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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to Western Sieve Episode five and eighteen.

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<v Speaker 1>The Age of Jackson. The Age of Andrew Jackson was

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<v Speaker 1>an Arab that was allowed to be honest with you.

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<v Speaker 1>There was argument, there was motion. It was a time

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<v Speaker 1>when American politics finally burst beyond the marbleholes of elites

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<v Speaker 1>and spilled into American taverns, newspapers, parades, and polling places.

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<v Speaker 1>It was messy, democratic, and often brutal, an age defined

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<v Speaker 1>as much by expansion and participation as it was by

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<v Speaker 1>exclusion and violence. And to understand it we have to

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<v Speaker 1>first start not in water Ishington, but on the frontier,

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<v Speaker 1>where our central figure first makes his name. When Andrew

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<v Speaker 1>Jackson emerged as a national figure after the War of

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen twelve, he did so not as a polished statesman,

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<v Speaker 1>but as a soldier. His victory at the Battle of

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<v Speaker 1>New Orleans in January five eighteen transformed him into a

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<v Speaker 1>symbol of American toughness and defiance. Of course, the war

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<v Speaker 1>itself had ended inconclusively in a draw or an American loss,

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<v Speaker 1>depending how you want to see it, but Jackson's triumph,

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<v Speaker 1>fought after the peace treaty had technically been signed, felt

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<v Speaker 1>decisive in the public. He became Old Hickory, a man

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<v Speaker 1>of iron will forged in the frontier hardship Now. Jackson's

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<v Speaker 1>appeal lay in part in his story. Born in poverty

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<v Speaker 1>on the Carolina Frontier, orphaned young, scarred physically and emotionally

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<v Speaker 1>by violence, He embodied a narrative many white Americans found irresistible,

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<v Speaker 1>the self made man who had fought his way upward.

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<v Speaker 1>In an age when property requirements for voting were falling away,

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<v Speaker 1>more white men than ever could participate in politics, and

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<v Speaker 1>many saw Jackson as one of their own. The election

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<v Speaker 1>of eighteen twenty eight marked a turning point in American

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<v Speaker 1>political life. Campaigning was now raucous and personal. Newspapers aligned

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<v Speaker 1>openly with parties. Mass rallies, slogans, and symbolic imagery replaced

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<v Speaker 1>deferential silence. Jackson's supporters painted him as a champion of

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<v Speaker 1>the people, while his opponents decried him as dangerous, impulsive,

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<v Speaker 1>and maybe even tyrannical. This was the essence of Jackson

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<v Speaker 1>in democracy, the belief that political power should rest with

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<v Speaker 1>the majority of ordinary white men, not with entrenched elites.

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<v Speaker 1>Jackson distrust institutions that he believed insulated power from popular control.

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<v Speaker 1>He celebrated rotation in office what critics called the spoils system,

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<v Speaker 1>arguing that government jobs should circulate among citizens rather than

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<v Speaker 1>to simply crystallize into a permanent ruling class. But this democracy,

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<v Speaker 1>of course, had major boundaries, and they were sharp and

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<v Speaker 1>well delineated. Women, Native Americans and African Americans free or enslaved,

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<v Speaker 1>were entirely excluded. Jacksonian democracy expanded participation for some by

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<v Speaker 1>hardening exclusion for others. No conflict better reveals Jackson's governing

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<v Speaker 1>style than his war against the Second Bank of the

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<v Speaker 1>United States. The Bank War was not a single battle,

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<v Speaker 1>but it was a long, grinding political campaign, one fought

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<v Speaker 1>with vetos and speeches, pamphlets and cartoons, bank deposits, and

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<v Speaker 1>critically banked withdrawals. It was a struggle over money and power,

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<v Speaker 1>over who controlled the nation's economy and therefore truly spoke

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<v Speaker 1>for quote unquote the people. At its center stood Andrew Jackson,

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<v Speaker 1>wielding the presidency like a weapon, and across him the

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<v Speaker 1>most powerful financial institution in the United States. Now, by

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<v Speaker 1>the eighteen twenties, the Second Bank of the United States

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<v Speaker 1>stood at the very heart of America's economy. It had

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<v Speaker 1>been chartered by Congress in eighteen sixteen, and it regulated

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<v Speaker 1>the nation's currency, restrained what it saw as reckless banks,

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<v Speaker 1>and provided stability in a rapidly expanding economy. To many merchants, creditors,

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<v Speaker 1>and politicians, the Second Bank of the United States was

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<v Speaker 1>considered indispensable. But to Andrew Jackson, the bank was dangerous.

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<v Speaker 1>He saw it as a symbol of entrenched privilege, a

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<v Speaker 1>private corporation backed by government power, dominated by wealthy shareholders,

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<v Speaker 1>some of them foreign. Jackson's suspicion ran deep and per arsenal.

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<v Speaker 1>Early in life he had been ruined by debt and

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<v Speaker 1>speculative finance, and he never forgot about it. To him,

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<v Speaker 1>paper money, banks and credit just kind of smelled of

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<v Speaker 1>corruption and manipulation. Jackson believed that the bank did not

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<v Speaker 1>merely influence politics, it was actually distorting democracy itself. Now

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<v Speaker 1>I want to back up for just a quick second here,

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<v Speaker 1>because it had been disputed, really since the days of

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<v Speaker 1>Alexander Hamilton's fights with Thomas Jefferson over whether or not

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<v Speaker 1>Congress had the authority under the Constitution to actually create

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<v Speaker 1>a Bank of the United States, and America is going

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<v Speaker 1>to go through these throws over and over and over

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<v Speaker 1>again until we arrived at the Federal Reserve, which is

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<v Speaker 1>actually in twenty twenty six currently actually again under attack

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<v Speaker 1>by a different populist president. So the more things change,

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<v Speaker 1>sometimes the more things stay the same. Now, well, the

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<v Speaker 1>Constitution doesn't expressly say that Congress has the power to

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<v Speaker 1>create a bank. It does have the power to regulate

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<v Speaker 1>interstate commerce, and so the question becomes, does Congress have

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<v Speaker 1>an implied power to create the bank? Doesn't say it expressly,

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<v Speaker 1>but in order to regulate commerce, can you create something

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<v Speaker 1>that allows you to do so? Let me give you

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<v Speaker 1>an example of an implied power. Now, certainly Congress has

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<v Speaker 1>the ability to declare war and to regulate a standing army,

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<v Speaker 1>but doesn't technically say anywhere in the Constitution that you

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<v Speaker 1>can create uniforms for your army. Now our uniforms necessary

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<v Speaker 1>for an army. Some would argue yes, someone I suppose,

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<v Speaker 1>argue no. And that's the question of can you do

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<v Speaker 1>something which is implied under the constitution or can you

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<v Speaker 1>only do things which are expressly stated. It's a debate

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<v Speaker 1>that we've had since the beginning of this country, and

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<v Speaker 1>we still have it today. But let's get back to

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<v Speaker 1>the Second Bank of the United States. The bank's president,

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<v Speaker 1>Nicholas Biddle, was everything Jackson was not. He was refined, aristocratic,

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<v Speaker 1>and intellectually brilliant, which Jackson wasn't. Biddell believed sincerely that

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<v Speaker 1>the bank was essential to national prosperity. He viewed himself

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<v Speaker 1>not as a political operator, but as a steward of

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<v Speaker 1>economic order and growth. Yet Biddle underestimated Jackson and misunderstood

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<v Speaker 1>the mood of the country. The very sophistication that reassured

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<v Speaker 1>elites alarmed many ordinary Americans. Biddle's confidence in the bank's

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<v Speaker 1>necessity came across as arrogance in a democracy increasingly suspicious

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<v Speaker 1>of concentrated power. This was a fatal miscalculation. Now, by law,

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<v Speaker 1>the Bank's charter would expire in eighteen thirty six, but

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<v Speaker 1>in eighteen thirty two, four years earlier, bank supporters pushed

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<v Speaker 1>a bill through Congress to renew it. The move was political.

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<v Speaker 1>Jackson was up for reelection, and his opponents believed he

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<v Speaker 1>would not dare to vet up such a popular institution

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<v Speaker 1>in an election year. They were wrong. When the bill

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<v Speaker 1>reached his desk, Jackson seized the moment. His veto message

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<v Speaker 1>was not a technical legal document. It was a manifesto.

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<v Speaker 1>Not only did he veto the bill, but he denounced

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<v Speaker 1>the bank as unconstitutional, monopolistic, and hostile to liberty. He

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<v Speaker 1>declared that government should not grant special privileges to the

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<v Speaker 1>wealthy few at the expense of the many. And Jackson

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<v Speaker 1>did something radical. He appealed directly to the voters over

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<v Speaker 1>the heads of Congress, and so the veto transformed the

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<v Speaker 1>election of eighteen thirty two into a referendum on the

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<v Speaker 1>second Bank of the United States. Jackson's opponent, Henry Clay,

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<v Speaker 1>championed the institution as a pillar of national stability. Jackson

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<v Speaker 1>cast himself as the defender of democracy against a corrupt

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<v Speaker 1>financial elite. Ultimately, the public sided with Jackson decisively. His

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<v Speaker 1>victory at the polls in eighteen thirty two was as

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<v Speaker 1>overwhelming as it had been in eighteen twenty eight. To Jackson,

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<v Speaker 1>it was proof that the people had spoken, and they

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<v Speaker 1>had spoken against the bank, and so now he meant

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<v Speaker 1>not just to veto the renewing of it, but to

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<v Speaker 1>destroy it completely. In fact, Jackson did not wait for

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<v Speaker 1>the charter to expire. In eighteen thirty three, he ordered

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<v Speaker 1>federal deposits withdrawn from the bank and placed them in

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<v Speaker 1>selected state banks. His critics derisively call them pet banks.

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<v Speaker 1>When his Treasury secretary refused, Jackson fired him. When the

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<v Speaker 1>next secretary hesitated, Jackson fired him too. Only when he

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<v Speaker 1>found someone willing to do what he wanted did the

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<v Speaker 1>plan proceed. This was executive power exercise to its absolute limit.

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<v Speaker 1>Congress protested, The Senate censured Jackson, the first time in

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<v Speaker 1>US history. Jackson was defiant. He bel leave the president

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<v Speaker 1>was the direct representative of the people and that the

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<v Speaker 1>popular will outweighed institutional resistance. Now, Biddle fought back the

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<v Speaker 1>only way that he knew how, with money. He tightened credit.

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<v Speaker 1>He called in loans, and he triggered a financial contraction

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<v Speaker 1>that meant to prove the bank's necessity. Business has failed.

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<v Speaker 1>Unemployment rose, but the strategy backfired. Instead of blaming Jackson,

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<v Speaker 1>most Americans blamed the bank. By eighteen thirty six, the

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<v Speaker 1>Second Bank of the United States was finished. Its federal

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<v Speaker 1>charter expired, and it limped on briefly as a state

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<v Speaker 1>bank before collapsing entirely. Indeed, Jackson had won the bank war,

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<v Speaker 1>but his victory came at a cost. Without a central bank,

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<v Speaker 1>to regulate credit. Speculation literally exploded. State banks issued paper

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<v Speaker 1>money freely, fueling land bubbles and reckless investment. Just after

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<v Speaker 1>Jackson left office, the economy crashed into the Panic of

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen thirty seven, a devastating depression that will haunt his successors. Now.

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<v Speaker 1>Jackson never accepted responsibility for any of this. He believed

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<v Speaker 1>the bank's destruction was necessary and just, even if it

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<v Speaker 1>had been temporarily painful, and the bank wiar permanently changed

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<v Speaker 1>American politics. It strengthened the presidency, heart and political divisions,

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<v Speaker 1>and embedded a deep suspicion of centralized financial power into

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<v Speaker 1>American political culture that persists today. It also raised enduring

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<v Speaker 1>questions can democracy safely restrain economic elites, or does at

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<v Speaker 1>risk destroying the very institutions that sustained prosperity. In Jackson's mind,

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<v Speaker 1>the answer had been clear. The bank was a threat

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<v Speaker 1>to liberty, and liberty however imperfect was worth the risk.

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<v Speaker 1>But the question of federal authority and the States didn't

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<v Speaker 1>come to a head in the bank warp. It came

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<v Speaker 1>to a head in the Nullification crisis of eighteen thirty two.

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<v Speaker 1>The nullification crisis of eighteen thirty two to eighteen thirty

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<v Speaker 1>three was the moment when the American Union came perilously

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<v Speaker 1>close to fracturing, this time not over slavery directly, but

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<v Speaker 1>over a deeper, and I guess much more difficult question.

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<v Speaker 1>Who held ultimate authority in the republic. Was the United

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<v Speaker 1>States a nation of people bound together by a supreme

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<v Speaker 1>federal government, or was it a compact of sovereign states

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<v Speaker 1>free to reject federal law at will. In this confrontation,

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<v Speaker 1>rhetoric hardened into defiance, and political theory threatened to become

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<v Speaker 1>civil war. The roots of the crisis lay in economics.

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<v Speaker 1>In the early nineteenth century, Congress passed a series of

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<v Speaker 1>protective tariffs designed to shield American manufacturers from foreign competition.

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<v Speaker 1>These tariffs benefited northern industry, but they enraged Southern planters,

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<v Speaker 1>who relied on imported goods and the export of cotton

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<v Speaker 1>to them. Tariffs raised prices at home and invited retaliation abroad.

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<v Speaker 1>The Tariff of eighteen twenty eight, denounced in the South

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<v Speaker 1>as the Tariff of Abominations, became a symbol of federal injustice.

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<v Speaker 1>No state felt the grievance more acutely than South Carolina.

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<v Speaker 1>Where economic distress fused with a long tradition of suspicion

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<v Speaker 1>towards centralized authority. The intellectual architect of the resistance was

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<v Speaker 1>John C. Calhoun, ironically then serving as Vice President of

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<v Speaker 1>the United States. Calhoun anonymously authored the South Carolina Exposition

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<v Speaker 1>and Protest, arguing that the Constitution was, in its end,

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<v Speaker 1>a compact or agreement among sovereign states. If the federal

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<v Speaker 1>government exceeded its delegated powers, a state had the right

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<v Speaker 1>declare a federal law null and void within its boundaries.

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<v Speaker 1>Now this was, of course, not just simple theory. It

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<v Speaker 1>was revolution and this revolutionary doctrine challenged the supremacy of

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<v Speaker 1>federal law and hinted at the idea that a state

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<v Speaker 1>could secede from the Union if it didn't like what

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<v Speaker 1>it was getting. Calhoun believed nullification was a constitutional safeguard,

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<v Speaker 1>a peaceful mechanism to protect minority interests. Critics saw it

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<v Speaker 1>as legalized rebellion. In eighteen thirty two, Congress slightly reduced

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<v Speaker 1>the tariff rates, but not enough to satisfy South Carolina.

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<v Speaker 1>That November, a specially elected state convention adopted an ordinance

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<v Speaker 1>of nullification, declaring the tariffs of eighteen twenty eight and

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen thirty two unconstitutional and unenforceable within the state. After

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<v Speaker 1>February first, eighteen thirty three, South Carolina then began preparations

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<v Speaker 1>to resist federal enforcement by fois if it was necessary.

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<v Speaker 1>State militias were drilled and unionists were intimidated. This language

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<v Speaker 1>of sovereignty now quickly replaced the language of compromise. The

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<v Speaker 1>crisis was no longer theoretical, it was real and imminent.

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<v Speaker 1>This was looking very much like a dress rehearsal for

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<v Speaker 1>civil war. And now, of course, many assumed President Andrew Jackson,

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<v Speaker 1>who was both a Southerner and a slaveholder, was sympathized

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<v Speaker 1>with South Carolina. But they were wrong, and they misunderstood Jackson. Honestly,

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<v Speaker 1>Jackson despised the concept of nullification. To him, it was

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<v Speaker 1>treason masquerading as a constitutional principle. In December of eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>thirty two, Jackson issued his Proclamation to the People of

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<v Speaker 1>South Carolina, a thunderous defense of the Union. He rejected

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<v Speaker 1>the compact theory outright and insisted that the Constitution derived

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<v Speaker 1>its authority from the people and not from the states. Secession,

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<v Speaker 1>he warned, was incompatible with liberty and would be met

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<v Speaker 1>with military force. Privately, Jackson was even more blunt. He

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<v Speaker 1>reportedly toasted with John C. Calhoun in the room, our

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<v Speaker 1>federal union must be preserved. Jackson asked Congress for authority

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<v Speaker 1>to enforce federal law. The resulting Force Bill empowered the

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<v Speaker 1>President to use military force to collect tariffs. It was

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<v Speaker 1>an unmistakable threat. Warships were sent out to Charleston Harbor,

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<v Speaker 1>and federal troops stood ready. The nation held its breath.

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<v Speaker 1>For the first time since ratification, a state openly denied

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<v Speaker 1>federal authority under threat of arms. The crisis quickly exposed

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<v Speaker 1>how fragile the Union truly was, and how easily constitutional

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<v Speaker 1>disagreement could become armed conflict. Salvation ultimately came through compromise.

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<v Speaker 1>Henry Clay, the great broker of legislative peace, as he

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<v Speaker 1>will be throughout the years, proposed a gradual reduction of

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<v Speaker 1>tariff rates over ten years. The Compromised Tariff of eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>thirty three gave South Carolina a face saving exit while

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<v Speaker 1>preserving federal authority. South Carolina then repealed its ordinance of nullification,

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<v Speaker 1>but in a final symbolic act of defiance, it nullified

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<v Speaker 1>the Force Bill. The immediate crisis was over, that's true,

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<v Speaker 1>but the constitutional questions definitely remained unresolved. The nullification crisis

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<v Speaker 1>also set a few dangerous precedents. It affirmed federal supremacy

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<v Speaker 1>in practice, but it also legitimized the language of state resistance.

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<v Speaker 1>The doctrine of nullification had failed, but the idea that

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<v Speaker 1>a state might interpose itself against federal authority did not disappear.

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<v Speaker 1>For Jackson, the crisis was a victory for the Union

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<v Speaker 1>and the presidency. He had demonstrated that popular democracy did

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<v Speaker 1>not require a weak federal government. For Calhoun, it was

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<v Speaker 1>a warning Southern interests could not rely on national majorities

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<v Speaker 1>for protection. His focus would soon turn toward more directly

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<v Speaker 1>defending slavery. The crisis of eighteen thirty two to eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>thirty three did not break the Union, but it revealed

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<v Speaker 1>the fault lines that would three decades later tear it apart. Yet,

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<v Speaker 1>what Jackson remains most famous, or I guess infamous for

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<v Speaker 1>today in American history isn't the nullification crisis, and it's

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<v Speaker 1>not the Bank War. It is Indian removal. The story

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<v Speaker 1>of Indian removal during the Jackson era is one of

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<v Speaker 1>law cloaked in the language of progress of democracy, as

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<v Speaker 1>we discussed at the beginning of this episode, advance for some,

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<v Speaker 1>in this case unpropertied white men, while catastrophe unfolded for

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<v Speaker 1>others ie just about everyone else. It is a story

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<v Speaker 1>not of actually sudden violence, as it not been portrayed,

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<v Speaker 1>but of relentless pressure, both political, military, and legal, that

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<v Speaker 1>culminated one of the most devastating force migrations in American history,

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<v Speaker 1>the Trail of Tears. By the eighteen twenties, the United

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<v Speaker 1>States was a land constantly obsessed with territory. Cotton cultivation

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<v Speaker 1>was spreading rapidly across the Deep South, driven by the

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<v Speaker 1>invention of the cotton gin and by sustained by enslaved labor.

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<v Speaker 1>White settlers poorered westward, and state governments, especially in Georgia, Alabama,

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<v Speaker 1>and Mississippi, looked hungrily at native lands that stood in

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<v Speaker 1>the way of expansion. Five native nations in the Southeast,

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<v Speaker 1>the Cherokee, Creek, Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Seminole, occupied millions of acres.

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<v Speaker 1>These were not nomadic societies. By an he stretched the imagination.

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<v Speaker 1>They farmed, traded, published their own newspapers, adopted written constitutions,

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<v Speaker 1>and in some cases owned enslaved people themselves. But to

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<v Speaker 1>the white Americans, this only sharpened the resentment civilization. They

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<v Speaker 1>believed had not erased Native claims to the land, it

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<v Speaker 1>had simply made them competitors. And into this moment stepped

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<v Speaker 1>Andrew Jackson, the man who, of course, entire career, as

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<v Speaker 1>I mentioned at the very beginning of this episode, had

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<v Speaker 1>been forged on the frontier. That was his identity. Jackson

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<v Speaker 1>had fought Native nations as a general and governed former

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<v Speaker 1>Native lands as a territorial administrator. He didn't see Indian

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<v Speaker 1>removal as cruelty. He saw it as an inevitability. To him,

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<v Speaker 1>Native peoples could not coexist alongside American expansion, one side

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<v Speaker 1>he believed had to give way. In eighteen thirty, Jackson

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<v Speaker 1>pushed through Congress the Indian Removal Act. The law authorized

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<v Speaker 1>the federal government to negotiate treaties exchanging Native lands east

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<v Speaker 1>of the Mississippi River for territory in the west what

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<v Speaker 1>would later become the state of Oklahoma. Supporters framed removal

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<v Speaker 1>as humane. They spoke of protecting Native nations from extinction

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<v Speaker 1>by relocating them beyond the reach of settlers. Jackson himself

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<v Speaker 1>claimed that removal would be voluntary and beneficial. Of course,

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<v Speaker 1>in reality it was neither. The vote in Congress was close,

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<v Speaker 1>actually revealing the deep unease on the issue over at

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<v Speaker 1>the time, but once passed, the machinery of removal began

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<v Speaker 1>to grind forward with terrifying momentum. Nowhere was the conflict

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<v Speaker 1>more visible than in Georgia, where gold had been discovered

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<v Speaker 1>on Cherokee land. The state moved aggressively, extending its laws

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<v Speaker 1>over Cherochoe territory, dissolving the tribal government and seizing land.

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<v Speaker 1>The Cherokee fought back, not with weapons this time, but

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<v Speaker 1>with the law. They appealed to the Supreme Court, asserting

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<v Speaker 1>their sovereignty. In Worcester versus Georgia in eighteen thirty two,

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court of the United States ruled that Georgia's

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<v Speaker 1>actions were unconstitutional and affirmed that Native nations were distinct

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<v Speaker 1>political communities. That decision should have protected the Cherokee, but

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<v Speaker 1>it did not. Jackson refused to enforce the ruling, whether

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<v Speaker 1>or not he actually uttered the infamous line that is

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<v Speaker 1>now attributed to him. Quote John Marshall has made his decision.

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<v Speaker 1>Now let him enforce it. End quote. His actions spoke clearly.

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<v Speaker 1>Federal power would not be used to defend Native sovereignty. Instead,

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<v Speaker 1>it would be used to dismantle it. Federal agents pressed

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<v Speaker 1>Native leaders designed removal treaties, often negotiating with small factions

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<v Speaker 1>rather than legitimate governments. Promises of compensation and protection were

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<v Speaker 1>made and then routinely broken. Some Native nations did ultimately

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<v Speaker 1>resist militarily. The Seminole fought a brutal guerrilla war in Florida.

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<v Speaker 1>Others tried to negotiate survival. The Cherokee split bitterly as

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<v Speaker 1>a small group signed the Treaty of a Chodah in

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen thirty five, agreeing to removal without authorization from the

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<v Speaker 1>tribal government, and then that treaty ultimately became the legal

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<v Speaker 1>pretext for expulsion. In eighteen thirty eight, after Jackson had

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<v Speaker 1>now left office, but under the authority of the policies

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<v Speaker 1>he had put in motion, US troops rounded up Cherokee

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<v Speaker 1>families at gunpoint. Homes were looted, fields were abandoned. Thousands

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<v Speaker 1>were quickly herded into stockades. The forced march West began

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<v Speaker 1>in freezing conditions. Disease spread, food was scarce. The officials

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<v Speaker 1>who were supposed to be managing the march were woefully corrupt.

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<v Speaker 1>Children and elders died among the roads, in camps, and

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<v Speaker 1>in shallow graves. By the time the journey was over,

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<v Speaker 1>roughly one quarter of the Cherokee population, about four thousand people,

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<v Speaker 1>were all dead. Similar tragedies unfolded for other nations. Collectively,

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<v Speaker 1>these removals became known as the Trail of Tears, a

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<v Speaker 1>phrase that captures only a fraction of the suffering that

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<v Speaker 1>was endured. This was not an unintended consequence of the policy.

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<v Speaker 1>It was, frankly a predictable outcome. Now. Jackson, throughout his life,

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<v Speaker 1>never wavered in his defense of Indian removal. He believed

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<v Speaker 1>he acted in the nation's interest and even in the

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<v Speaker 1>interest of the Native peoples themselves. History has rendered a

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<v Speaker 1>harsher verdict. Indian removal was, to many, state sponsored ethnic cleansing,

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<v Speaker 1>carried out through law, coercion, and ultimately force. It expanded

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<v Speaker 1>American democracy and economic opportunity unity for white settlers, while

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<v Speaker 1>annihilating Native sovereignty and communities across the Southeast. The Jackson

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<v Speaker 1>era celebrated the will of the people, but Indian removal

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<v Speaker 1>forces us to ask which people and at what cost.

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<v Speaker 1>The Trail of Tears stands as one of the clearest

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<v Speaker 1>reminders that American expansion was not only a story of

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<v Speaker 1>opportunity and growth. It was also a story of dispossession, suffering,

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<v Speaker 1>and lives erased, all in the name of progress. We're

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<v Speaker 1>going to see a very similar phenomenon in the imperialistic

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<v Speaker 1>era in Europe. By the time Jackson left office in

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen thirty seven, the United States was transformed. Politics was louder,

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<v Speaker 1>it was much more participatory, and it was much more partisan.

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<v Speaker 1>The presidency was stronger, it was more personal, and it

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<v Speaker 1>was more powerful. Ordinary white men now felt a new

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<v Speaker 1>sense of ownership over the republic. But the costs had

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<v Speaker 1>been immense. Democracy had been expanded unevenly. Economic instability followed

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<v Speaker 1>the destruction of the bank. Native nations were shattered, enslaved

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<v Speaker 1>people remained bound in chains, even as the language of

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<v Speaker 1>liberty echoed more and more loudly. The age of Andrew Jackson,

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<v Speaker 1>of course, was not simply the story of one man.

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<v Speaker 1>It was the story of a nation wrestling with who

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<v Speaker 1>counted as the people, How power would be wielded and

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<v Speaker 1>what democracy was willing to sacrifice in its own name.

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<v Speaker 1>It left a legacy that still shapes American politics today,

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<v Speaker 1>populist energy, executive assertiveness, and a democracy forever struggling with

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<v Speaker 1>the limits of its promises. Now next week we're actually

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<v Speaker 1>going to go back across the pond to Europe and

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<v Speaker 1>catch up with affairs there as the eighteen thirties to

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen forties become a raucous affair, indeed own the world.
