1>that closely matched traditional descriptions of o Ma passed down

555
00:39:23.800 --> 00:39:28.079
<v Speaker 1>by her grandmother. Notably, Benson observed that her experience was

556
00:39:28.119 --> 00:39:32.000
<v Speaker 1>met with acceptance rather than skepticism within her tribal community,

557
00:39:32.400 --> 00:39:36.000
<v Speaker 1>where such encounters are considered unusual but not beyond the

558
00:39:36.119 --> 00:39:40.199
<v Speaker 1>range of normal experience. Beginning in the nineteen sixties and

559
00:39:40.239 --> 00:39:45.440
<v Speaker 1>accelerating in subsequent decades, many tribes established formal cultural preservation

560
00:39:45.559 --> 00:39:50.480
<v Speaker 1>programs that included documentation of traditional knowledge about non human beings,

561
00:39:50.679 --> 00:39:55.960
<v Speaker 1>including Sasquatch traditions. These efforts often involved recording elder's knowledge

562
00:39:55.960 --> 00:40:00.599
<v Speaker 1>before it was lost, creating tribal archives accessible to community members,

563
00:40:00.920 --> 00:40:05.880
<v Speaker 1>and developing educational materials for tribal schools. The Confederated Tribes

564
00:40:05.880 --> 00:40:09.639
<v Speaker 1>of Warm Springs and Oregon, for example, included detailed information

565
00:40:09.679 --> 00:40:13.800
<v Speaker 1>about traditional beliefs regarding Sasquatch like beings in their Cultural

566
00:40:13.880 --> 00:40:19.039
<v Speaker 1>Resources curriculum, developed in the nineteen nineties. The curriculum contextualizes

567
00:40:19.079 --> 00:40:23.840
<v Speaker 1>these traditions within broader indigenous understanding of relationships between humans

568
00:40:23.840 --> 00:40:28.559
<v Speaker 1>and other beings, emphasizing protocols for respectable behavior in remote

569
00:40:28.599 --> 00:40:33.239
<v Speaker 1>areas where such entities might dwell. Similarly, the Quinau Indian

570
00:40:33.320 --> 00:40:37.639
<v Speaker 1>nation of Washington State has incorporated traditional knowledge about Sasquatch,

571
00:40:38.079 --> 00:40:42.679
<v Speaker 1>which they call Siatco, into their natural resources management planning.

572
00:40:43.480 --> 00:40:47.599
<v Speaker 1>Kenout elders have identified certain remote areas as Tiatco habitat

573
00:40:47.880 --> 00:40:52.800
<v Speaker 1>deserving special protection and limited human access, a traditional conservation

574
00:40:52.880 --> 00:40:58.559
<v Speaker 1>approach now finding expression in contemporary resource management. As scientific

575
00:40:58.639 --> 00:41:01.000
<v Speaker 1>and popular interest in big fis has grown since the

576
00:41:01.000 --> 00:41:05.480
<v Speaker 1>mid twentieth century, Indigenous communities have developed varied responses to

577
00:41:05.559 --> 00:41:09.760
<v Speaker 1>external research efforts. Some tribes have chosen to keep traditional

578
00:41:09.800 --> 00:41:14.960
<v Speaker 1>knowledge private, sharing little with outside researchers. Others have selectively

579
00:41:15.000 --> 00:41:19.000
<v Speaker 1>engaged with researchers whose approaches they find respectful and aligned

580
00:41:19.039 --> 00:41:23.719
<v Speaker 1>with indigenous values. The Yakama Nation has prohibited non tribal

581
00:41:23.719 --> 00:41:28.639
<v Speaker 1>bigfoot researchers from conducting investigations on their reservation lands, citing

582
00:41:28.679 --> 00:41:33.639
<v Speaker 1>concerns about sacred sites and cultural protocols. By contrast, the

583
00:41:33.679 --> 00:41:37.599
<v Speaker 1>Tellalip tribes of Washington have occasionally collaborated with certain non

584
00:41:37.679 --> 00:41:42.199
<v Speaker 1>native researchers while insisting that such research respect tribal cultural

585
00:41:42.199 --> 00:41:48.599
<v Speaker 1>perspectives and sovereignty. Kathy Moskowitz Strain, herself of Miwok ancestry

586
00:41:48.880 --> 00:41:52.639
<v Speaker 1>and an archaeologist who has worked extensively with California tribes,

587
00:41:53.079 --> 00:41:57.320
<v Speaker 1>has documented how some tribal communities are reclaiming authority over

588
00:41:57.400 --> 00:42:03.000
<v Speaker 1>Sasquatch discourse. Through formal consultation processes. Tribes have begun asserting

589
00:42:03.039 --> 00:42:07.000
<v Speaker 1>that any Sasquatch research in their traditional territories should proceed

590
00:42:07.079 --> 00:42:11.159
<v Speaker 1>only with tribal approval and oversight, a significant shift from

591
00:42:11.199 --> 00:42:16.719
<v Speaker 1>earlier eras when indigenous perspectives were routinely ignored. In recent decades,

592
00:42:16.760 --> 00:42:20.000
<v Speaker 1>a more respectful relationship has begun to emerge between some

593
00:42:20.159 --> 00:42:24.199
<v Speaker 1>indigenous knowledge keepers and non native researchers interested in the

594
00:42:24.239 --> 00:42:29.639
<v Speaker 1>Sasquatch phenomenon. This convergence represents a significant shift from historical

595
00:42:29.679 --> 00:42:35.400
<v Speaker 1>patterns of dismissal or appropriation of Indigenous knowledge. Contemporary Bigfoot

596
00:42:35.440 --> 00:42:40.119
<v Speaker 1>researchers have increasingly recognized the value of traditional indigenous ecological

597
00:42:40.159 --> 00:42:45.760
<v Speaker 1>knowledge regarding these beings. Details about preferred habitats, seasonal movements,

598
00:42:45.960 --> 00:42:50.320
<v Speaker 1>food sources, and behavioral patterns described in tribal traditions often

599
00:42:50.360 --> 00:42:54.840
<v Speaker 1>align with patterns emerging from analysis of contemporary sighting reports.

600
00:42:55.320 --> 00:43:00.760
<v Speaker 1>For example, traditional Salish knowledge describing Sasquatch's affinity for riparian

601
00:43:00.920 --> 00:43:05.480
<v Speaker 1>zones areas along rivers and streams has been corroborated by

602
00:43:05.599 --> 00:43:11.440
<v Speaker 1>geographical analysis showing clusters of modern sidings along waterways. Similarly,

603
00:43:11.719 --> 00:43:15.360
<v Speaker 1>traditional knowledge from multiple tribes describing these beings using wood

604
00:43:15.400 --> 00:43:20.360
<v Speaker 1>knocking for communication parallels the experiences of contemporary field researchers

605
00:43:20.559 --> 00:43:25.320
<v Speaker 1>who have documented similar phenomena. Doctor Jeff Meldrum, a professor

606
00:43:25.320 --> 00:43:28.960
<v Speaker 1>of anatomy and anthropology at Idaho State University and a

607
00:43:29.000 --> 00:43:33.159
<v Speaker 1>prominent scientific researcher on the Sasquatch question, has noted that

608
00:43:33.199 --> 00:43:38.360
<v Speaker 1>indigenous traditional knowledge often provides testable hypotheses about Sasquatch ecology

609
00:43:38.400 --> 00:43:43.559
<v Speaker 1>and behavior. Mildrum has collaborated with tribal representatives in several regions,

610
00:43:44.079 --> 00:43:48.159
<v Speaker 1>finding that traditional knowledge about seasonal movements, food resources, and

611
00:43:48.199 --> 00:43:53.880
<v Speaker 1>habitat preferences often corresponds with contemporary data. Indigenous knowledge has

612
00:43:53.920 --> 00:43:57.800
<v Speaker 1>also proven valuable in the interpretation of potential physical evidence.

613
00:43:58.599 --> 00:44:04.159
<v Speaker 1>When unusual hairsaand footprints, or other possible Sasquatch evidence is discovered,

614
00:44:04.639 --> 00:44:09.599
<v Speaker 1>Traditional knowledge about these beings physical characteristics sometimes provides useful

615
00:44:09.599 --> 00:44:14.880
<v Speaker 1>comparative frameworks. For instance, the distinctive foot morphology described in

616
00:44:14.920 --> 00:44:19.639
<v Speaker 1>some indigenous traditions, including details about tow length, art structure,

617
00:44:19.679 --> 00:44:23.880
<v Speaker 1>and dermal ridges, has helped researchers evaluate the authenticity of

618
00:44:23.920 --> 00:44:28.760
<v Speaker 1>purported Sasquatch tracts. William Jevning, a researcher who has worked

619
00:44:28.760 --> 00:44:33.199
<v Speaker 1>extensively with Northwestern tribes, has noted that certain subtle features

620
00:44:33.239 --> 00:44:36.800
<v Speaker 1>reported in traditional knowledge, such as a mid tarsal break

621
00:44:36.800 --> 00:44:40.320
<v Speaker 1>in the foot allowing for greater flexibility, appeared in track

622
00:44:40.400 --> 00:44:46.239
<v Speaker 1>evidence long before modern researchers recognize their significance. Similarly, traditional

623
00:44:46.280 --> 00:44:52.000
<v Speaker 1>descriptions of Sasquatch vocalizations, often characterized as complex, modulated calls

624
00:44:52.000 --> 00:44:56.320
<v Speaker 1>with linguistic qualities rather than simple animal sounds, have helped

625
00:44:56.360 --> 00:45:00.880
<v Speaker 1>audio researchers analyze enigmatic recorded sounds from will alderness areas.

626
00:45:01.639 --> 00:45:05.199
<v Speaker 1>The Takilma people of Oregon traditionally described three distinct types

627
00:45:05.239 --> 00:45:09.719
<v Speaker 1>of vocalizations used by the beings they called amha low

628
00:45:09.719 --> 00:45:14.800
<v Speaker 1>whoops for territorial announcement, sharp howls for alarm, and complex

629
00:45:14.920 --> 00:45:20.280
<v Speaker 1>varied sounds for communication between individuals. This traditional classification has

630
00:45:20.360 --> 00:45:24.719
<v Speaker 1>proven useful for categorizing and analyzing modern audio recordings of

631
00:45:24.800 --> 00:45:31.320
<v Speaker 1>unidentified vocalizations. Several formal research collaborations between indigenous communities and

632
00:45:31.400 --> 00:45:36.519
<v Speaker 1>scientific researchers have emerged in recent decades. These projects typically

633
00:45:36.559 --> 00:45:40.880
<v Speaker 1>operate with explicit protocols ensuring respect for tribal cultural knowledge

634
00:45:40.880 --> 00:45:45.920
<v Speaker 1>and sovereignty while applying contemporary scientific methods to questions surrounding

635
00:45:45.920 --> 00:45:51.159
<v Speaker 1>the Sasquatch phenomenon. The Olympic Project, a research group operating

636
00:45:51.199 --> 00:45:56.000
<v Speaker 1>in Washington State's Olympic Peninsula, has established consultation relationships with

637
00:45:56.119 --> 00:46:01.360
<v Speaker 1>several local tribes, including the Scocombish, Quinaut, and Akaka. These

638
00:46:01.440 --> 00:46:06.440
<v Speaker 1>relationships include regular communication about research activities in traditional territories,

639
00:46:06.880 --> 00:46:11.320
<v Speaker 1>cultural sensitivity training for field researchers, and agreements about handling

640
00:46:11.320 --> 00:46:16.480
<v Speaker 1>potential evidence in ways that respect tribal cultural concerns. In

641
00:46:16.559 --> 00:46:20.239
<v Speaker 1>Northern California, the Hoopa Project two thousand and three to

642
00:46:20.239 --> 00:46:23.320
<v Speaker 1>two thousand and eight represented one of the most extensive

643
00:46:23.360 --> 00:46:28.840
<v Speaker 1>collaborations between tribal members and outside researchers. With formal approval

644
00:46:28.920 --> 00:46:33.360
<v Speaker 1>from the Hoopa Valley Tribal Council, researchers worked alongside tribal members,

645
00:46:33.679 --> 00:46:38.760
<v Speaker 1>incorporating traditional ecological knowledge about oma, habitat, preferences, and behavior

646
00:46:39.119 --> 00:46:44.000
<v Speaker 1>into their research design. Tribal elders provided historical accounts of

647
00:46:44.079 --> 00:46:48.360
<v Speaker 1>encounters and guidance on appropriate protocols for researchers operating in

648
00:46:48.400 --> 00:46:53.920
<v Speaker 1>culturally sensitive areas. Perhaps most significantly, some tribes have initiated

649
00:46:53.960 --> 00:46:58.440
<v Speaker 1>their own formal research projects, utilizing both traditional knowledge and

650
00:46:58.480 --> 00:47:04.360
<v Speaker 1>contemporary scientific menathods. The Sasquatch Investigations Team of the Yakama Nation,

651
00:47:04.760 --> 00:47:09.039
<v Speaker 1>established in twenty nineteen, combines traditional tracking knowledge with modern

652
00:47:09.119 --> 00:47:14.079
<v Speaker 1>tools like thermal imaging and environmental DNA sampling. This tribal

653
00:47:14.159 --> 00:47:19.079
<v Speaker 1>led approach represents a significant evolution in Sasquatch research, centering

654
00:47:19.119 --> 00:47:24.840
<v Speaker 1>indigenous perspectives and sovereignty. Sasquatch traditions continue to hold significant

655
00:47:24.840 --> 00:47:29.920
<v Speaker 1>cultural importance for many indigenous communities across North America. Far

656
00:47:29.960 --> 00:47:34.880
<v Speaker 1>from being merely historical curiosities, these traditions remain living elements

657
00:47:34.920 --> 00:47:41.239
<v Speaker 1>of cultural identity. Spiritual practice and ecological relationship. For many tribes,

658
00:47:41.519 --> 00:47:46.239
<v Speaker 1>traditional knowledge about Sasquatch like beings retains important spiritual dimensions.

659
00:47:47.000 --> 00:47:51.039
<v Speaker 1>Among some Northwest tribes, including branches of the Coast Salish,

660
00:47:51.480 --> 00:47:55.400
<v Speaker 1>ceremonial songs relating to Sasquatch continue to be performed in

661
00:47:55.440 --> 00:48:00.880
<v Speaker 1>appropriate contexts. These songs are understood as maintaining proper relationships

662
00:48:00.920 --> 00:48:05.119
<v Speaker 1>with these beings and the landscapes they inhabit. The Lakota

663
00:48:05.159 --> 00:48:08.760
<v Speaker 1>and related Siwan speaking peoples continue to include references to

664
00:48:08.880 --> 00:48:13.639
<v Speaker 1>Chia Tanka in certain healing ceremonies and vision quest preparations.

665
00:48:14.400 --> 00:48:17.719
<v Speaker 1>Lakota medicine man Arvole Looking Horse has spoken about the

666
00:48:17.760 --> 00:48:22.119
<v Speaker 1>continued spiritual significance of these beings, noting that they represent

667
00:48:22.239 --> 00:48:26.280
<v Speaker 1>important connections to pre reservation relationships with the land and

668
00:48:26.360 --> 00:48:31.320
<v Speaker 1>its many inhabitants. In the Southwest, some Apache communities maintain

669
00:48:31.480 --> 00:48:35.760
<v Speaker 1>ceremonial traditions relating to the beings they call Chiye, including

670
00:48:35.800 --> 00:48:40.400
<v Speaker 1>specific taboos and observances when entering areas traditionally associated with

671
00:48:40.480 --> 00:48:44.800
<v Speaker 1>these beings. These practices are considered an important aspect of

672
00:48:44.880 --> 00:48:50.039
<v Speaker 1>maintaining spiritual balance and proper relationships with powerful non human entities.

673
00:48:50.920 --> 00:48:55.840
<v Speaker 1>Traditional knowledge about Sasquatch has increasingly intersected with contemporary environmental

674
00:48:55.840 --> 00:49:00.679
<v Speaker 1>protection efforts and indigenous land rights movements. Veral tribes have

675
00:49:00.760 --> 00:49:05.159
<v Speaker 1>cited the cultural significance of traditional Sasquatch territories in legal

676
00:49:05.280 --> 00:49:10.679
<v Speaker 1>arguments against resource extraction projects or development. The Tellalip tribes

677
00:49:10.719 --> 00:49:14.480
<v Speaker 1>of Washington successfully argued for special protections of certain old

678
00:49:14.519 --> 00:49:18.360
<v Speaker 1>growth forest areas based partly on their cultural significance as

679
00:49:18.400 --> 00:49:23.400
<v Speaker 1>traditional territories of the beings they call Siatco. Similarly, the

680
00:49:23.480 --> 00:49:27.719
<v Speaker 1>Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde in Oregon have incorporated information

681
00:49:27.760 --> 00:49:32.639
<v Speaker 1>about traditionally recognized Sasquatch habitats into their forest management plans,

682
00:49:33.239 --> 00:49:37.280
<v Speaker 1>designating certain areas for limited human access and special protection.

683
00:49:38.199 --> 00:49:41.199
<v Speaker 1>Perhaps most notably, the Lakota and other tribes opposing the

684
00:49:41.239 --> 00:49:45.760
<v Speaker 1>Dakota Access Pipeline cited the protection of Chiatanka habitat as

685
00:49:45.840 --> 00:49:49.199
<v Speaker 1>one component of their cultural heritage concerns about the project.

686
00:49:50.079 --> 00:49:54.159
<v Speaker 1>While this aspect received little attention in mainstream media coverage,

687
00:49:54.360 --> 00:49:58.920
<v Speaker 1>it represented a significant integration of traditional knowledge into contemporary

688
00:49:59.079 --> 00:50:04.199
<v Speaker 1>environmental justice work. Stay tuned for more Sasquatch otty see.

689
00:50:04.239 --> 00:50:11.280
<v Speaker 1>We'll be right back after these messages. As part of

690
00:50:11.320 --> 00:50:16.320
<v Speaker 1>broader cultural revitalization movements, many tribes have incorporated traditional knowledge

691
00:50:16.320 --> 00:50:20.559
<v Speaker 1>about Sasquatch like beings into educational programs for tribal youth.

692
00:50:21.440 --> 00:50:25.159
<v Speaker 1>These efforts typically emphasize not just the beings themselves, but

693
00:50:25.199 --> 00:50:29.280
<v Speaker 1>the broader cultural frameworks of respectful relationship with the natural

694
00:50:29.320 --> 00:50:34.239
<v Speaker 1>world that these traditions exemplify. The Confederated Tribes of Silet's

695
00:50:34.280 --> 00:50:37.880
<v Speaker 1>Indians and Oregon include traditional knowledge about the hairy Man

696
00:50:37.920 --> 00:50:41.840
<v Speaker 1>in their summer culture camps for tribal youth. These programs

697
00:50:41.880 --> 00:50:45.119
<v Speaker 1>teach young people not only about the specific traditions, but

698
00:50:45.199 --> 00:50:48.880
<v Speaker 1>also the proper protocols for moving through remote landscapes and

699
00:50:48.920 --> 00:50:53.199
<v Speaker 1>showing respect to all beings that might be encountered there. Similarly,

700
00:50:53.480 --> 00:50:56.920
<v Speaker 1>the saleis coutin a college on the Flathead Reservation in Montana,

701
00:50:57.239 --> 00:51:01.159
<v Speaker 1>includes traditional knowledge about Sasquatch like beings in its Native

702
00:51:01.199 --> 00:51:06.039
<v Speaker 1>American Studies curriculum, contextualizing these traditions within broader Salish and

703
00:51:06.119 --> 00:51:11.320
<v Speaker 1>coutiney relationships with the land and its many inhabitants. Contemporary

704
00:51:11.320 --> 00:51:15.760
<v Speaker 1>Indigenous artists and writers have increasingly engaged with Sasquatch traditions

705
00:51:16.119 --> 00:51:21.239
<v Speaker 1>as powerful symbols of resistance, continuity, and relationship with the land.

706
00:51:22.119 --> 00:51:26.079
<v Speaker 1>These artistic expressions often reclaim narratives that have been appropriated

707
00:51:26.159 --> 00:51:31.559
<v Speaker 1>or commercialized by mainstream culture. Comanche Blackfeet artist Bentley Spang's

708
00:51:31.639 --> 00:51:37.760
<v Speaker 1>multimedia installation Modern Warrior Series Warshirt Number six Waterways incorporated

709
00:51:37.800 --> 00:51:41.920
<v Speaker 1>traditional knowledge about Sasquatch like beings as symbols of Indigenous

710
00:51:41.960 --> 00:51:46.039
<v Speaker 1>knowledge systems that have survived despite colonial attempts at erasure.

711
00:51:46.920 --> 00:51:50.920
<v Speaker 1>Spang's work explicitly challenges the commodification of these traditions in

712
00:51:51.039 --> 00:51:56.480
<v Speaker 1>mainstream Bigfoot representations. Coast Salish artist John Marston has created

713
00:51:56.559 --> 00:52:01.760
<v Speaker 1>numerous traditional cedar carvings depicting Sasquatch, explaining that these works

714
00:52:01.800 --> 00:52:04.960
<v Speaker 1>honor beings who have shared the landscape with Coast Salish

715
00:52:05.000 --> 00:52:10.159
<v Speaker 1>people since time immemorial. Marston's artistic representations are based on

716
00:52:10.199 --> 00:52:13.800
<v Speaker 1>traditional knowledge passed down through his family, rather than popular

717
00:52:13.840 --> 00:52:20.920
<v Speaker 1>culture depictions. In literature, Indigenous authors including Eden Robinson, Heisler Heiltsuk,

718
00:52:21.400 --> 00:52:24.960
<v Speaker 1>Thomas King, and Linda Hogan have incorporated Sasquatch like beings

719
00:52:25.000 --> 00:52:28.840
<v Speaker 1>into their works, often as symbols of Indigenous relationships with

720
00:52:28.880 --> 00:52:34.280
<v Speaker 1>the land that persist despite colonial disruption. These literary representations

721
00:52:34.320 --> 00:52:38.840
<v Speaker 1>generally emphasize the complex cultural contexts of these traditions, rather

722
00:52:38.880 --> 00:52:43.760
<v Speaker 1>than sensationalizing the beings themselves. While this narrative has traced

723
00:52:43.840 --> 00:52:48.880
<v Speaker 1>numerous commonalities and Indigenous traditions regarding sasquatch like beings, it's

724
00:52:48.920 --> 00:52:52.960
<v Speaker 1>important to acknowledge the diversity of contemporary tribal perspectives on

725
00:52:53.000 --> 00:52:57.119
<v Speaker 1>this subject. Not all Indigenous communities or individuals share the

726
00:52:57.159 --> 00:53:00.920
<v Speaker 1>same views on the reality, significance, or appropriate treatment of

727
00:53:00.960 --> 00:53:06.320
<v Speaker 1>these traditions. Contemporary Indigenous perspectives on sasquatch exist along a

728
00:53:06.360 --> 00:53:10.599
<v Speaker 1>spectrum similar to that found in non Native communities, ranging

729
00:53:10.599 --> 00:53:16.320
<v Speaker 1>from literal belief to metaphorical interpretation to skepticism. Some traditional

730
00:53:16.360 --> 00:53:20.119
<v Speaker 1>knowledge keepers and tribal elders maintain that sasquatch like beings

731
00:53:20.199 --> 00:53:25.079
<v Speaker 1>are literally real, physical entities that continue to inhabit remote areas.

732
00:53:25.880 --> 00:53:31.679
<v Speaker 1>Wilber Slockish, a respected Yakama elder, has stated unequivocally, they're real.

733
00:53:32.119 --> 00:53:35.440
<v Speaker 1>They've always been here, our people have always known them.

734
00:53:36.039 --> 00:53:40.880
<v Speaker 1>This perspective often emphasizes personal or family experiences and continuous

735
00:53:40.920 --> 00:53:45.760
<v Speaker 1>traditional knowledge. Other Indigenous scholars and community members interpret these

736
00:53:45.800 --> 00:53:50.559
<v Speaker 1>traditions more metaphorically, seeing them as embodiments of cultural values,

737
00:53:50.840 --> 00:53:56.760
<v Speaker 1>ecological relationships, or spiritual principles. Doctor Daniel Wildcat, a UCI

738
00:53:56.840 --> 00:54:00.119
<v Speaker 1>member of the Muscoge Nation and an Indigenous scholar at

739
00:54:00.159 --> 00:54:04.320
<v Speaker 1>Haskell Indian Nations University, has suggested that, regardless of their

740
00:54:04.360 --> 00:54:09.960
<v Speaker 1>literal existence, the Sasquatch traditions embody important indigenous understandings about

741
00:54:10.000 --> 00:54:13.559
<v Speaker 1>proper relationship with the natural world and the recognition of

742
00:54:13.639 --> 00:54:18.760
<v Speaker 1>non human agency and intelligence. Still, others within indigenous communities

743
00:54:18.800 --> 00:54:23.119
<v Speaker 1>express skepticism about the literal reality of these beings, viewing

744
00:54:23.159 --> 00:54:27.639
<v Speaker 1>the traditions as valuable cultural heritage but not necessarily descriptions

745
00:54:27.639 --> 00:54:32.320
<v Speaker 1>of physically existing entities. As in any culture, perspectives vary

746
00:54:32.400 --> 00:54:38.159
<v Speaker 1>based on individual experience, education, spiritual orientation, and family background.

747
00:54:39.119 --> 00:54:43.039
<v Speaker 1>Indigenous communities also vary considerably in their approaches to sharing

748
00:54:43.039 --> 00:54:47.920
<v Speaker 1>traditional knowledge about Sasquatch with those outside their tribes. These

749
00:54:47.920 --> 00:54:52.920
<v Speaker 1>differences reflect broader variations in tribal policies regarding cultural knowledge

750
00:54:52.960 --> 00:54:57.960
<v Speaker 1>and intellectual property. Some tribes have explicitly restricted information about

751
00:54:58.000 --> 00:55:02.559
<v Speaker 1>their Sasquatch traditions, considering this knowledge sacred or sensitive and

752
00:55:02.639 --> 00:55:07.400
<v Speaker 1>not appropriate for general dissemination. The Yakaman Nation, for instance,

753
00:55:07.440 --> 00:55:11.440
<v Speaker 1>has formal policies limiting what information about Stick Indians can

754
00:55:11.480 --> 00:55:14.519
<v Speaker 1>be shared with non tribal members, and has objected to

755
00:55:14.639 --> 00:55:19.719
<v Speaker 1>unauthorized publication of traditional knowledge on this topic. Other tribes

756
00:55:19.719 --> 00:55:23.039
<v Speaker 1>have chosen to share certain aspects of their traditions more openly,

757
00:55:23.559 --> 00:55:27.440
<v Speaker 1>particularly when they feel doing so serves educational purposes or

758
00:55:27.480 --> 00:55:32.719
<v Speaker 1>corrects misrepresentations. The Confederated Tribes of Grown Rond in Oregon

759
00:55:32.760 --> 00:55:36.480
<v Speaker 1>have included information about their traditions regarding forest beings in

760
00:55:36.559 --> 00:55:41.039
<v Speaker 1>public facing cultural education materials, seeing this as an opportunity

761
00:55:41.079 --> 00:55:46.719
<v Speaker 1>to correct misconceptions and assert the continuing relevance of traditional knowledge.

762
00:55:46.760 --> 00:55:50.920
<v Speaker 1>This variation in approach reflects broader principles of tribal sovereignty

763
00:55:51.239 --> 00:55:55.840
<v Speaker 1>and self determination regarding cultural knowledge. Each tribe has the

764
00:55:55.920 --> 00:55:59.639
<v Speaker 1>inherent right to determine how, when, and whether to share

765
00:55:59.639 --> 00:56:04.960
<v Speaker 1>traditional knowledge, including that relating to Sasquatch like beings. The

766
00:56:05.039 --> 00:56:09.519
<v Speaker 1>indigenous traditions regarding Sasquatch, Bigfoot, and similar beings represent one

767
00:56:09.559 --> 00:56:13.280
<v Speaker 1>of the most extensive and well documented bodies of traditional

768
00:56:13.320 --> 00:56:17.800
<v Speaker 1>ecological knowledge in North America. Far from being simply legends

769
00:56:17.920 --> 00:56:21.360
<v Speaker 1>or folklore in the diminutive sense, these terms sometimes carry

770
00:56:21.920 --> 00:56:27.199
<v Speaker 1>these traditions constitute sophisticated, multi generational observations of the landscape

771
00:56:27.480 --> 00:56:32.159
<v Speaker 1>and its inhabitants. What makes these traditions particularly significant is

772
00:56:32.199 --> 00:56:38.440
<v Speaker 1>their persistence. Despite enormous cultural disruption through forced relocation, missionization,

773
00:56:38.840 --> 00:56:42.320
<v Speaker 1>boarding schools, and the many other challenges of the colonial era,

774
00:56:42.920 --> 00:56:46.000
<v Speaker 1>knowledge about these beings has continued to be transmitted within

775
00:56:46.119 --> 00:56:50.559
<v Speaker 1>indigenous communities. This persistence speaks to both the resilience of

776
00:56:50.599 --> 00:56:55.440
<v Speaker 1>indigenous knowledge systems and perhaps to the continuing experiences that

777
00:56:55.559 --> 00:57:01.320
<v Speaker 1>reinforce and revitalize these traditions. In the contemporary context, traditional

778
00:57:01.360 --> 00:57:07.119
<v Speaker 1>Indigenous knowledge about Sasquatch serves multiple important functions, connecting tribal

779
00:57:07.159 --> 00:57:11.440
<v Speaker 1>members to ancestral relationships with the land, providing frameworks for

780
00:57:11.559 --> 00:57:16.159
<v Speaker 1>environmental protection and land management, offering counter narratives to colonial

781
00:57:16.159 --> 00:57:20.440
<v Speaker 1>assumptions about what is real or known, and maintaining distinct

782
00:57:20.480 --> 00:57:26.079
<v Speaker 1>cultural identities in an increasingly homogenized world. Whether one approaches

783
00:57:26.119 --> 00:57:30.480
<v Speaker 1>these traditions from a perspective of literal belief, metaphorical interpretation,

784
00:57:31.000 --> 00:57:36.559
<v Speaker 1>or anthropological interest, their significance as living cultural heritage is undeniable.

785
00:57:37.239 --> 00:57:42.280
<v Speaker 1>They represent not fossilized remnants of pre scientific thinking, but dynamic,

786
00:57:42.599 --> 00:57:46.079
<v Speaker 1>evolving bodies of knowledge. That continue to inform how many

787
00:57:46.079 --> 00:57:49.760
<v Speaker 1>Indigenous people understand and relate to the landscapes they have

788
00:57:49.840 --> 00:57:52.760
<v Speaker 1>inhabited since the beginning of time as we know it.

789
00:57:53.159 --> 00:57:56.599
<v Speaker 1>As interest in the Sasquatch or Bigfoot phenomenon continues in

790
00:57:56.639 --> 00:58:02.079
<v Speaker 1>mainstream American culture and scientific circles, centering Indigenous perspectives offers

791
00:58:02.119 --> 00:58:05.519
<v Speaker 1>not only ethical recognition of the original sources of much

792
00:58:05.519 --> 00:58:09.159
<v Speaker 1>of this knowledge, but also practical benefits in understanding these

793
00:58:09.159 --> 00:58:13.840
<v Speaker 1>elusive beings. The thousands of years of observational data embedded

794
00:58:13.840 --> 00:58:18.599
<v Speaker 1>in indigenous traditions represent an invaluable resource for anyone genuinely

795
00:58:18.639 --> 00:58:21.679
<v Speaker 1>seeking to understand the mysteries of the deep forest and

796
00:58:21.760 --> 00:58:27.960
<v Speaker 1>its most enigmatic inhabitants. Perhaps most importantly, Indigenous Sasquatch traditions

797
00:58:28.000 --> 00:58:32.159
<v Speaker 1>remind us that Western scientific frameworks represent just one way

798
00:58:32.199 --> 00:58:36.559
<v Speaker 1>of knowing and understanding the world. The possibility that multiple

799
00:58:36.599 --> 00:58:41.280
<v Speaker 1>knowledge systems might offer complementary, rather than competing, insights suggests

800
00:58:41.320 --> 00:58:44.559
<v Speaker 1>a more humble and open minded approach to the profound

801
00:58:44.719 --> 00:58:49.039
<v Speaker 1>question at the heart of the Sasquatch phenomenon. What beings

802
00:58:49.119 --> 00:58:51.480
<v Speaker 1>might we share this continent with that we have not

803
00:58:51.639 --> 00:58:55.920
<v Speaker 1>yet fully recognized or understood In the words of Lummy

804
00:58:55.960 --> 00:59:00.400
<v Speaker 1>elder Pauline Hilaire. Our ancestors knew many things about the

805
00:59:00.400 --> 00:59:04.559
<v Speaker 1>world that modern people are only beginning to rediscover. The

806
00:59:04.639 --> 00:59:07.400
<v Speaker 1>forest people have always been part of our understanding of

807
00:59:07.440 --> 00:59:10.880
<v Speaker 1>this land. Whether others see them or not doesn't change

808
00:59:10.920 --> 01:02:24.000
<v Speaker 1>what our people have always known.

809
01:00:10.079 --> 01:02:23.800
<v Speaker 2>Ditto
