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<v Speaker 1>Chapter twelve of Considerations on Representative Government. This LibriVox recording

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<v Speaker 1>is in the public domain. Considerations on Representative Government by

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<v Speaker 1>John Stuart Mill, Chapter twelve ought pledges to be required

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<v Speaker 1>from members of Parliament. Should a member of the legislature

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<v Speaker 1>be bound by the instructions of his constituents. Should he

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<v Speaker 1>be the organ of their sentiments or of his own,

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<v Speaker 1>their ambassador to a Congress, or their professional agent, empowered

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<v Speaker 1>not only to act for them, but to judge for

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<v Speaker 1>them what ought to be done. These two theories of

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<v Speaker 1>the duty of a legislator in a representative government have

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<v Speaker 1>each its supporters, and each is the recognized doctrine of

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<v Speaker 1>some representative governments. In the Dutch United Provinces, the members

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<v Speaker 1>of the States General were mere delegates, and to such

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<v Speaker 1>a length was the doctrine carried that when any important

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<v Speaker 1>question arose which had not been provided for in their instruction,

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<v Speaker 1>they had to refer back to their constituents, exactly as

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<v Speaker 1>an ambassador does to the government from which he is accredited.

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<v Speaker 1>In this and most other countries which possess representative constitutions,

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<v Speaker 1>law and custom warrant a member of parliament in voting

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<v Speaker 1>according to his opinion of right, however, different from that

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<v Speaker 1>of his constituents. But there is a floating notion of

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<v Speaker 1>the opposite kind, which has considerable practical operation on many minds,

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<v Speaker 1>even of members of Parliament, and often makes them, independently

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<v Speaker 1>of desire for popularity or concern for their re election,

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<v Speaker 1>feel bound in conscience to let their conduct on questions

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<v Speaker 1>on which their constituents have a decided opinion be the

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<v Speaker 1>expression of that opinion, rather than of their own. Abstractedly

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<v Speaker 1>from positive law and from the historical traditions of any

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<v Speaker 1>particular people, which of these notions of the duty of

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<v Speaker 1>a representative is the true one? Unlike the questions which

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<v Speaker 1>we have hitherto treated. This is not a question of

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<v Speaker 1>constitutional legislation, but of what may more properly be called

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<v Speaker 1>constitutional morality, the ethics of representative government. It does not

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<v Speaker 1>so much concern institutions as the temper of mind which

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<v Speaker 1>the electors ought to bring to the discharge of their functions,

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<v Speaker 1>the ideas which should prevail as to the moral duties

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<v Speaker 1>of an elector. For let the system of representation be

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<v Speaker 1>what it may, it will be converted into one of

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<v Speaker 1>mere delegation. If the electors so choose. As long as

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<v Speaker 1>they are free not to vote, and free to vote

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<v Speaker 1>as they like, they cannot be prevented from making their

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<v Speaker 1>vote depend on any condition they think fit to annex

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<v Speaker 1>to it, by refusing to elect any one who will

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<v Speaker 1>not pledge himself to all their opinions, and even if

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<v Speaker 1>they please to consult with them before voting on any

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<v Speaker 1>important subject, not foreseen, they can reduce their representative to

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<v Speaker 1>their mere mouthpiece, or to compel him in honor, when

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<v Speaker 1>no longer willing to act in that capacity, to resign

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<v Speaker 1>his seat. And since they have the power of doing this,

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<v Speaker 1>the theory of the constitution ought to suppose that they

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<v Speaker 1>will wish to do it, since the very principle of

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<v Speaker 1>constitutional government requires it to be assumed that political power

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<v Speaker 1>will be abused to promote the particular purposes of the holder,

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<v Speaker 1>not because it always is so, but because such is

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<v Speaker 1>the natural tendency of things to guard against, which is

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<v Speaker 1>the especial use of free institutions. However wrong therefore, or

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<v Speaker 1>however foolish, we may think it in the electors to

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<v Speaker 1>convert their representative into a delegate, that stretch of the

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<v Speaker 1>electoral privilege being a natural and not an improbable one,

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<v Speaker 1>the same precautions ought to be taken as if it

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<v Speaker 1>were certain. We may hope that the electors will not

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<v Speaker 1>act on this notion of the use of the suffrage.

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<v Speaker 1>But a representative government needs to be so framed that

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<v Speaker 1>even if they do, they shall not be able to

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<v Speaker 1>effect what ought not to be in the power of

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<v Speaker 1>any body of persons class legislation for their own benefit.

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<v Speaker 1>When it is said that the question is only one

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<v Speaker 1>of political morality, this does not extenuate its importance. Questions

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<v Speaker 1>of constitutional morality are of no less practical moment than

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<v Speaker 1>those relating to the Constitution itself. The very existence of

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<v Speaker 1>some governments and all that renders others endurable, rests on

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<v Speaker 1>the practical observance of doctrines of constitutional morality, traditional notions

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<v Speaker 1>in the minds of the several constituted authorities, which modify

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<v Speaker 1>the use that might otherwise be made of their powers.

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<v Speaker 1>In unbalanced governments pure monarchy, pure aristocracy, pure democracy, such

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<v Speaker 1>maxims are the only barrier which restrains the government from

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<v Speaker 1>the utmost excesses in the direction of its characteristic tendency.

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<v Speaker 1>In imperfectly balanced governments, where tempt is made to set

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<v Speaker 1>constitutional limits to the impulses of the strongest power, but

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<v Speaker 1>where that power is strong enough to overstep them with

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<v Speaker 1>at least temporary impunity. It is only by doctrines of

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<v Speaker 1>constitutional morality recognized and sustained by opinion, that any regard

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<v Speaker 1>at all is preserved for the checks and limitations of

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<v Speaker 1>the Constitution. In well balanced governments in which the supreme

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<v Speaker 1>power is divided, and each sharer is protected against the

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<v Speaker 1>usurpations of the others in the only manner possible, namely

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<v Speaker 1>by being armed for defense with weapons as strong as

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<v Speaker 1>the others can wield for attack, the government can only

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<v Speaker 1>be carried on by forbearance on all sides to exercise

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<v Speaker 1>those extreme powers, unless provoked by conduct equally extreme on

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<v Speaker 1>the part of some other sharer of power. And in

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<v Speaker 1>this case we may truly say that only by the

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<v Speaker 1>regard paid to maxims of constitutional morality is the constant

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<v Speaker 1>institution kept in existence. The question of pledges is not

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<v Speaker 1>one of those which vitally concern the existence of representative governments,

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<v Speaker 1>but it is very material to their beneficial operation. The

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<v Speaker 1>laws cannot prescribe to the electors the principles by which

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<v Speaker 1>they shall direct their choice, but it makes a great

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<v Speaker 1>practical difference by what principles they think they ought to

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<v Speaker 1>direct it. And the whole of that great question is

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<v Speaker 1>involved in the inquiry whether they should make it a

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<v Speaker 1>condition that the representatives shall adhere to certain opinions laid

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<v Speaker 1>down for him by his constituents. No reader of this

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<v Speaker 1>treatise can doubt what conclusion as to this matter results

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<v Speaker 1>from the general principles which it professes. We have, from

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<v Speaker 1>the first affirmed and unvaryingly kept in view the coequal

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<v Speaker 1>importance of two great requisites of government, responsibility to those

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<v Speaker 1>for whose benefit political power ought to be and always

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<v Speaker 1>professes to be, and lloyd and jointly, therewith to obtain,

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<v Speaker 1>in the greatest measure possible for the function of government,

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<v Speaker 1>the benefits of superior intellect, trained by long meditation and

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<v Speaker 1>practical discipline, to that special task. If this second purpose

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<v Speaker 1>is worth attaining, it is worth the necessary price. Superior

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<v Speaker 1>powers of mind and profound study are of no use

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<v Speaker 1>if they do not sometimes lead a person to different

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<v Speaker 1>conclusions from those which are formed by ordinary powers of

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<v Speaker 1>mind without study. And if it be an object to

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<v Speaker 1>possess representatives in any intellectual respects superior to average electors.

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<v Speaker 1>It must be counted upon that the representative will sometimes

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<v Speaker 1>differ in opinion from the majority of his constituents, and

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<v Speaker 1>that when he does, his opinion will be the oftenest

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<v Speaker 1>right of the two. It follows that the electors will

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<v Speaker 1>not do wisely if they insist on absolute conformity to

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<v Speaker 1>their opinions as the condition of his retaining his head seat.

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<v Speaker 1>The principle is thus far obvious, but there are real

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<v Speaker 1>difficulties in its application, and we will begin by stating

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<v Speaker 1>them in their greatest force. If it is important that

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<v Speaker 1>the electors should choose a representative more highly instructed than themselves,

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<v Speaker 1>it is no less necessary that this wiser man should

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<v Speaker 1>be responsible to them. In other words, they are the

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<v Speaker 1>judges of the manner in which he fulfills his trust.

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<v Speaker 1>And how are they to judge except by the standard

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<v Speaker 1>of their own opinions? How are they even to select

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<v Speaker 1>him in the first instance. But by the same standard

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<v Speaker 1>it will not do to choose by mere brilliancy, by

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<v Speaker 1>superiority of showy talent. The tests by which an ordinary

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<v Speaker 1>man can judge beforehand of mere ability are very imperfect.

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<v Speaker 1>Such as they are, they have almost exclusive reference to

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<v Speaker 1>the arts of expression, and little or none to the

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<v Speaker 1>worth of what is expressed. Latter cannot be inferred from

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<v Speaker 1>the former. And if the electors are to put their

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<v Speaker 1>own opinions in abeyance, what criterion remains to them of

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<v Speaker 1>the ability to govern well? Neither if they could ascertain,

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<v Speaker 1>even infallibly, the ablest man ought they to allow him

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<v Speaker 1>altogether to judge for them, without any reference to their

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<v Speaker 1>own opinions. The ablest candidate may be a Tory and

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<v Speaker 1>the electors liberals, or a Liberal, and they may be Tories.

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<v Speaker 1>The political questions of the day may be church questions,

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<v Speaker 1>and he may be a high churchman or a rationalist,

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<v Speaker 1>while they may be dissenters or evangelicals, and vice versa.

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<v Speaker 1>His abilities in these cases might only enable him to

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<v Speaker 1>go greater lengths and act with greater effect in what

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<v Speaker 1>they may conscientiously believe to be a wrong course. And

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<v Speaker 1>they may be bound by their sincere convictions to think

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<v Speaker 1>it more important that their representative should be kept on

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<v Speaker 1>the use points to what they deem the dictate of duty,

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<v Speaker 1>than that they should be represented by a person of

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<v Speaker 1>more than average abilities. They may also have to consider,

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<v Speaker 1>not solely how they can be most ably represented, but

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<v Speaker 1>how their particular moral position and mental point of view

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<v Speaker 1>shall be represented at all. The influence of every mode

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<v Speaker 1>of thinking which is shared by numbers ought to be

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<v Speaker 1>felt in the legislature, and the Constitution being supposed to

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<v Speaker 1>have made due provision that other and conflicting modes of

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<v Speaker 1>thinking shall be represented likewise, To secure the proper representation

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<v Speaker 1>for their own mode may be the most important matter

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<v Speaker 1>which the electors, on the particular occasion have to attend to.

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<v Speaker 1>In some cases, too, it may be necessary that the

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<v Speaker 1>representatives should have his hands tied to keep him true

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<v Speaker 1>to their interest, or rather to the public interest, as

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<v Speaker 1>they conceive it. This would not be needful under a

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<v Speaker 1>political system which assured them an indefinite choice of other

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<v Speaker 1>honest and unprejudiced candidates, but under the existing system, in

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<v Speaker 1>which the electors are almost always obliged by the expenses

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<v Speaker 1>of election and the general circumstances of society, to select

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<v Speaker 1>their representative from persons of a station in life widely

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<v Speaker 1>different from theirs and having a different class interest, who

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<v Speaker 1>will affirm that they ought to abandon themselves to his discretion.

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<v Speaker 1>Can we blame an elector of the poorer classes, who

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<v Speaker 1>has only the choice among two or three rich men

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<v Speaker 1>for requiring from the one he votes for a pledge

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<v Speaker 1>to those measures which he considers as a test of

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<v Speaker 1>emancipation from the class interests of the rich. It will,

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<v Speaker 1>moreover always happen to some members of the electoral body

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<v Speaker 1>to be obliged to accept the representatives selected by a

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<v Speaker 1>majority of their own side. But though a candidate of

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<v Speaker 1>their own choosing would have no chance, their votes may

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<v Speaker 1>be necessary to the success of the one chosen for them,

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<v Speaker 1>and their only means of exerting their share of influence

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<v Speaker 1>on his subsequent conduct may be to make their support

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<v Speaker 1>of him dependent on his pledging himself to certain conditions.

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<v Speaker 1>These considerations and counter considerations are so intimately interwoven with

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<v Speaker 1>one another. It is so important that the electors should

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<v Speaker 1>choose as their representatives wiser men than themselves, and should

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<v Speaker 1>consent to be governed according to that superior wisdom. While

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<v Speaker 1>it is impossible that conformity to their own opinions, when

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<v Speaker 1>they have opinions, should not enter largely into their judgment

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<v Speaker 1>as to who possesses the wisdom and how far its

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<v Speaker 1>presumed possessor has verified the presumption by his conduct, that

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<v Speaker 1>it seems quite impracticable to lay down for the elector

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<v Speaker 1>any positive rule of duty, and the result will depend

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<v Speaker 1>less on any exact prescription or authoritative doctrine of political

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<v Speaker 1>morality than on the general tone of mind of the

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<v Speaker 1>electoral body. In respect of the important requisite of deference

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<v Speaker 1>to mental superiority, individuals and peoples who are acutely sensible

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<v Speaker 1>of the value of superior wisdom are likely to recognize

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<v Speaker 1>it where it exists by other signs than thinking exactly

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<v Speaker 1>as they do, and even in spite of considerable differences

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<v Speaker 1>of opinion. And when they have recognized it, they will

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<v Speaker 1>be far too desirous to secure it at any admissible cost,

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<v Speaker 1>to be prone to impose their own opinion as a

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<v Speaker 1>law upon persons whom they look up to as wiser

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<v Speaker 1>than themselves. On the other hand, there is a character

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<v Speaker 1>of mind which does not look up to any one,

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<v Speaker 1>which thinks no other person's opinion much better than its own,

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<v Speaker 1>or nearly so good as that of a hundred or

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<v Speaker 1>a thousand persons like itself. Where this is the turn

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<v Speaker 1>of mind of the electors, they will elect no one

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<v Speaker 1>who is not or at least who does not profess

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<v Speaker 1>to be the image of their own sentiments, and will

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<v Speaker 1>continue him no longer than while he reflects those sentiments

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<v Speaker 1>in his conduct, And all aspirants to political honors will endeavor,

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<v Speaker 1>as Plato says in The Gorgeous, to fashion themselves after

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<v Speaker 1>the model of the demos, and make themselves as like

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<v Speaker 1>to it as possible. It cannot be denied that a

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<v Speaker 1>complete democracy has a strong tendency to cast the sentiments

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<v Speaker 1>of the electors in this mold. Democracy is not favorable

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<v Speaker 1>to the reverential spirit that it destroys. Reverence for a

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<v Speaker 1>mere social position must be counted among the good, not

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<v Speaker 1>the bad, part of its influences, though by doing this

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<v Speaker 1>it closes the principal school of reverence as to merely

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<v Speaker 1>human relations which exists in society. But also democracy, in

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<v Speaker 1>its very essence, insists so much more, forcibly, on the

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<v Speaker 1>things in which all are entitled to be considered equally

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<v Speaker 1>than on those in which one person is entitled to

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<v Speaker 1>more consideration than another, that respect for even personal superiority

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<v Speaker 1>is likely to be below the mark. It is for this,

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<v Speaker 1>among other reasons, I hold it of so much importance

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<v Speaker 1>that the institutions of the country should stamp the opinions

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<v Speaker 1>of persons of a more educated class as entitled to

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<v Speaker 1>greater weight than those of the less educated, And I

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<v Speaker 1>should still contend for assigning plurality of votes to authenticated

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<v Speaker 1>superiority of education, were it only to give the tone

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<v Speaker 1>to public feeling, irrespective of any direct political consequences. When

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<v Speaker 1>there does exist in the electoral body an adequate sense

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<v Speaker 1>of the extraordinary difference in value between one person and another,

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<v Speaker 1>they will not lack signs by which to distinguish the

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<v Speaker 1>persons whose worth, for their purposes is the greatest. Actual

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<v Speaker 1>public services will be naturally the foremost indication. To have

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<v Speaker 1>filled posts of magnitude and done important things in them

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<v Speaker 1>of which the wisdom has been justified by the results.

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<v Speaker 1>To have been the author of measures which appear from

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<v Speaker 1>their effects, to have been wisely planned, to have made

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<v Speaker 1>predictions which have been often verified by the event, seldom

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<v Speaker 1>or never falsified by it. To have given advice which,

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<v Speaker 1>when taken, has been followed by good consequences when neglected

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<v Speaker 1>by bad. There is doubtless a large portion of uncertainty

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<v Speaker 1>in these signs of wisdom, But we are seeking for

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<v Speaker 1>such as can be applied by persons of ordinary discernment.

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<v Speaker 1>They will do well not to rely much on any

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<v Speaker 1>one indication unless corroborated by the arrest, and in their

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<v Speaker 1>estimation of the success or merit of any practical effort,

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<v Speaker 1>to lay great stress on the general opinion of disinterested

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<v Speaker 1>persons conversant with the subject matter. The tests which I

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<v Speaker 1>have spoken of are only applicable to trained men, among

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<v Speaker 1>whom must be reckoned those who, though untried practically, have

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<v Speaker 1>been tried speculatively, who in public speech or in print,

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<v Speaker 1>have discussed public affairs in a manner which proves that

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<v Speaker 1>they have given serious study to them. Such persons may,

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<v Speaker 1>in the mere character of political thinkers, have exhibited a

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<v Speaker 1>considerable amount of the same titles to confidence as those

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<v Speaker 1>who have been proved in the position of practical statesmen.

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<v Speaker 1>When it is necessary to choose persons wholly untried, the

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<v Speaker 1>best criteria are reputation for ability among those who personally

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<v Speaker 1>know them, and the confidence placed and recommendations given by

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<v Speaker 1>persons already looked up to by tests like these, Constituencies

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<v Speaker 1>who sufficiently value mental ability and eagerly seek for it,

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<v Speaker 1>will generally succeed in obtaining men beyond mediocrity, and often

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<v Speaker 1>men whom they can trust to carry on public affairs

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<v Speaker 1>according to their unfettered judgment, to whom it would be

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<v Speaker 1>an affront to require that they should give up that

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<v Speaker 1>judgment at the behest of their inferiors in knowledge. If

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<v Speaker 1>such persons, honestly sought are not to be found, then

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<v Speaker 1>indeed the electors are justified in taking other precautions, or

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<v Speaker 1>they cannot be expected to postpone their particular opinions, unless

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<v Speaker 1>in order that they may be served by a person

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<v Speaker 1>of superior knowledge to their own. They would do well, indeed,

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<v Speaker 1>even then, to remember that, when once chosen, the representative,

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<v Speaker 1>if he devotes himself to his duty, has greater opportunities

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<v Speaker 1>of correcting an original false judgment than fall to the

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<v Speaker 1>lot of most of his constituents, a consideration which generally

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<v Speaker 1>ought to prevent them, unless compelled by necessity to choose

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<v Speaker 1>someone whose impartiality they do not fully trust, from exacting

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<v Speaker 1>a pledge not to change his opinion, or if he does,

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<v Speaker 1>to resign his seat. But one an unknown person not

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<v Speaker 1>certified in unmistakable terms by some high authority is elected

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<v Speaker 1>for the first time, the elector cannot be expected to

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<v Speaker 1>make conformity to his own sentiments the primary requisite. It

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<v Speaker 1>is enough if he does not regard a subsequent change

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<v Speaker 1>of those sentiments honestly avowed with its grounds. Undisguisedly stated

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<v Speaker 1>as a peremptory reason for withdrawing his confidence, even supposing

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<v Speaker 1>the most tried ability and acknowledged eminence of character and

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<v Speaker 1>the representative. The private opinions of the electors are not

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<v Speaker 1>to be placed entirely in abeyance. Deference to mental superiority

305
00:19:24.319 --> 00:19:28.279
<v Speaker 1>is not to go the length of self annihilation abnegation

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00:19:28.480 --> 00:19:31.880
<v Speaker 1>of any personal opinion. But when the difference does not

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00:19:31.960 --> 00:19:35.720
<v Speaker 1>relate to the fundamentals of politics, however decided the elector

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<v Speaker 1>may be in his own sentiments, he ought to consider

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<v Speaker 1>that when an able man differs from him, there is

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<v Speaker 1>at least a considerable chance of his being in the wrong,

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<v Speaker 1>and that, even if otherwise, it is worthwhile to give

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<v Speaker 1>up his opinion in things not absolutely essential, for the

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<v Speaker 1>sake of the inestimable advantage of having an able man

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<v Speaker 1>to act for him in the many matters in which

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<v Speaker 1>he himself is now qualified to form a judgment. In

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00:20:03.240 --> 00:20:07.240
<v Speaker 1>such cases, he often endeavors to reconcile both wishes by

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<v Speaker 1>inducing the able man to sacrifice his own opinion on

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00:20:10.640 --> 00:20:13.759
<v Speaker 1>the points of difference. But for the able man to

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<v Speaker 1>lend himself to this compromise his treason against his especial office,

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<v Speaker 1>abdication of the peculiar duties of mental supremacy, of which

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<v Speaker 1>it is one of the most sacred, not to desert

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<v Speaker 1>the cause which has the clamor against it, nor to

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<v Speaker 1>deprive of his services those of his opinions which need

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<v Speaker 1>them the most. A man of conscience and known ability

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<v Speaker 1>should insist on full freedom to act as he, in

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<v Speaker 1>his own judgment, deems best, and should not consent to

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<v Speaker 1>serve on any other terms. But the electors are entitled

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<v Speaker 1>to know how he means to act, What opinions on

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<v Speaker 1>all things which concern his public duty he intends should

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<v Speaker 1>guide his conduct. If some of these are unacceptable to them,

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<v Speaker 1>it is for him to satisfy them that he nevertheless

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<v Speaker 1>deserves to be their representative. And if they are wise,

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00:21:05.640 --> 00:21:09.279
<v Speaker 1>they will overlook in favor of his general value, many

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<v Speaker 1>and great differences between his opinions and their own. There

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<v Speaker 1>are some differences, however, which they cannot be expected to overlook.

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<v Speaker 1>Whoever feels the amount of interest in the government of

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<v Speaker 1>his country which befits. A free man has some convictions

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<v Speaker 1>on national affairs which are like his life blood, which

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<v Speaker 1>the strength of his belief in their truth, together with

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<v Speaker 1>the importance he attaches to them, forbid him to make

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<v Speaker 1>a subject of compromise or postpone to the judgment of

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<v Speaker 1>any person, however greatly his superior. Such convictions, when they

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<v Speaker 1>exist in a people, or in any appreciable portion of one,

344
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<v Speaker 1>are entitled to influence in virtue of their mere existence,

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<v Speaker 1>and not solely in that of the probability of their

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<v Speaker 1>being grounded in truth. A people cannot be well governed

347
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<v Speaker 1>in opposition to their prime of right, even though these

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00:22:02.319 --> 00:22:06.319
<v Speaker 1>may be in some points erroneous. A correct estimate of

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<v Speaker 1>the relation which should subsist between governors and governed does

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<v Speaker 1>not require the electors to consent to be represented by

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<v Speaker 1>one who intends to govern them in opposition to their

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<v Speaker 1>fundamental convictions. If they avail themselves of his capacities of

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<v Speaker 1>useful service in other respects at a time when the

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<v Speaker 1>points on which he is vitally at issue with them

355
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<v Speaker 1>are not likely to be mooted, they are justified in

356
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<v Speaker 1>dismissing him at the first moment when a question arises

357
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<v Speaker 1>involving these and on which there is not so assured

358
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<v Speaker 1>a majority for what they deem right as to make

359
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<v Speaker 1>the dissenting voice of that particular individual unimportant. Thus I

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<v Speaker 1>mention names to illustrate my meaning, not for any personal application.

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<v Speaker 1>The opinions supposed to be entertained by mister Cobden and

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<v Speaker 1>mister bright On resistance to foreign aggression might be overlooked

363
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<v Speaker 1>during the Crimean War, when there was an overwhelming national

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<v Speaker 1>feeling on the contrary side, and might yet very properly

365
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<v Speaker 1>lead to their rejection by the electors at the time

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<v Speaker 1>of the Chinese quarrel, though in itself a more doubtful question,

367
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<v Speaker 1>because it was then for some time a moot point,

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<v Speaker 1>whether their view of the case might not prevail as

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<v Speaker 1>the general result of what precedes, we may affirm that

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<v Speaker 1>actual pledges should not be required, unless from unfavorable social

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<v Speaker 1>circumstances or family institutions. The electors are so narrowed in

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<v Speaker 1>their choice as to be compelled to fix it on

373
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<v Speaker 1>a person presumptively under the influence of partialities hostile to

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<v Speaker 1>their interest, that they are entitled to a full knowledge

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<v Speaker 1>of the political opinions and sentiments of the candidate, and

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<v Speaker 1>not only entitled, but often bound to reject one who

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<v Speaker 1>differs from themselves on the few articles which are the

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<v Speaker 1>foundation of their political belief. That in proportion to the

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<v Speaker 1>opinion they entertain of the mental superiority of a candidate,

380
00:24:00.319 --> 00:24:02.559
<v Speaker 1>they ought to put up with his expressing and acting

381
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<v Speaker 1>on opinions different from theirs on any number of things

382
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<v Speaker 1>not included in their fundamental articles of belief. That they

383
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<v Speaker 1>ought to be unremitting in their search for a representative

384
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<v Speaker 1>of such caliber as to be entrusted with full power

385
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<v Speaker 1>of obeying the dictates of his own judgment, that they

386
00:24:19.160 --> 00:24:21.880
<v Speaker 1>should consider it a duty which they owe to their

387
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<v Speaker 1>fellow countrymen to do their utmost toward placing men of

388
00:24:25.319 --> 00:24:29.319
<v Speaker 1>this quality in the legislature, And that it is of

389
00:24:29.440 --> 00:24:33.400
<v Speaker 1>much greater importance to themselves to be represented by such

390
00:24:33.440 --> 00:24:36.519
<v Speaker 1>a man than by one who professes agreement in a

391
00:24:36.559 --> 00:24:39.359
<v Speaker 1>greater number of their opinions, For the benefits of his

392
00:24:39.480 --> 00:24:43.000
<v Speaker 1>ability are certain, while the hypothesis of his being wrong

393
00:24:43.319 --> 00:24:45.880
<v Speaker 1>and their being right on the points of difference is

394
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<v Speaker 1>a very doubtful one. I have discussed this question on

395
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<v Speaker 1>the assumption that the electoral system in all that depends

396
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<v Speaker 1>on positive institution, conforms to the principles laid down in

397
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<v Speaker 1>the preceding chapters. Even on this hypothet phthesis, the delegation

398
00:25:01.799 --> 00:25:05.680
<v Speaker 1>theory of representation seems to me false and its practical

399
00:25:05.720 --> 00:25:09.000
<v Speaker 1>operation hurtful, though the mischief would in that case be

400
00:25:09.039 --> 00:25:13.160
<v Speaker 1>confined within certain bounds. But if the securities by which

401
00:25:13.200 --> 00:25:16.880
<v Speaker 1>I have endeavored to guard the representative principle are not

402
00:25:16.960 --> 00:25:21.319
<v Speaker 1>recognized by the Constitution, if provision is not made for

403
00:25:21.400 --> 00:25:25.119
<v Speaker 1>the representation of minorities, nor any difference admitted in the

404
00:25:25.200 --> 00:25:29.240
<v Speaker 1>numerical value of votes according to some criterion of the

405
00:25:29.279 --> 00:25:33.079
<v Speaker 1>amount of education possessed by the voters. In that case,

406
00:25:33.559 --> 00:25:36.720
<v Speaker 1>no words can exaggerate the importance in principle of leaving

407
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<v Speaker 1>an unfettered discretion to the representative, for it would then

408
00:25:40.960 --> 00:25:44.680
<v Speaker 1>be the only chance, under universal suffrage for any other

409
00:25:44.720 --> 00:25:47.240
<v Speaker 1>opinions than those of the majority to be heard in

410
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<v Speaker 1>parliament in that falsely called democracy, which is really the

411
00:25:51.000 --> 00:25:55.960
<v Speaker 1>exclusive rule of the operative classes, all others being unrepresented

412
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<v Speaker 1>and unheard. The only escape from class legislation in its

413
00:26:00.759 --> 00:26:05.000
<v Speaker 1>and political ignorance in its most dangerous form would lie

414
00:26:05.000 --> 00:26:08.880
<v Speaker 1>in such disposition as the uneducated might have to choose

415
00:26:09.200 --> 00:26:14.680
<v Speaker 1>educated representatives and to defer to their opinions. Some willingness

416
00:26:14.720 --> 00:26:18.279
<v Speaker 1>to do this might reasonably be expected, and everything would

417
00:26:18.319 --> 00:26:23.440
<v Speaker 1>depend upon cultivating it to the highest point. But once

418
00:26:23.519 --> 00:26:28.359
<v Speaker 1>invested with political omnipotence, if the operative classes voluntarily concurred

419
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<v Speaker 1>in imposing, in this or any other manner, any considerable

420
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<v Speaker 1>limitation upon their self opinion and self will, they would

421
00:26:35.960 --> 00:26:40.000
<v Speaker 1>prove themselves wiser than any class possessed of absolute power

422
00:26:40.039 --> 00:26:43.240
<v Speaker 1>has shown itself, or we may venture to say, is

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<v Speaker 1>ever likely to show itself under that corrupting influence. End

424
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<v Speaker 1>of Chapter twelve, Recording by Bill Burst
