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Speaker 1: And we are back with another edition of the Federalist

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Speaker 1: Radio Hour. I'm Matt Kittle, Senior Elections correspondent of The

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Speaker 1: Federalist and your experienced Shirpa on today's quest for Knowledge.

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Speaker 1: As always, you can email the show at radio at

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Speaker 1: the Federalist dot com, follow us on x at FDR LST,

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Speaker 1: make sure to subscribe wherever you download your podcast, and

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Speaker 1: of course to the premium version of our website as well.

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Speaker 1: I'm joined today by Dean Ball, research fellow with the

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Speaker 1: Mercadis Center on the Supreme Court's Net choice rulings, rulings

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Speaker 1: he says, that are marked by substantial uncertainty. Welcome to

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Speaker 1: the Federalist Radio Dean, thank you for being here.

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Speaker 2: Thanks so much for having me, Matt, as my.

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Speaker 1: Colleague, Jean Fleetwood wrote at The Federalist. Following the issuance

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Speaker 1: of the ruling, the US Supreme Court unanimously declined to

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Speaker 1: rule on the merits of state laws curbing big text

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Speaker 1: regulation of online speech, instead sending the case back to

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Speaker 1: lower courts for further review. The parties have not briefed

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Speaker 1: the critical issues here, and the record is underdeveloped. Associate

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Speaker 1: Justice Elena Kagan wrote, for the court, Dean, Is this

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Speaker 1: a matter of the Supreme Court saying playing the part

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Speaker 1: of teacher and saying to the lower courts you didn't

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Speaker 1: do your homework, try it again, and then we'll check

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Speaker 1: your work.

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Speaker 2: I think that's a good way of putting it. I

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Speaker 2: think what the Court said was you need to think

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Speaker 2: about this to all parties, to net Choice, to the

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Speaker 2: State Solicitors General who who argued the case, and to

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Speaker 2: the courts themselves, you need to think more comprehensively and

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Speaker 2: also in a greater level of detail about these issues.

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Speaker 1: And that's interesting because it has been such a high

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Speaker 1: profile case, of course, and we've seen this in this

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Speaker 1: session on a few occasions where the Supreme Court has

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Speaker 1: said to lower courts you didn't answer this question. You

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Speaker 1: need again, you need to go back and again, saying

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Speaker 1: that to other parties involved as well. But this was

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Speaker 1: the latest case where the Supreme Court is saying that

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Speaker 1: the lower courts have more work to do.

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Speaker 2: Yeah, and you know, the Court on internet cases in particular,

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Speaker 2: the last couple of years, the Court has been keen

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Speaker 2: to punt. They punted the Murphy versus Missouri case that

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Speaker 2: was about government enabled a government sort of encouraged censorship

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Speaker 2: on social media was decided, and in that case, the

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Speaker 2: court punted on grounds that a lot of experts are

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Speaker 2: pretty skeptical of. I will say, in the case with

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Speaker 2: the Net Choice cases, I think the decision to send

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Speaker 2: the case back made a lot of sense. And the

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Speaker 2: reason for that is that Net Choice challenged these laws

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Speaker 2: on what's called facial grounds, which means that the laws

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Speaker 2: are on their face unconstitutional in every conceivable application of

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Speaker 2: the laws. And what the court said was, you, guys,

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Speaker 2: to the litigants in the court, you thought about the

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Speaker 2: lower courts, You thought about social media platforms and really

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Speaker 2: just the effect of these laws on the social media

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Speaker 2: feeds that we're all familiar with, But you didn't think

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Speaker 2: about the many, many other ways in which this law

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Speaker 2: impacts websites on the Internet. Are these both of these

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Speaker 2: laws do? Which is actually what a lot of critics

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Speaker 2: of the laws we're saying as well.

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Speaker 1: Interesting, the Eleventh Circuit Court upheld the lower courts injunction

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Speaker 1: against Florida's law, the ruling that the Sunshine State's restrictions

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Speaker 1: on content moderation trigger First Amendment scrutiny. Under this Court's

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Speaker 1: cases protecting editorial discretion and including or concluding that the

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Speaker 1: content moderation provisions are unlikely to survive iten scrutiny. But

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Speaker 1: then you get the Fifth Circuit Court reversing the lower

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Speaker 1: courts injunction on Texas law, ruling that the platform's content

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Speaker 1: moderation activities are not speech at all and so do

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Speaker 1: not implicate the First Amendment. You could not have two

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Speaker 1: more divergent rulings in this case. It's not the first

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Speaker 1: time that two lower courts, two appellate courts have seen

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Speaker 1: things differently, of course, on the law, but they're pretty

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Speaker 1: far apart in this Why.

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Speaker 2: Well, I think the Fifth Circuit has been willing to

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Speaker 2: entertain some more novel legal interpretations frankly, and I think

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Speaker 2: the Court, the Supreme Court wanted to go out of

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Speaker 2: its way and has been throughout this term. In fact,

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Speaker 2: there's been a lot of tension between the Fifth Circuit

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Speaker 2: and the Supreme Court, really going out of its way

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Speaker 2: to tell them, no, we don't agree with your interpretations

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Speaker 2: of First Amendment law. We think you've got this entirely wrong.

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Speaker 2: So in that sense, the Court, I think a big

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Speaker 2: part of the reason that the opinion came out the

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Speaker 2: way it did, and seemed to be such a robust

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Speaker 2: sort of defense of the social media platforms in some way,

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Speaker 2: and argument that against these laws that the Supreme Court,

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Speaker 2: the majority opinion certainly he was making. I think it

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Speaker 2: had to do with because none of that opinion is

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Speaker 2: binding really, because all they did was send it back

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Speaker 2: to the lower courts. I think part of it was

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Speaker 2: the Supreme Court trying to explain to the Fifth Circuit

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Speaker 2: what they see as the problems. But the Fifth Circuit's

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Speaker 2: interpretation of First Amendment law and probably went a little

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Speaker 2: bit further. This is speculation on my part, but it

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Speaker 2: wouldn't surprise me if the Justice is felt inclined to

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Speaker 2: go a little bit further in their opinion, then they

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Speaker 2: might have if their opinion had legal weight.

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Speaker 1: There is no doubt that the so called social network platforms,

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Speaker 1: big tech that I like to refer to them, the

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Speaker 1: facebooks of the world, metas whatever we're defining them today, Twitters,

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Speaker 1: the exes, whatever we're defining them today, suppress speech. You know,

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Speaker 1: we have the evidence to show it, and I think

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Speaker 1: there are a lot of Americans in two thousand twenty,

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Speaker 1: in twenty twenty one, in particular, even since then, who

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Speaker 1: have experienced the sense that, Hey, first and foremost, I

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Speaker 1: don't think my message is getting out there on these platforms. Secondly,

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Speaker 1: I've been told that my speech is blocked because someone

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Speaker 1: doesn't like what I'm saying. All of that is very clear.

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Speaker 1: The argument ultimately boils down to, does it not whether

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Speaker 1: the social media networks are like the the corporate media

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Speaker 1: outlets or news outlets in general, whether they can be

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Speaker 1: protected under the First Amendment. If they can't, then we

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Speaker 1: definitely have another argument here.

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Speaker 2: Yeah. Essentially it boils down to whether these decisions that

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Speaker 2: the social media platforms make be considered editorial decisions similar

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Speaker 2: to the ones that a newspaper makes. And Justice Kagan

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Speaker 2: and her majority opinion was forthright in stating the application

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Speaker 2: of the First Amendment doesn't change based on whether or

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Speaker 2: not it's the physical versus the virtual world. It doesn't

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Speaker 2: change based on how many millions of decisions are being

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Speaker 2: made today. If the newspaper makes one hundred decisions a

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Speaker 2: day and Facebook makes a billion decisions a day, doesn't matter.

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Speaker 2: That was something that she went out of her way

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Speaker 2: to make a point that she went out of her

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Speaker 2: way to make. However, one point that I think is

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Speaker 2: underappreciated in a lot of the analysis, and especially sort

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Speaker 2: of the more libertarian analysis celebrating the net choice decision.

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Speaker 2: Is an important footnote in Justice Kagan's majority opinion, where

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Speaker 2: she said, nothing that we're writing here is about automated

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Speaker 2: algorithmic decisions made based on user preferences. So, in other words,

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Speaker 2: when you go to YouTube dot com or Twitter or Facebook,

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Speaker 2: the vast majority of the content that you're seeing is

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Speaker 2: being purface because those companies think they have developed algorithms

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Speaker 2: that look at your preferences and sort of build a

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Speaker 2: profile of you and show you content that they think

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Speaker 2: you're going to like, rather than moderating algorithms, Rather than

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Speaker 2: rather than automated algorithms that are taking content down because

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Speaker 2: it's racist, offensive, whatever, you know, whatever it might be,

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Speaker 2: They those algorithms, algorithms based on user preference are actually

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Speaker 2: not covered in this decision, And I think that's interesting,

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Speaker 2: and I think it opens the door for not just

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Speaker 2: future litigation, but also future laws and some laws that

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Speaker 2: have been passed in states already that are kind of

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Speaker 2: targeting the algorithmic design. I think the Court is at

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Speaker 2: least opening up a door to laws like that. We'll

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Speaker 2: see how open the door is. But there's at least

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Speaker 2: a path. I think the.

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Speaker 1: Argument in all of this as well, and there are

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Speaker 1: many arguments in this, but one essential argument I think

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Speaker 1: is that what happens if the platform, the editorial platform

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Speaker 1: so to speak in this case, is so large and

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Speaker 1: encompassing that it overshadows the other outlets of information, news

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Speaker 1: outlets in particulars. Let's face it, more people are getting

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Speaker 1: their information from X and Facebook and other, you know,

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Speaker 1: big tech outlets than they are from newspapers. That's something

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Speaker 1: that obviously has changed over the last generation in this country,

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Speaker 1: and there is no sign of that changing back. So

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Speaker 1: the genie is out of the bottle. The sort of

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Speaker 1: protections that the big tech has had on the editorial

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Speaker 1: side of things. Maybe ultimately the argument goes too much

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Speaker 1: because in essence, in many ways, they're the only game

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Speaker 1: in town. Is that a consideration in all of the

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Speaker 1: arguments before the Supreme Court and the lower courts.

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Speaker 2: Yes, and in fact a not dissenting opinion concurring opinion

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Speaker 2: by the sort of conservative justices. The three most conservative

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Speaker 2: justices Gorsich, Alito and Clarence Thomas. They wrote an opinion

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Speaker 2: that was very much willing to entertain this idea that

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Speaker 2: the social media platforms have a level of dominance over

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Speaker 2: discourse that we haven't really seen before in American history,

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Speaker 2: and that therefore something like a common carrier framework for

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Speaker 2: regulating them might be appropriate. It might be appropriate to

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Speaker 2: think of them in that way. I guess as a

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Speaker 2: policy analyst, the way I look at that is and

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Speaker 2: as a free speech advocate more than I am a

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Speaker 2: policy analyst, right, That's very important to me. I don't

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Speaker 2: love the way that Facebook, Google, and for a long time,

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Speaker 2: Twitter and some of these other companies have stewarded their platforms.

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Speaker 2: I think they really should have even though they weren't

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Speaker 2: under a legal obligation to follow the First Amendment, I

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Speaker 2: think they should have. I think they should have understood

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Speaker 2: that they had a moral obbligation as an American company

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Speaker 2: to do that, and they did, and I find that

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Speaker 2: to be a shame. I think it's really hurt them

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Speaker 2: in terms of their reputations, not just with policymakers but

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Speaker 2: with broader public. I think that what Elon Musk is

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Speaker 2: doing with Twitter is really interesting, and that he is

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Speaker 2: trying to be more of a First Amendment guided platform,

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Speaker 2: and I hope that we see markets kind of try

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Speaker 2: to guide the social media platforms toward that toward that outcome.

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Speaker 2: But what I would say about the Common Carrier frameworks

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Speaker 2: for regulation and similar ideas as a policy matter is

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Speaker 2: that if you're not crazy about these companies and their

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Speaker 2: level of power, Common Carrier is a double edged sword,

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Speaker 2: because yes, it allows government to exert more control over

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Speaker 2: them that they otherwise wouldn't be able to. It also

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Speaker 2: guarantees that they're locked in forever, and nothing is forever

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Speaker 2: in technology. It feels like the social media platforms have

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Speaker 2: been dominant forever and that they will be dominant forever.

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Speaker 2: But Microsoft seemed like a insurmountable monopoly with ninety five

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Speaker 2: percent of the computer market share really not that long ago.

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Speaker 2: You know, I was ten when that was the case.

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Speaker 2: These companies are powerful, but they can be competed with,

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Speaker 2: and more importantly than being competed with, they can be

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Speaker 2: the entire paradigm can change in technology and we might

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Speaker 2: be living You know, what I write about all most

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Speaker 2: of my day is ai we might be living in

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Speaker 2: a time when just such a change is happening. So

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Speaker 2: it seems to me like, right now is actually the

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Speaker 2: time where we really don't want to lock anything in place.

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Speaker 2: If we're not happy with the status quo. Major regulations

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Speaker 2: have a tendency of locking dynamics in place, and if

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Speaker 2: we really want the status quo to change, maybe we

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Speaker 2: should give the next few years a shot and sort

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Speaker 2: of see how things play out next.

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Speaker 3: all tax revenue in June went to paying off interest

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Speaker 3: on our national debt. We spent more on interest than

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Speaker 3: social security, health and human services, and our own national security.

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Speaker 3: Whether it's happening in DC or down on Wall Street,

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Speaker 3: it's affecting you financially.

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Speaker 1: Be informed.

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Speaker 3: Check out the Watchdout on Wall Street podcast with Chris

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Speaker 3: mccowski on Apple, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcasts.

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Speaker 1: Well, you're absolutely right that everything is subject to change.

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Speaker 1: I remember, many many moons ago that atari that was

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Speaker 1: the system to beat, and guess what it was beaten,

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Speaker 1: beaten badly Pong could only compete for so long, and

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Speaker 1: then people wanted more than Pong. I guess is ultimately

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Speaker 1: the question. And so I knew as you were talking

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Speaker 1: about fre free speech and policy issues. I knew as

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Speaker 1: you explain that there was going to be a butt involved,

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Speaker 1: and I certainly understand it. So your argument is, again

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Speaker 1: the market place will well, let me take that back.

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Speaker 1: Obviously there's a market marketplace consideration in here as to

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Speaker 1: the marketplace. Do you believe that after all of the

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Speaker 1: bad press and there still should be some more accountability

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Speaker 1: I think in the press of what big tech has done.

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Speaker 1: But that said, after all of the bad press, do

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Speaker 1: you think that these mega big tech giants will change

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Speaker 1: their policies somehow to be more First Amendment friendly given

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Speaker 1: that that's what the marketplace is screaming about? Or is

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Speaker 1: the marketplace actually screaming about that.

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Speaker 2: I think it is. I think it's something that's going

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Speaker 2: to happen slowly. These companies, you know, especially Google, Google

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Speaker 2: these days is not known. They were once a dynamic,

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Speaker 2: fast moving capitalists, you know, Hyena, Not so much anymore.

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Speaker 2: They're they're viewed by many people in the valley is

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Speaker 2: kind of where good ideas go to die. You know,

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Speaker 2: that might not be true. That's not necessarily my view.

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Speaker 2: But but a lot of people would say that Google

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Speaker 2: moves very slowly, so we'll see. I would say, you know,

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Speaker 2: you've certainly seen Meta move in the direction uh, in

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Speaker 2: this kind of direction. Obviously, Twitter x under under Elon

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Speaker 2: Musk has done. So we've seen a flourishing you know.

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Speaker 2: My I've built my platform on substack, which is a

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Speaker 2: little different. It's it's never going to be as big

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Speaker 2: as a big social media platform, but that's a that's

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Speaker 2: a great you know, there's no censorship really to speak

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Speaker 2: of on substack. Google and YouTube are the big question.

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Speaker 2: YouTube is how a lot of especially young people consume

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Speaker 2: almost all of the information they receive. They spend a

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Speaker 2: huge amount of their time on YouTube. I think Google

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Speaker 2: is learning the hard way that their in turn culture

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Speaker 2: is not very appealing to uh, to most Americans. They

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Speaker 2: had an AI model, a large language model like chat

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Speaker 2: GPT that came out a couple of months ago called Gemini,

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Speaker 2: which the academic community everybody was like, oh, this is

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Speaker 2: very architecturally interesting. There's lots of technical innovation here. It

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Speaker 2: hits the consumer marketplace and immediately it's discovered, Oh, this

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Speaker 2: thing is, this thing is unbelievably politically skewed and just

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Speaker 2: I mean not you know, beyond even politically skewed, just stupid, right,

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Speaker 2: politically made very yeah, yeah, a very smart language model

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Speaker 2: made stupid and dumb because of trying by by trying

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Speaker 2: to be I should I should say stuid dum, I

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Speaker 2: should say stupid and wrong, oftentimes in an effort to

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Speaker 2: make it not racist, which is sort of you know,

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Speaker 2: exactly what the college system does uh to uh to

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Speaker 2: young people all over the place, kind of just courses

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Speaker 2: the quality of their thought of young people's thoughts. That's

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Speaker 2: what happened with Gemini, and I think that blew up

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Speaker 2: in Google space, right, and I think that was probably

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Speaker 2: a come to Jesus moment for them. I think it

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Speaker 2: very well may have been. So we'll see, we will see,

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Speaker 2: but I'm hopeful, I'm hopeful that there will be some

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Speaker 2: change in the right direction.

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Speaker 1: Dean ball research fellow with the Mercada centered on the

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Speaker 1: Supreme courts and net choice rulings, as we note, rulings

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Speaker 1: that are marked with a substantial uncertainty. That is what

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Speaker 1: Dean has said in writing on the subject in our

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Speaker 1: conversation today, and absolutely, I think if you look at

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Speaker 1: this these decisions, there remains to be a number of questions,

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Speaker 1: a number of questions need to be answered on that front.

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Speaker 1: I want to go back to what you just mentioned,

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Speaker 1: you know, the indoctrination of a generation, and that's what

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Speaker 1: worries me. You see the polling out there where you

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Speaker 1: have people, young people of a certain age, who prefer

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Speaker 1: kindness over free speech, right, that's what they have been

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Speaker 1: trained to think. That opposing viewpoints that may cause conflict

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Speaker 1: or may hurt someone's feelings, even that that should not

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Speaker 1: those viewpoints should not be protected. It's pretty clear that

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Speaker 1: a lot of big tech or the biggest of the

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Speaker 1: big tech players emulated that idea, and that is why

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Speaker 1: we're in the place that we're in. And so the

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Speaker 1: question is there any hope that these players will change,

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Speaker 1: because that's what the next generation is demanding they do.

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Speaker 2: I think there is hope, and I'll tell you why.

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Speaker 2: I absolutely hear everything you're saying, and trust me, not

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Speaker 2: just the social media platforms, but so many other forces

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Speaker 2: in our society that have done this to young people.

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Speaker 2: Is one of the few things that makes me legitimately angry.

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Speaker 2: I try not to get mad about the things that

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Speaker 2: I write about in public policy because they're beyond my control,

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Speaker 2: but this is one that does. And you know, I

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Speaker 2: think again, I'm so heartened by what we've seen on

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Speaker 2: Twitter in the last two years, where you know, I

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Speaker 2: don't agree with every single decision Elon Musk has made

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Speaker 2: in running that company, But the net result of Twitter

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Speaker 2: is that it is a social force for the First Amendment.

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Speaker 2: It is showing why the First Amendment is valuable, and

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Speaker 2: it's showing it to young people during their formative years.

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Speaker 2: I think, you know, when you're sixteen, the idea that oh,

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Speaker 2: we shouldn't say mean things, we should only say nice things,

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Speaker 2: and you know, you kind of don't think about the

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Speaker 2: complexity of like how do you adjudicate what's true and

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Speaker 2: what's not true, or what's mean and what's nice? You know,

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Speaker 2: But then as you get older you do. And so

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Speaker 2: I think that Twitter will be this place where people

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Speaker 2: will kind of learn and see the differences and sort

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Speaker 2: of have a force for pushback. But that being said,

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Speaker 2: I think it's incumbent upon you know, I'm not that

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Speaker 2: much older than the generation Z. But but I think

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Speaker 2: it's incumbent upon all older people to demonstrate to younger

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Speaker 2: people really to lead by example and to demonstrate what

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Speaker 2: why we have the First Amendment? Why is it number one?

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Speaker 2: And why does it say importantly for the net choice decisions.

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Speaker 2: I think Congress shall make no law. It doesn't say

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Speaker 2: some laws. It says no law. And I think that's

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Speaker 2: that's very important for me. So I'm I am hopeful,

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Speaker 2: I remain I remain hopeful, and I will say, like

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Speaker 2: the Gemini, you know, the Gemini incident with Google, the

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Speaker 2: only reason that blew up was because of Twitter, and

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Speaker 2: Twitter of three years ago might well have censored that.

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Speaker 2: I think about that all the time. There's so many

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Speaker 2: controversies today where I think to myself, would this be

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Speaker 2: something people are talking about on the pages of the

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Speaker 2: New York Times if Elon Musk didn't own Twitter, and

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Speaker 2: that in and of itself is a powerful force.

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Speaker 1: That's a very important point I want to get to

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Speaker 1: in just a moment that you just mentioned that again,

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Speaker 1: Congress shall make no laws that disrupt or interfere in

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Speaker 1: infringe upon the right of citizens. For that first and primary,

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Speaker 1: But before I do that, because in so many cases

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Speaker 1: we've seen of late Congress doesn't even get the chance

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Speaker 1: to make the law. It is we have unelected bureaucrats,

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Speaker 1: and I want to get to that in just a moment.

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Speaker 1: I think this is an interesting comment from Justice Thomas

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Speaker 1: in the ruling. Out of the sea of variegated and

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Speaker 1: complex functions that platforms perform, the Court plucks out to

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Speaker 1: Facebook's newsfeed and YouTube's homepage and declares that they may

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Speaker 1: be protected by the First Amendment. The Court does so

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Speaker 1: on a record that it itself describes as incomplete and underdeveloped,

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Speaker 1: and by sidestepping several pressing factual and legal questions. As

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Speaker 1: Justice Alito explains, the Court's approach is both unwarranted and mistaken.

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Speaker 1: What do you think about that? I mean, that's that's

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Speaker 1: typical Clarence Thomas language, very assertive, very forceful, and to

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Speaker 1: the point. But you do have the majority it appears

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Speaker 1: seeming to side or seeming the argument is the majority

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Speaker 1: playing favorites here before the issue is actually decided.

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Speaker 2: Yeah, I think that's I think Justice Thomas is, you know,

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Speaker 2: his words there are very well taken. To me. There

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Speaker 2: is a little bit of irony in the fact that

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Speaker 2: the majority opinion like in a stylized way, is basically saying,

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Speaker 2: you guys didn't think about this enough, and you only

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Speaker 2: focused on one or two things, and then let me

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Speaker 2: write fifty pages about those one or two things. Right,

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Speaker 2: There is certainly an irony to that. I think it

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Speaker 2: has wes to do. Frankly, this is just again my

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Speaker 2: own personal speculation here. I think it might have to

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Speaker 2: do somewhat less with the merits of the net choice case.

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Speaker 2: It's not unrelated, of course, to the merits of the

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Speaker 2: net choice case. But I think it is more about

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Speaker 2: very publicly, frankly, spanking the Fifth Circuit, because that's what

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Speaker 2: I mean. Kagan. Justice Kagan came back to the Fifth

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Speaker 2: Circuit is dead wrong about X Y Z over and

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Speaker 2: over and over again, and I think it's really trying

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Speaker 2: to correct that so that that they don't have to

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Speaker 2: have this fight again. But in not just case Justice

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Speaker 2: Kagan's opinion, but also in the dessense from Justice Barrett

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Speaker 2: and Justice Alito's are not the sense. I keep saying

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Speaker 2: that they felt like the sense, but they really work concurrences.

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Speaker 2: Justice Barrett's concurrence and Justice Alito's concurrence. They pointed out

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Speaker 2: all these complexities about things that matter to me. In particular,

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Speaker 2: AI said, you know, are these if these automated moderation

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Speaker 2: decisions are being made by a large language model, does

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Speaker 2: a large language model have expression rights under the Constitution?

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Speaker 2: Do we at least think about that? Is a ligne

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Speaker 2: from Justice Alito's concurrence. And I think that's exactly right. Absolutely,

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Speaker 2: you should be thinking about that one hundred percent. And

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Speaker 2: there are many things that were not considered both by

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Speaker 2: in the lower courts but also in the majority opinion,

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Speaker 2: which I think does have some irony.

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Speaker 1: To it, as I noted a moment ago, as we

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Speaker 1: talk about the whole structure of these arguments, what we

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Speaker 1: have seen and we've seen it before, but we have

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Speaker 1: seen it at I think an alarming rate over the

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Speaker 1: last several years in this country. And that is and

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Speaker 1: I think this speaks to another Supreme Court decision in

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Speaker 1: the overturning of Chevron. But you know, the administrative state

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Speaker 1: eight the power in some cases of the deep state,

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Speaker 1: as we have seen very clearly documented the federal government

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Speaker 1: working to suppress speech, working with these big tech players

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Speaker 1: we've been talking about to suppress speech. Now I know

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Speaker 1: these cases specifically dealt with the social media players. But

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Speaker 1: it is hard to or it should be very difficult

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Speaker 1: to come to a judgment or a decision without the

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Speaker 1: context of the you know, the iron fist of the

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Speaker 1: federal government, particularly unelected bureaucrats operating in the shadows to

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Speaker 1: suppress speech.

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Speaker 2: Yes, yes, absolutely, And I think there's a really interesting

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Speaker 2: tension between the Murphy versus Missouri case, which I can

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Speaker 2: talk about if you want choice and Chevron. So I'll

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Speaker 2: just the Chevron decision if your if your listeners, uh

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Speaker 2: don't know, uh, basically or the lower Right decision was

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Speaker 2: the name of the case it struck down. It overruled

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Speaker 2: another case called Chefron Chevron versus n R d C

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Speaker 2: from the eighties. And in the Chevron case, what they

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Speaker 2: the there was a legal doctrine developed. It's called Chevron deference,

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Speaker 2: where when an agency interprets an ambiguity in a law

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Speaker 2: that Congress has passed, the courts have to defer to

431
00:29:37,400 --> 00:29:44,160
Speaker 2: that agency's interpretation if the interpretation is quote reasonable. That

432
00:29:44,240 --> 00:29:47,680
Speaker 2: led to it was actually, interestingly enough, a kind of

433
00:29:47,680 --> 00:29:50,240
Speaker 2: a conservative thing at the time, and it was done

434
00:29:50,359 --> 00:29:53,839
Speaker 2: during a period when Reagan, when President Reagan was trying

435
00:29:53,880 --> 00:29:57,720
Speaker 2: to deregulate a lot of a lot of things, and

436
00:29:57,920 --> 00:30:01,400
Speaker 2: agencies were taking more modest into repretations of their powers.

437
00:30:02,440 --> 00:30:05,559
Speaker 2: But what it in the long term, as these things

438
00:30:05,640 --> 00:30:09,640
Speaker 2: often do, what it turned into was a huge expansion

439
00:30:10,119 --> 00:30:13,440
Speaker 2: of agency power without Congress granting it through new laws.

440
00:30:13,920 --> 00:30:17,960
Speaker 2: And the Supreme Court overturned that they had already been

441
00:30:18,720 --> 00:30:21,559
Speaker 2: It had been dying. Chevron deference had been dying for

442
00:30:21,599 --> 00:30:24,960
Speaker 2: a decade at the Supreme Court, but they finally they

443
00:30:25,319 --> 00:30:30,559
Speaker 2: finally killed it last week with the decision in Loper Right.

444
00:30:31,880 --> 00:30:36,519
Speaker 2: And I think it's a very impactful case in the

445
00:30:36,559 --> 00:30:39,240
Speaker 2: long term, will take some time to see. But then

446
00:30:40,000 --> 00:30:45,240
Speaker 2: ironically right the Court said, there was this big defense

447
00:30:45,279 --> 00:30:48,400
Speaker 2: in the lower Right decision. We're overturning Chevron because sports

448
00:30:48,440 --> 00:30:53,200
Speaker 2: are the people who decide how to resolve statutory ambiguities,

449
00:30:53,240 --> 00:30:59,279
Speaker 2: not agencies. Well simultaneous, well simultaneously punting on a case

450
00:31:00,279 --> 00:31:05,960
Speaker 2: where the government was collaborating with social media companies to

451
00:31:06,039 --> 00:31:09,720
Speaker 2: suppress American speech. And we know that that's not disputed,

452
00:31:10,200 --> 00:31:12,640
Speaker 2: that's in the record. This is nobody in the Supreme

453
00:31:12,680 --> 00:31:15,839
Speaker 2: Court would dispute that that was in essence happening. Their

454
00:31:16,599 --> 00:31:21,319
Speaker 2: reason for punting on the cases were technical and not

455
00:31:21,359 --> 00:31:22,400
Speaker 2: really all that interesting.

456
00:31:22,680 --> 00:31:26,160
Speaker 1: Yes, standing questions, which is yeah, which is what we've

457
00:31:26,519 --> 00:31:29,400
Speaker 1: we've seen in a number of cases this session lacking,

458
00:31:29,680 --> 00:31:34,799
Speaker 1: lacking standing. But again, the the the arguments for that

459
00:31:35,359 --> 00:31:40,359
Speaker 1: under underpinning the Mirtha v. Missouri case, as you know,

460
00:31:41,160 --> 00:31:44,960
Speaker 1: clearly documented the many instances where the and and and

461
00:31:45,039 --> 00:31:47,359
Speaker 1: Since that case was filed, we've had even.

462
00:31:47,160 --> 00:31:52,599
Speaker 2: More absolutely and I think if if the court, you know,

463
00:31:52,880 --> 00:31:56,960
Speaker 2: I think the Chevron decision is very likely over time.

464
00:31:57,039 --> 00:32:00,000
Speaker 2: My friend at the R. Street Institute, a guy named

465
00:32:00,000 --> 00:32:03,319
Speaker 2: Adam Feher, has made this point before that you know

466
00:32:03,359 --> 00:32:06,519
Speaker 2: what Chevron is likely to do is drive agencies more

467
00:32:06,519 --> 00:32:09,599
Speaker 2: and more towards what's called soft law. So instead of

468
00:32:09,680 --> 00:32:13,440
Speaker 2: even doing new interpretations of laws that you create as

469
00:32:13,480 --> 00:32:16,759
Speaker 2: formal rules, instead of doing that, we're just going to

470
00:32:16,799 --> 00:32:23,000
Speaker 2: start doing a bunch of informal stuff, issuing best practices, documents, guidance,

471
00:32:23,359 --> 00:32:26,559
Speaker 2: making speeches. You know, Lena Khan might go to an

472
00:32:26,559 --> 00:32:28,960
Speaker 2: event and make a speech and say I really don't

473
00:32:29,000 --> 00:32:31,680
Speaker 2: like Google, and Google stock price goes down by eight percent,

474
00:32:31,960 --> 00:32:34,240
Speaker 2: or I really don't like Northrop Grummen, or whoever it

475
00:32:34,319 --> 00:32:39,160
Speaker 2: might be and one of those forms of soft regulation

476
00:32:39,400 --> 00:32:43,839
Speaker 2: is exactly what we saw in Murphy v. Missouri, with

477
00:32:44,759 --> 00:32:48,480
Speaker 2: government agencies, the White House and other law enforcement agencies

478
00:32:48,480 --> 00:32:54,160
Speaker 2: as well, emailing the social media companies and just basically

479
00:32:54,200 --> 00:32:58,759
Speaker 2: threatening them with regulation, threatening them with retaliation of various kinds,

480
00:32:58,839 --> 00:33:03,319
Speaker 2: implicitly indexlicitly to do, you know, in telling them to

481
00:33:03,359 --> 00:33:06,039
Speaker 2: do certain things. We'll see more of that. And if

482
00:33:06,079 --> 00:33:09,200
Speaker 2: that stuff is just going to evade the eye of

483
00:33:09,240 --> 00:33:12,640
Speaker 2: the law, we have a problem on our hands. So

484
00:33:13,519 --> 00:33:16,160
Speaker 2: I find it's there's a tension here where the court

485
00:33:16,200 --> 00:33:19,640
Speaker 2: is saying we're going to take this on, but then

486
00:33:19,680 --> 00:33:23,240
Speaker 2: they're also allowing this job owning in Murphy v. Missouri

487
00:33:24,599 --> 00:33:31,079
Speaker 2: to happen unabated, and there is a fundamental tension there.

488
00:33:32,119 --> 00:33:36,079
Speaker 1: Dear colleague, it would be unfortunate if anything bad happened

489
00:33:36,079 --> 00:33:39,359
Speaker 1: to you or your company. I mean that that's basically

490
00:33:39,480 --> 00:33:42,240
Speaker 1: what we have in place with the you know, the

491
00:33:42,880 --> 00:33:47,200
Speaker 1: soft legislation. But you know, this is the argument that

492
00:33:47,319 --> 00:33:54,119
Speaker 1: keeps coming up unbelievably from you know, big government supporters,

493
00:33:54,799 --> 00:33:59,519
Speaker 1: big government advocates, the left in general, is that the

494
00:33:59,559 --> 00:34:04,680
Speaker 1: government has speech rights that it does that it simply

495
00:34:04,920 --> 00:34:08,280
Speaker 1: does not have you know, these Bill of Rights, the

496
00:34:08,360 --> 00:34:12,119
Speaker 1: Constitution in general, as we know, as we're looking at

497
00:34:12,679 --> 00:34:16,760
Speaker 1: celebrating to nearly two hundred and fifty years as a country,

498
00:34:17,360 --> 00:34:25,039
Speaker 1: the Constitution was not created to support the government the

499
00:34:25,079 --> 00:34:29,920
Speaker 1: government's rights. It was created to support the people's rights

500
00:34:29,960 --> 00:34:33,559
Speaker 1: and the rights of the people who ultimately have control

501
00:34:34,280 --> 00:34:38,199
Speaker 1: over the government. And I think I think it's lost.

502
00:34:38,239 --> 00:34:42,199
Speaker 1: Do you believe that it's lost in the argument that

503
00:34:42,239 --> 00:34:46,079
Speaker 1: we're hearing, and we've heard it predominantly as the argument

504
00:34:46,159 --> 00:34:49,599
Speaker 1: on the left for the last several years in this country.

505
00:34:50,079 --> 00:34:53,679
Speaker 1: It's even in their briefings to the Supreme Court that

506
00:34:53,800 --> 00:34:57,920
Speaker 1: somehow the government has speech rights in all of this.

507
00:35:00,119 --> 00:35:04,559
Speaker 2: Yes, absolutely, and it's it's uh. I find it ironic

508
00:35:04,599 --> 00:35:07,039
Speaker 2: because one way to think about the Bill of Rights,

509
00:35:07,079 --> 00:35:09,840
Speaker 2: at least the first amendment, is that it is regulation

510
00:35:10,280 --> 00:35:13,119
Speaker 2: imposed by the people on the government. It's one of

511
00:35:13,119 --> 00:35:16,199
Speaker 2: the few items of regulation that we impose on them,

512
00:35:16,920 --> 00:35:22,280
Speaker 2: and the people who want to expand government hate it.

513
00:35:21,519 --> 00:35:26,119
Speaker 2: And it's sort of like, yeah, I'm not shocked. Now

514
00:35:26,320 --> 00:35:28,079
Speaker 2: you understand how the rest of us feel all the

515
00:35:28,119 --> 00:35:32,199
Speaker 2: time at least I do you know about about regulation?

516
00:35:32,599 --> 00:35:35,840
Speaker 2: Certainly a lot of corporations feel that way. Yeah, no,

517
00:35:35,960 --> 00:35:38,840
Speaker 2: I think that's true, and I think that you know,

518
00:35:39,400 --> 00:35:41,639
Speaker 2: there was an up ed by Tim Tim Blue in

519
00:35:41,679 --> 00:35:44,639
Speaker 2: the New York Times yesterday with the headline the First

520
00:35:44,639 --> 00:35:46,639
Speaker 2: Amendment is out of control, and you know, one of

521
00:35:46,679 --> 00:35:49,280
Speaker 2: his arguments is that the First Amendment is preventing government

522
00:35:49,320 --> 00:35:53,320
Speaker 2: from doing its job. And when I hear things.

523
00:35:53,119 --> 00:35:56,480
Speaker 1: Like that, that is just that. Can we take a moment,

524
00:35:57,320 --> 00:36:01,960
Speaker 1: have a moment of silence for how stunning that argument is.

525
00:36:02,039 --> 00:36:06,199
Speaker 1: It's just and nauseating too. I don't want to forget nauseating,

526
00:36:06,199 --> 00:36:09,599
Speaker 1: but you're right. I mean, wow, that is a remarkable statement.

527
00:36:10,719 --> 00:36:14,639
Speaker 2: It is, it is, and it's just. It goes to

528
00:36:14,679 --> 00:36:17,239
Speaker 2: show I mean, someone like Tim wou knows better. And

529
00:36:17,440 --> 00:36:20,960
Speaker 2: you know, for someone like that, I would invite, you know,

530
00:36:21,239 --> 00:36:24,960
Speaker 2: people who believe that that are law professors to practice

531
00:36:25,000 --> 00:36:28,360
Speaker 2: law in Europe where they don't have these right but

532
00:36:29,360 --> 00:36:31,719
Speaker 2: to see this percolating down, you know. To return to

533
00:36:31,760 --> 00:36:35,320
Speaker 2: the point about the younger generation, I think one of

534
00:36:34,360 --> 00:36:39,920
Speaker 2: the most profound problems that we have as a country

535
00:36:40,039 --> 00:36:42,360
Speaker 2: is that we are we do a very bad job

536
00:36:42,400 --> 00:36:45,280
Speaker 2: of telling a story about ourselves and imparting that to

537
00:36:45,400 --> 00:36:48,920
Speaker 2: younger people, and that's called civics. Fundamentally, that's called civics.

538
00:36:49,159 --> 00:36:52,519
Speaker 2: And I think we do just a really mediocre job

539
00:36:52,519 --> 00:36:56,920
Speaker 2: of it, and you know, I hope we can do

540
00:36:57,000 --> 00:36:58,440
Speaker 2: better over time.

541
00:36:59,480 --> 00:37:03,440
Speaker 1: I think I think in many cases doing better is

542
00:37:03,519 --> 00:37:07,159
Speaker 1: exactly what we need. As we wrap up our conversation,

543
00:37:07,519 --> 00:37:09,079
Speaker 1: let me ask you then, and you brought it up

544
00:37:09,159 --> 00:37:15,239
Speaker 1: Murphy va. Missouri very much. I think in many different

545
00:37:15,280 --> 00:37:20,159
Speaker 1: ways tied into the net choice ruling. Where does all

546
00:37:20,199 --> 00:37:24,000
Speaker 1: of this go from here? In both cases we have

547
00:37:25,000 --> 00:37:30,559
Speaker 1: remanded back to the lower courts to deal with the cleanup,

548
00:37:30,719 --> 00:37:32,840
Speaker 1: if you will. Where do you see all of this

549
00:37:33,000 --> 00:37:35,280
Speaker 1: going in the years ahead?

550
00:37:36,599 --> 00:37:42,320
Speaker 2: Yeah, so Murphy the majority Missouri. It was actually a

551
00:37:42,360 --> 00:37:46,480
Speaker 2: preliminary injunction, which means that it happened that went to

552
00:37:46,519 --> 00:37:50,280
Speaker 2: the Supreme Course at the beginning of its sort of

553
00:37:50,360 --> 00:37:54,079
Speaker 2: legal journey. And now we'll go back to the district

554
00:37:54,079 --> 00:37:58,639
Speaker 2: court that it came from, and it'll go through everything

555
00:37:58,679 --> 00:38:00,559
Speaker 2: that a federal case goes through. So it'll go through

556
00:38:00,599 --> 00:38:05,000
Speaker 2: fact finding, discovery, and there'll be years of that ahead,

557
00:38:05,039 --> 00:38:07,760
Speaker 2: and it would not surprise me to see that return,

558
00:38:08,320 --> 00:38:10,760
Speaker 2: to see it return to the courts at some point

559
00:38:11,239 --> 00:38:13,960
Speaker 2: in the future. So I think there's more to come

560
00:38:14,039 --> 00:38:17,960
Speaker 2: on almost so often is the case with the Court,

561
00:38:18,599 --> 00:38:20,559
Speaker 2: More to come in several years. We learned a lot,

562
00:38:20,639 --> 00:38:23,599
Speaker 2: and also there's a lot more questions and will answer

563
00:38:23,599 --> 00:38:24,880
Speaker 2: them in several years.

564
00:38:25,280 --> 00:38:28,199
Speaker 1: So stay tuned. Film at eleven, as they used to say.

565
00:38:28,880 --> 00:38:30,960
Speaker 1: If I still say that, because I don't believe they

566
00:38:31,039 --> 00:38:37,239
Speaker 1: use film anymore, which that statement ultimately dates me. It's

567
00:38:37,639 --> 00:38:45,599
Speaker 1: so many statements unfortunately these days, do very interesting all things.

568
00:38:45,920 --> 00:38:48,679
Speaker 1: As we know, this is the first right, it is

569
00:38:48,719 --> 00:38:50,800
Speaker 1: the primary right in the Bill of Rights, and it

570
00:38:50,880 --> 00:38:55,800
Speaker 1: is so for a reason. Free speech, a free press,

571
00:38:56,360 --> 00:39:01,079
Speaker 1: free thought, free conscience all time, and the ability to

572
00:39:01,119 --> 00:39:08,719
Speaker 1: freely assemble so critical, so very essential to upholding the

573
00:39:08,800 --> 00:39:13,239
Speaker 1: republic envisioned by our founders, the republic that I hope

574
00:39:13,239 --> 00:39:19,480
Speaker 1: the vast majority of Americans still cherish and want to continue,

575
00:39:20,199 --> 00:39:23,519
Speaker 1: But sometimes I have my doubts. Thanks to my guest today,

576
00:39:24,599 --> 00:39:28,199
Speaker 1: and thank you so much again Dean, for taking time

577
00:39:29,639 --> 00:39:34,920
Speaker 1: and really focusing on the overall impacts of these decisions

578
00:39:35,199 --> 00:39:39,960
Speaker 1: what they ultimately mean. My guest today, Dean Ball, research

579
00:39:40,039 --> 00:39:44,039
Speaker 1: fellow with the Mercada Center, on the Supreme Court's Net

580
00:39:44,159 --> 00:39:45,480
Speaker 1: choice ruling.

581
00:39:46,599 --> 00:39:47,639
Speaker 2: Thanks so much for having me.

582
00:39:48,119 --> 00:39:51,880
Speaker 1: Absolutely you've been listening to another edition of The Federalist

583
00:39:51,960 --> 00:39:55,400
Speaker 1: Radio Hour. I'm Matt Kittle, Senior correspondent at the Federalist.

584
00:39:55,800 --> 00:39:59,400
Speaker 1: We'll be back soon with more. Until then, stay lovers

585
00:39:59,440 --> 00:40:01,920
Speaker 1: of freedom and anxious for the frame.

586
00:40:09,119 --> 00:40:14,760
Speaker 2: I heard the fame voice the Reason, and then it

587
00:40:14,920 --> 00:40:15,880
Speaker 2: faded away.

