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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to Western CIV. Episode five hundred and eight.

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<v Speaker 1>The Jefferson Administration. When Thomas Jefferson placed his hand on

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<v Speaker 1>the Bible on March fourth, eighteen oh one. Yes, when

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<v Speaker 1>a president takes office has changed over the years. We'll

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<v Speaker 1>get to that. He became the first president to take

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<v Speaker 1>office in the new capital, which was Washington, d C.

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<v Speaker 1>The city at that point was not much more than

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<v Speaker 1>a swamp. Well that's not true, a swamp with a

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<v Speaker 1>construction site on top of it. It was sparsely populated.

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<v Speaker 1>But the moment symbolized a transfer of power. Honestly, that

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<v Speaker 1>was anything but small. Because we talked previously about the

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<v Speaker 1>election and the revolution of eighteen hundred and because the

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<v Speaker 1>first time in American history political power shifted peacefully from

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<v Speaker 1>one party to another, from the Federalist to Jefferson's Democratic Republicans.

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<v Speaker 1>In a world that was still honestly relating from revolutions

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<v Speaker 1>in coup from Paris to San Deman, the American experiment

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<v Speaker 1>had survived its first political litmus test. Jefferson acknowledged this

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<v Speaker 1>fragile triumph when he spoke in his inaugural address saying,

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<v Speaker 1>we are all Republicans. We are all federalists. He attempted

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<v Speaker 1>to lower the temperature of years of partisan ranker. Boy,

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<v Speaker 1>could we ever use some of that today? But for

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<v Speaker 1>all his conciliatory time, the election of eighteen hundred, like

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<v Speaker 1>I said, often called the Revolution of eighteen hundred, had

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<v Speaker 1>in fact been fiercely contested. Jefferson came into office with

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<v Speaker 1>a clear ideological mission, and that was to roll back

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<v Speaker 1>what he viewed is the creeping centralization of government power

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<v Speaker 1>under Washington and Adams. His presidency would be a careful

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<v Speaker 1>balancing act between principle and practicality, between a vision of

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<v Speaker 1>minimalist government and the realities of governing a growing and

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<v Speaker 1>I do mean with him growing republic now. Jefferson moved

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<v Speaker 1>quickly to reshape the executive branch in line with his

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<v Speaker 1>belief in simplicity and republican virtue. He found the presidential

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<v Speaker 1>mansion sparsely furnished with and cluttered with unfinished work, an

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<v Speaker 1>image perfectly aligned with his political philopacy. Rejecting anything that

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<v Speaker 1>even smelled remotely like monarchy, he replaced formal levies with

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<v Speaker 1>informal dinners. He often greeted guests in simple plane clothes

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<v Speaker 1>and slippers, Jefferson called it republican. The federalists called it

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<v Speaker 1>unbecoming of the president. His first major acts targeted the

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<v Speaker 1>federalist legacy. He worked with Congress to repeal internal taxes,

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<v Speaker 1>including the infamous whisk tax, arguing that the federal government

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<v Speaker 1>could and should operate on customs duties alone. He dramatically

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<v Speaker 1>cut the size of the Army and Navy, believing standing

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<v Speaker 1>armies were a threat to liberty. He wrote the least

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<v Speaker 1>government is the best government, which was definitely an early

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<v Speaker 1>policy statement. Yet governing also meant confronting the legacy of

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<v Speaker 1>the Adams administration, most notably, as we'll talk about now,

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<v Speaker 1>the Midnight Judges see. In the final hours of his presidency,

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<v Speaker 1>John Adams had filled new judicial seats with Federalists, and

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<v Speaker 1>Jefferson was furious. He complained, quote, they have retired into

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<v Speaker 1>the judiciary as a stronghold, and from that battery all

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<v Speaker 1>the works of Republicanism are to be beaten down. The

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<v Speaker 1>Democratic Republican Congress quickly repealed the Judiciary Act of eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>oh one, eliminating some of Adam's appointments, but the real

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<v Speaker 1>constitutional milestone came two years later. In eighteen oh three,

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<v Speaker 1>when Chief Justice John Marshall issued the famous Marbury Versus

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<v Speaker 1>Madison decision. You see, the rush to appoint these midnight

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<v Speaker 1>judges changed everything from a constitutional perspective, because among the

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<v Speaker 1>men that were appointed that late evening on March third,

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen oh one, was a guy by the name of

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<v Speaker 1>William Marbury, a wealthy Federalist from Maryland, chosen to be

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<v Speaker 1>a Justice of the Peace for the District of Columbia.

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<v Speaker 1>This was a spoil system reward. Now, Marbury had his

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<v Speaker 1>commission signed and sealed, but not delivered. It didn't get

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<v Speaker 1>to him in time before the new Secretary of State,

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<v Speaker 1>James Madison took over in the Jefferson administration. When Madison

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<v Speaker 1>took over, he refused to deliver Marbury his commission. You see.

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<v Speaker 1>Thomas Jefferson viewed the Judiciary Act of eighteen oh one

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<v Speaker 1>as a partisan track. He thought that they were going

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<v Speaker 1>to use that they being the Federalist, to entrench themselves forever.

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<v Speaker 1>So when he learned, actually that many of Adam's late

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<v Speaker 1>night commissions, including William Marbury's, had not been delivered, he

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<v Speaker 1>issued a very simple order, don't deliver them. Jefferson's rationale

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<v Speaker 1>was pragmatic and political. If the commissions remained undelivered, the

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<v Speaker 1>appointments could be treated as incomplete, and that would weaken

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<v Speaker 1>federalist power. That meant that William Marbury, who by law

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<v Speaker 1>had actually been appointed, was going to be denied the

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<v Speaker 1>office that he believed was rightly his. And so he

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<v Speaker 1>decided to file a lawsuit. But interestingly, and here's his mistake,

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<v Speaker 1>he did not file a lawsuit in the lower federal court. Instead,

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<v Speaker 1>he decided to go straight to the US Supreme Court.

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<v Speaker 1>He invoked a provision of the Judiciary Act of seventeen

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<v Speaker 1>eighty nine, which allowed the court to issue a writ

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<v Speaker 1>of mandamus. A rid of men damas is a court

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<v Speaker 1>order that forces a government official to perform a duty.

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<v Speaker 1>In fact, that's all Marbury wanted. He asked the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court clearly to issue a writ an order commanding James

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<v Speaker 1>Madison to deliver his commission. The case put the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court in a difficult position. At its center stood Chief

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<v Speaker 1>Justice John Marshall, one of the most brilliant legal minds

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<v Speaker 1>of the early Republic and John Adams's former Secretary of State,

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<v Speaker 1>the very man who ironically had failed to deliver the

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<v Speaker 1>last of the commissions. His oversight was, honestly enough, part

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<v Speaker 1>of the problem in the first place. Now, the problem here,

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<v Speaker 1>of course, was what the heck is the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>supposed to do in this new United States. If you

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<v Speaker 1>look at the constitutional it says that there is one.

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<v Speaker 1>It doesn't have any enforcement powers. If the Court ordered

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<v Speaker 1>Madison and Jefferson to deliver the commission, they could just

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<v Speaker 1>ignore the order and the Judiciary's authority would be permanently weakened.

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<v Speaker 1>But if the Court refused to hear the case, it

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<v Speaker 1>would look weak regardless, and so Marshall had to walk

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<v Speaker 1>a tight rope. When oral arguments were held in February

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<v Speaker 1>of eighteen oh three, Jefferson did not allow Madison to

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<v Speaker 1>appear or file a brief. In fact, didn't acknowledge the

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<v Speaker 1>Court's power at all, And so that left Marshall with

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<v Speaker 1>three questions. Did Marburie have a right to the commission?

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<v Speaker 1>If he had a right, was their illegal remedy? And

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<v Speaker 1>could the Supreme Court issue that remedy? The decisions were simple.

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<v Speaker 1>Did Marbury have a right to the Commission? Yes, Adam

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<v Speaker 1>sign it. Marshall himself had affixed his own seal. Delivery

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<v Speaker 1>was just a formality. Was there a remedy? Yes, American

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<v Speaker 1>law promised a remedy when a legal right had been violated.

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<v Speaker 1>The third question, however, was the key. Could the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court issue a writ of mandamus? Well, that, on his face,

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<v Speaker 1>should have been an easy decision, because the Judiciary Act

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<v Speaker 1>of seventeen eighty nine said yes. But the Constitution, Article

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<v Speaker 1>three did not give the Supreme Court that type of

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<v Speaker 1>original jurisdiction. And so here was the opening. On February

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<v Speaker 1>the twenty fourth, eighteen o three, Marshall read the Court's opinion. Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>the Court worked a lot faster back then. His words

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<v Speaker 1>were measured, logical, and devastating. He said that Marbury had

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<v Speaker 1>been wronged, that Madison lack acted illegally in withholding the commission.

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<v Speaker 1>He then moved on and so the legal remedy existed.

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<v Speaker 1>But third, and most decisively, he ruled that the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court could not issue the writ of mandamus because the

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<v Speaker 1>section of the Judiciary Act of seventeen eighty nine authoring

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<v Speaker 1>it was unconstitutional. Congress had improperly expanded the Court's original

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<v Speaker 1>jurisdiction beyond what the Constitution permitted. Then came the sentence

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<v Speaker 1>that changed American law forever. Quote. It is emphatically the

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<v Speaker 1>province and the duty of the judicial department to say

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<v Speaker 1>what the law is. End quote. With that single line,

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<v Speaker 1>John Marshall established the biggest and most important prince in

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<v Speaker 1>American law, judicial review, the idea being that the judiciary,

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<v Speaker 1>ie the Supreme Court, has the authority to strike down

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<v Speaker 1>laws that conflict with the Constitution, And brilliantly by denying

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<v Speaker 1>Marbury his commission, not because he lacked the right, but

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<v Speaker 1>because the law giving the Court the power to enforce

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<v Speaker 1>it was unconstitutional, Marshall avoided a direct confrontation with Jefferson

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<v Speaker 1>while simultaneously expanding the court's authority. Jefferson couldn't ignore a

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<v Speaker 1>decision that gave him what he was asking for in

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<v Speaker 1>the first place, and so Marshall turned a political trap

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<v Speaker 1>into the constitutional triumph it was now. Marbury versus Madison

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<v Speaker 1>wasn't celebrated immediately. Privately, we know Jefferson was furious at

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<v Speaker 1>its implications, but he recognized the practical difficulty of opposing it.

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<v Speaker 1>Now it would take decades for judicial review to become

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<v Speaker 1>firmly entrenched, and interestingly enough, the Court's not going to

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<v Speaker 1>strike down another federal law law until the infamous dread

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<v Speaker 1>Scott the Stanford Decision in eighteen fifty seven. We'll talk

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<v Speaker 1>about that. The principle established in Marbury that the Constitution

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<v Speaker 1>is superior to ordinary legislation and that courts must enforce

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<v Speaker 1>that superiority became the cornerstone of American constitutional law. Today.

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<v Speaker 1>Every major constitutional case Brown versus the Board of Education,

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<v Speaker 1>Rowe versus. Wade, Citizens United Overfeld b Hodges all rests

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<v Speaker 1>on that foundation that John Marshall led in eighteen oh three.

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<v Speaker 1>And interestingly enough, it all began with a forgotten judicial

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<v Speaker 1>commission that John Marshall himself had forgotten to deliver. While

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<v Speaker 1>domestic affairs were essential to Jefferson's presidency, the world had

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<v Speaker 1>other things in mind. Jefferson entered office hoping for peace abroad. Instead,

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<v Speaker 1>his first major foreign policy crisis came from the Mediterranean.

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<v Speaker 1>For years, the Barbary States. These were semi independent North

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<v Speaker 1>African entities. They're basically little petty kingdoms that cropped up

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<v Speaker 1>after the Old Islamic caliphates grumbled across North Africa. These

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<v Speaker 1>are in modern day states like Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, so on,

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<v Speaker 1>and so forth. And because of their strategic location. For years,

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<v Speaker 1>these had demanded tribute from nations to allow safe passage

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<v Speaker 1>of merchant ships through the Straits of Gibraltar and around

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<v Speaker 1>the Mediterranean. The European powers had for decades just paid

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<v Speaker 1>the tribute, so had Washington's and Adams administrations, but now

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<v Speaker 1>Jefferson refused. When the Pasha of Tripoli declared war on

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<v Speaker 1>the United States in eighteen oh one, Jefferson reluctantly deployed

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<v Speaker 1>the navy, despite earlier objections that he had to a

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<v Speaker 1>strong naval establishment. The war unfolded slowly blockades, ship captures,

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<v Speaker 1>and then a daring eighteen o four raid led by

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<v Speaker 1>Lieutenant Stephen Decatur, who burned the captured USS Philadelphia in

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<v Speaker 1>Tripoli Harbor. Admiral Horatio Nelson reputedly called it quote the

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<v Speaker 1>most bold and daring act of the age end quote.

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<v Speaker 1>Though the treaty in eighteen oh five that resulted didn't

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<v Speaker 1>end piratesly completely, it did boost American prestige and demonstrated

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<v Speaker 1>an important evolution in Jefferson's philosophy. Principle mattered, but sometimes

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<v Speaker 1>the world required force. Now, of course, nothing defined Jefferson's

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<v Speaker 1>presidency more than Louisiana purchase. In eighteen o two, word

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<v Speaker 1>reached Washington that France under Napoleon had secretly great gained

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<v Speaker 1>control of Louisiana from Spain and now restricted American access

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<v Speaker 1>to New Orleans for Western farmers dependent on the Mississippi

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<v Speaker 1>River for trade. This was a crisis, Jefferson warned. In fact,

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<v Speaker 1>the day that France takes possession of New Orleans, we

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<v Speaker 1>must marry ourselves to the British fleet and nation. And

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<v Speaker 1>so Jefferson instructed James Monroe and Robert Livingston to try

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<v Speaker 1>to purchase New Orleans and, if possible, West Florida from Napoleon. Instead,

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<v Speaker 1>in a stunning reversal, motivated by military setbacks in Haiti

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<v Speaker 1>and looming war with Britain, Napoleon wanted to sell the

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<v Speaker 1>entire Louisiana territory. Now you see, there's a story here.

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<v Speaker 1>So let's back up a moment, because Napoleon had intended

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<v Speaker 1>to make Louisiana a cornerstone of his worldwide emperor but

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<v Speaker 1>that plan all all dependent on holding on to the

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<v Speaker 1>sugar powerhouse that was Haiti. After years of civil war,

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<v Speaker 1>racial conflict, war among European powers, the fate of that

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<v Speaker 1>colony still hung in the balance. By eighteen oh two,

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<v Speaker 1>Toussaint louve Tour, the brilliant former slave we talked about before,

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<v Speaker 1>who had outmaneuvered European and internal enemies alike, now governed

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<v Speaker 1>the colony with relatively broad autonomy. Even though France had

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<v Speaker 1>abolished slavery in seventeen ninety four, Napoleon viewed louvy Toour's

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<v Speaker 1>independence as intolerable. He envisioned a revived plantation economy, profitable

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<v Speaker 1>sugar exports, and ultimately a restored French empire in the Americas,

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<v Speaker 1>and so to accomplish this, Napoleon decided to bring Louvitour down,

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<v Speaker 1>and to do this he sent a massive expedition under

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<v Speaker 1>his brother in law, General Charles Leclair. His mission was

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<v Speaker 1>clear removed tous Saint louvis Tour, restored direct French rule

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<v Speaker 1>and unofficially prepared to re establish slavery. The Cleric's army

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<v Speaker 1>landed in early eighteen oh two a force of more

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<v Speaker 1>than thirty thousand men, one of the largest overseas expeditions

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<v Speaker 1>ever dispatched by European power. At first, they gained the

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<v Speaker 1>upper hand, Toussaint was actually captured, and eventually he was

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<v Speaker 1>shipped to France, where he died in a cold mountain

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<v Speaker 1>prison in April of eighteen oh three. Napoleon believed the

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<v Speaker 1>rebellion would collapse without its most famous leader. He was mistaken.

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<v Speaker 1>Leadership then passed to Jean Jacques Dessaline's, one of Dussint's

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<v Speaker 1>most formidable generals. By now it was evident to everyone

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<v Speaker 1>that Napoleon intended to restore slavery, already being reinstated in

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<v Speaker 1>other French coluge. That single fear flipped a light switch.

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<v Speaker 1>It united formerly divided factions amongst the Haitian peoples. People

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<v Speaker 1>who had once fought each other now rallied around a

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<v Speaker 1>single non negotiable principle. Liberty had been won on Haiti

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<v Speaker 1>once before, it would not be surrendered again. And then,

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<v Speaker 1>of course, nature intervened to doom the Lacleric expedition. Yellow

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<v Speaker 1>fevers swept through the French army with devastating speed. As

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<v Speaker 1>many as two thirds of soldiers died tens of thousands

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<v Speaker 1>in a matter of months. Fresh reinforcements only added fuel

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<v Speaker 1>for the disease. The French expeditionary force was not simply

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<v Speaker 1>losing battles. It was dissolving before everyone's eyes. By mid

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen oh three, the French position had become hopeless. Dessalines

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<v Speaker 1>launched a series of fierce attacks, including the pivotal Battle

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<v Speaker 1>of Vertaes on November the eighteenth, eighteen oh three, forcing

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<v Speaker 1>the remaining French troops to withdraw. On January the first,

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen oh four, Dessilein's proclaimed the independence of Haiti, the

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<v Speaker 1>world's first black republic and the first nation born directly

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<v Speaker 1>from a successful slave uprising. It was a geopolitical earthquake.

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<v Speaker 1>France's richest colony was effectively gone, France's army destroyed, and

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<v Speaker 1>its dream of an American empire had been severely wounded.

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<v Speaker 1>And for Napoleon, this disaster forced a fundamental rethinking of

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<v Speaker 1>his overall strategy. Napoleon's plan for Louisiana was not primarily

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<v Speaker 1>about settlement or American frontier politics. Louisiana was good to

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<v Speaker 1>be a granary that fed and supplied San Deman, the

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<v Speaker 1>heart of the restored franch sugar Empire. Without San Deman,

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<v Speaker 1>the economic purpose of Louisiana evaporated. There was no plantation

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<v Speaker 1>engine for it to support. Louisiana became a burden rather

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<v Speaker 1>than an asset, a vast territory that France could not

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<v Speaker 1>easily defend. The catastrophe in San de Man cost Napoleon

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<v Speaker 1>more than forty thousand soldiers, including many experienced officers. This

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<v Speaker 1>loss severely weakened French military capacity overseas. If Napoleon could

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<v Speaker 1>not hold a Caribbean island, how on earth could he

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<v Speaker 1>hope to defend millions of acres along the Mississippi River

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<v Speaker 1>from the British or the expanding United States. And so

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<v Speaker 1>the lesson to Napoleon was pretty clear. France could not

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<v Speaker 1>maintain a North American empire without the naval and military

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<v Speaker 1>strength that frankly, it no longer possessed. Now there's another

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<v Speaker 1>factor here, because by eighteen oh three Britain and France,

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<v Speaker 1>as we know, were once again on the brink of war.

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<v Speaker 1>Napoleon expected the Royal Navy to strike French outposts as

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<v Speaker 1>soon as hostilities resumed. Louisiana, lightly defended and far away

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<v Speaker 1>from France's reach, would be an easy target. Better to

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<v Speaker 1>sell it to the United States than lose it to

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<v Speaker 1>Britain for nothing. The defeat in Haiti and the coming

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<v Speaker 1>war in Europe required enormous funds. Selling Louisiana would bring

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<v Speaker 1>in immediate cash fifteen million dollars and allow Napoleon to

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<v Speaker 1>focus more on his continental ambitions. As Napoleon later reportedly said,

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<v Speaker 1>quote I have given England a rival who, sooner or

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<v Speaker 1>later will humble her pride end quote, referencing obviously the

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<v Speaker 1>United States. The Haitian Revolution convinced Napoleon that colonial ventures

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<v Speaker 1>outside Europe were unreliable, They were expensive, and they were vulnerable,

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<v Speaker 1>and so his ambitions shifted. Instead of a global empire,

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<v Speaker 1>he doubled down on building a European one, And so

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<v Speaker 1>Napoleon offered to sell when doctor Livingston showed up the

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<v Speaker 1>entire Louisiana territory, eight one hundred twenty eight thousand square

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<v Speaker 1>miles for fifteen million, the real estate deal of the millennium.

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<v Speaker 1>But now Jefferson faced a philosophical dilemma of his own.

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<v Speaker 1>The Constitution nowhere explicitly authorized the acquisition of new territory.

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<v Speaker 1>His strict constructionalist instincts urged a constitutional amendment. His pragmatic

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<v Speaker 1>political instincts urged immediate acceptance. Before Napoleon changed his mind

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<v Speaker 1>in the end, the pragmatism won. He privately acknowledged, quote,

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<v Speaker 1>I have done an act beyond the Constitution, but I

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<v Speaker 1>trust the good of my country will be my justification.

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<v Speaker 1>He was right. The purchase was an immediate success. It

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<v Speaker 1>doubled the size of the United States, reshaped North America,

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<v Speaker 1>and laid the groundwork for continental expansion. Note, of course,

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<v Speaker 1>it also laid the groundwork for future conflicts over slavery.

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<v Speaker 1>But how to investigate the new land? Well, to make

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<v Speaker 1>sense of it all, Jefferson organized the Core of Discovery,

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<v Speaker 1>led by Mary Leather Lewis and William Clark. The expedition

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<v Speaker 1>departed in eighteen oh four, tasked with scientific study, mapping geography,

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<v Speaker 1>establishing relations with Native nations, and scouting routes to the

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<v Speaker 1>Pacific Saka Joeyas contributions as an interpreter, guide, and cultural

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<v Speaker 1>intermediary would become legendary now. Jefferson eagerly awaited new dispatches.

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<v Speaker 1>When Lewis reported the first glimpses of the Rocky Mountains

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<v Speaker 1>or sent crates of botanical specimens, Jefferson displayed them like trophies. Yet,

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<v Speaker 1>even as the expedition deepened American knowledge, it foreshadowed tensions.

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<v Speaker 1>Native nations knew nothing of the Louisiana purchase and had

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<v Speaker 1>no reason to accept American sovereignty. Still, when Lewis and

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<v Speaker 1>Clark returned in eighteen oh six, hailed as heroes, Jefferson

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<v Speaker 1>celebrated as a triumphant Republican exploration, a peaceful counterpart, he thought,

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<v Speaker 1>to European imperialism. Now, Jefferson's second term, which began in

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen oh four, started under storm clouds. Chief among them

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<v Speaker 1>was the collapse of his relationship with Vice President Aaron Burr.

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<v Speaker 1>After killing Alexander Hamilton in a duel in eighteen oh four,

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<v Speaker 1>Burr's political career lay in ruins, and he soon involved

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<v Speaker 1>himself in a mysterious Western expedition that may have involved

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<v Speaker 1>plans to seize Spanish territory or even breakaway Western states

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<v Speaker 1>to form a new nation. Jefferson was convinced that Burr

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<v Speaker 1>was a trader, telling Congress Burr's guilt is beyond question.

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<v Speaker 1>But when Burr was brought to trial in eighteen oh

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<v Speaker 1>seven for treason, Chief Justice John Marshall's stringent evidentiary standard

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<v Speaker 1>actual levying of war against the United States resulted in

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<v Speaker 1>an acquittal. Jefferson was livid, but the ruling narrowed the

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<v Speaker 1>definition of treason in ways that protected American civil liberties

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<v Speaker 1>for generations. Still, the Borough Conspiracy underscored the fragility of

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<v Speaker 1>a new, young republic and the line between Western ambition

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<v Speaker 1>and political rebellion. Now by Jefferson's second term, as we know,

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<v Speaker 1>the Napoleon Wars had engulfed Europe. Britain and France both

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<v Speaker 1>attempted to strangle each other's trade through blockades and decrees.

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<v Speaker 1>Caught in the crossfires, the United States, now a major

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<v Speaker 1>neutral trader, became a target. The Royal Navy, desperate for sailors,

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<v Speaker 1>routinely impressed American seamen, claiming that they were deserters. Jefferson

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<v Speaker 1>called it quote piracy on the highest seas end quote.

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<v Speaker 1>The crisis came to a head in eighteen oh seven

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<v Speaker 1>when the HMS Leopard attacked the USS Chesapeake across the

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<v Speaker 1>coast of Virginia, killing through Americans and dragging off four sailors.

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<v Speaker 1>Public outrage exploded. Cities held mass meetings calling for war,

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<v Speaker 1>but Jefferson refused. He believed that war with Britain would

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<v Speaker 1>destroy the fragile economy he had cultivated. Instead, he proposed

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<v Speaker 1>a radical new economic weapon, the Embargo Act of eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>oh seven, which halted all American exports. He argued that

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<v Speaker 1>peaceful coercion would force Britain and France to respect American rights.

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<v Speaker 1>It didn't. In fact, the embargo devastated American merchants, shipbuilders,

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<v Speaker 1>and farmers smuggling sword. New England denounced the law's tyranny.

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<v Speaker 1>Even supporters admitted it was an experiment that had gone wrong.

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<v Speaker 1>One congressman wrote, the rod we have taken up has

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<v Speaker 1>recoiled on ourselves. By the time Jefferson left office in

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<v Speaker 1>March of eighteen oh nine, the embargo had become the

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<v Speaker 1>least popular policy of his presidency and cost a long

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<v Speaker 1>shadow over his second term. Jefferson left off his proclaiming

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<v Speaker 1>relief quote, never did a prisoner released from his chains

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<v Speaker 1>feel such relief as I shall on shaking off the

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<v Speaker 1>shackles of power. His presidency was one of tons of

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<v Speaker 1>achievement and also a lot of contradictions. The size of

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<v Speaker 1>the nation had doubled, American science and exploration had flourished.

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<v Speaker 1>He'd brought down the federal debt pretty significantly. Peace was

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<v Speaker 1>maintained despite global conflict everywhere, and the Barbary War established

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<v Speaker 1>American naval credibility at least. However, there were a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of contradictions. A champion of limited government, Jefferson used expansive

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<v Speaker 1>executive authority for the Louisiana Purchase. A defender of liberty,

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<v Speaker 1>he signed the Embargo Act, one of the strictest federal

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<v Speaker 1>regulations ever imposed. A believer in free trade, he ultimately

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<v Speaker 1>turned towards economic isolation, and a president mistrustful of military

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<v Speaker 1>power used the Navy to enforce both embargoes and oversees conflict.

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<v Speaker 1>That being said, the vast majority of historians today still

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<v Speaker 1>rate Thomas Jefferson as a top ten president in American history.

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<v Speaker 1>I think the Louisiana Purchase probably gets him there with

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<v Speaker 1>nothing else. Now, next time, we're going to pick up

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<v Speaker 1>the story in America with his successor, James Madison, and

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<v Speaker 1>talk about the War of eighteen twelve.
