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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to Western SIEV Episode four hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>eighty nine The Estates General. The year was seventeen eighty nine. France,

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<v Speaker 1>as we know, was broke. Louis the sixteenth. Ministers had

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<v Speaker 1>spent years trying to patch up the kingdom's finances, taxing nobles,

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<v Speaker 1>appealing to the parliaments, summoning the Assembly of notables, but

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<v Speaker 1>each effort collapsed against privilege and resistance. Finally, in desperation,

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<v Speaker 1>the king promised to call the Estates General, a representative

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<v Speaker 1>body that had not met since sixteen fourteen. Before we

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<v Speaker 1>go any further, however's examined the history of the Estates General.

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<v Speaker 1>The Estates General was not a revolutionary invention, nor even

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<v Speaker 1>a particularly modern one. Its roots lay deep in the

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<v Speaker 1>Middle Ages. In thirteen three, King Philip the Fourth, known

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<v Speaker 1>as Philip the Fair, found himself in a bitter struggle

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<v Speaker 1>with Pope Boniface the Eighth. To resist papal claims of supremacy,

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<v Speaker 1>he summoned representatives from across his kingdom, nobles, clergy and

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<v Speaker 1>commoners alike to meet in Paris. This gathering was not

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<v Speaker 1>called the Estates General at the time, but it marked

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<v Speaker 1>the first convocation of what would become that body. The

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<v Speaker 1>French word atat meant estate or order of society, and

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<v Speaker 1>French society itself was divided into three great estates, the

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<v Speaker 1>clergy first estate, the nobility second estate, and the commoners

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<v Speaker 1>third estate. Throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the Estates

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<v Speaker 1>General was summoned sporadically, usually in moments of crisis when

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<v Speaker 1>the crown required extraordinary support. They were not a standing

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<v Speaker 1>institution like the English Parliament. Rather, they were an occasional

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<v Speaker 1>council of the realm. Kings called them whenever they wanted

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<v Speaker 1>to legitimize a new tax or rally the nation behind

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<v Speaker 1>a cause. For example, during the One Hundred Years War,

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<v Speaker 1>assemblies of the Estates General approved subsidies to fund the

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<v Speaker 1>struggle against England. The Estates did not legislate in the

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<v Speaker 1>modern sense. They were an advisory body, and their approval

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<v Speaker 1>gave political cover to royal policies. The Estate's general influence

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<v Speaker 1>waxed and waned depending upon the monarchy's strength. Under weak

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<v Speaker 1>kings or during national armorsurgencies, their voices carried weight. In

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<v Speaker 1>the thirteen fifties, during the captivity of King John the

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<v Speaker 1>Second after the Battle of Plotier. In the One Hundred

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<v Speaker 1>Years War, the Estates General tried to assert more control

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<v Speaker 1>over taxation and governance. Etien Marcel, the provost of the

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<v Speaker 1>Merchants of Paris, pushed for reforms, even donning the red

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<v Speaker 1>and blue hood of the Paris Commune as a sign

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<v Speaker 1>of popular resistance. But this early bid for parliamentary power

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<v Speaker 1>faltered amid division and violence. In the fifteenth century, under

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<v Speaker 1>Charles the seventh and Louis the eleventh, the monarchy gradually

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<v Speaker 1>reasserted itself, and the Estates General were summoned less frequently.

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<v Speaker 1>The growing power of the crown, supported by standing armies

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<v Speaker 1>and regular taxation such as the Tale, made royal reliance

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<v Speaker 1>on the estates less urgent. Indeed, by the sixteenth century,

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<v Speaker 1>the Estates General had become almost a relic of an

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<v Speaker 1>earlier age. Still, they had not disappeared entirely. During the

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<v Speaker 1>Wars of Religion in the late sixteenth century, the Estates

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<v Speaker 1>General met again, most notably in fifteen ninety three at

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<v Speaker 1>Blue Law, where the Catholic League attempted to block Angri

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<v Speaker 1>of Navarre from becoming King Henry the fourth. These sessions

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<v Speaker 1>showed that the estates could still serve as a stage

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<v Speaker 1>for national crises, though increasingly they were tools wielded by

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<v Speaker 1>factions rather than by partners and governance. The seventeenth century, however,

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<v Speaker 1>marked their eclipse. Louis the thirteenth summoned the Estates General

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<v Speaker 1>in sixteen fourteen, but this would prove to be their

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<v Speaker 1>last meeting for nearly two centuries. The Assembly of sixteen

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<v Speaker 1>fourteen revealed deep divisions between the Estates, the clergy. The

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<v Speaker 1>nobility resisted reforms well the Third Estate pushed unsuccessfully for

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<v Speaker 1>measures to curb privilege and ease burdens on commoners. When

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<v Speaker 1>the meeting broke up without significant change, it seemed to

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<v Speaker 1>confirm that the Estates General was too fractious to be useful,

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<v Speaker 1>and that brings us to seventeen eighty nine. Louis's announcement

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<v Speaker 1>that he would call the Estates General for the first

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<v Speaker 1>time in over a century electrified the kingdom. Suddenly, a

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<v Speaker 1>political horizon that had been closed for nearly two hundred

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<v Speaker 1>years was open again. Every village, parish and town prepared

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<v Speaker 1>as caher de dolrance grievance books in which subjects put

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<v Speaker 1>down their demands. The complaints filled thousands of pages Hesans

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<v Speaker 1>pleaded for an end to feudal dues. Artisans denounced monopolies,

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<v Speaker 1>merchants called for freer trade. Intellectuals urged constitutional limits on

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<v Speaker 1>royal power. As the preparations began, a slim pamphlet struck

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<v Speaker 1>the public like a bolt of lightning. It was abbe

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<v Speaker 1>Emmanuel Joseph Sias, what is the third est State? When

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<v Speaker 1>writing this, his answer was blunt quote, what is the

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<v Speaker 1>third est state? Everything? What has it been until now?

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<v Speaker 1>In the political order? Nothing? What does it want to

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<v Speaker 1>be something? Saies argued that the nation was not the

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<v Speaker 1>king nor the privileged orders, but the third est state,

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<v Speaker 1>the common people themselves. His words gave voice to a

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<v Speaker 1>simmering frustration and raised expectations far beyond fiscal reform. On

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<v Speaker 1>May fifth, seventeen eighty nine, Versailles glittered with pomp as

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<v Speaker 1>Louis the sixteenth opened the Estates. General Hall was filled

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<v Speaker 1>with nearly twelve hundred deputies, two hundred and ninety one

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<v Speaker 1>clergy in their black robes, two hundred and seventy nobles

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<v Speaker 1>adorned with swords and embroidery, and of course, five hundred

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<v Speaker 1>and seventy eight deputies of the Third Estate mostly lawyers

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<v Speaker 1>officials today we would call men of letters. The King

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<v Speaker 1>Solomon's ceremonial dress promised to restore prosperity, but poignantly, he

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<v Speaker 1>offered no plan. Crucially, he gave no guidance as to

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<v Speaker 1>the rules of voting. It had been almost two hundred

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<v Speaker 1>years no one knew exactly how the Estates General was

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<v Speaker 1>supposed to function. Remember this had never been a formal body.

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<v Speaker 1>It was called in times of crises, and nobody knew

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<v Speaker 1>exactly how it was supposed to operate. And this was

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<v Speaker 1>to prove the fault line. Would the estates vote separately,

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<v Speaker 1>as they had in sixteen fourteen, giving the clergy and

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<v Speaker 1>nobility two votes to the third estates one, or would

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<v Speaker 1>they vote head to head, which would give the more

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<v Speaker 1>populous Commons a majority the nobility and the higher clergy.

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<v Speaker 1>They clung to tradition well, of course, the commons demanded equality.

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<v Speaker 1>Weeks dragged on in fruitless ceremony, Each estate withdrew to

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<v Speaker 1>its chamber, refusing to yield. Meanwhile, bread prices soared, unrest

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<v Speaker 1>stirred in Paris, and the grievances hung over Versailles like

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<v Speaker 1>a storm cloud. On June the seventeenth. Weary of stalemate,

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<v Speaker 1>the deputies of the Third Estate acted, Led by Abby Sayes,

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<v Speaker 1>They declared themselves the National Assembly, claiming to represent the

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<v Speaker 1>French nation itself. They decreed no taxes would be legitimate

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<v Speaker 1>unless approved by them. It was a breathtaking as sovereignty

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<v Speaker 1>lay not in the king but in the nation. The

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<v Speaker 1>King's reaction was swift but indecisive. On June the twentieth,

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<v Speaker 1>the deputies arrived at their hall, only to find the

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<v Speaker 1>doors barred and guards posted with the excuse of quote

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<v Speaker 1>unquote repairs. Whether by accident or by design, the message

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<v Speaker 1>was clear they were not welcome, but the deputies refused

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<v Speaker 1>to disperse. Searching for a space large enough to hold

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<v Speaker 1>the Third Estate, they marched through Versailles until they came

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<v Speaker 1>to an indoor tennis court, a plane echoing hall used

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<v Speaker 1>for an old fashioned game. There, five hundred and seventy

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<v Speaker 1>six deputies gathered beneath a bare roof, their voices rising

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<v Speaker 1>with determination. The mood was electric. Jeane Sylvan Baye, a

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<v Speaker 1>scholar and astronomer, presided. One by one, the deputies raised

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<v Speaker 1>their arms and together they swore the tennis court oath.

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<v Speaker 1>The National Assembly shall never disperse, and shall meet wherever

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<v Speaker 1>circumstances demand, until the Constitution of the Kingdom is established

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<v Speaker 1>and consolidated upon firm foundations. This Tennis Court Oath was

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<v Speaker 1>more than a declaration. It was a covenant, an unbreakable

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<v Speaker 1>bond that turned a divided chamber of orders into a

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<v Speaker 1>unified political nation. In the sketch later john by Jacques

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<v Speaker 1>Louis da Vide, deputies stretched out their arms in unison,

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<v Speaker 1>a sea of outstretched hands symbolizing civic unity and defiance.

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<v Speaker 1>The oath shocked Versailles. Louis the sixteenth declared the Assembly's

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<v Speaker 1>axe void and ordered the Estates to deliberate separately. Yet

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<v Speaker 1>the pressure mounted. Crowds in Paris celebrated the deputies. Then

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<v Speaker 1>more clergies and nobles defected to join them. On June

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<v Speaker 1>the twenty seventh, the King capitulated reluctantly. He ordered all

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<v Speaker 1>three Estates to unite, in effect recognizing the National Assembly.

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<v Speaker 1>By then, the tide of events was unstoppable. The Estates General,

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<v Speaker 1>summoned to resolve a fiscal crisis, had now given birth

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<v Speaker 1>to a sovereign National Assembly. The Tennis Court Oath transformed

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<v Speaker 1>the struggle from a question of simple procedure into a

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<v Speaker 1>total constitutional revolution. There was truly now no going back.

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<v Speaker 1>One fiery deputy, Marribu expressed the assemblies resolve when royal

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<v Speaker 1>officers demanded dispersal, saying quote, we are the people and

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<v Speaker 1>we will not leave except at the points of Bayonets.

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<v Speaker 1>Now within weeks, as we'll see next time, the political

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<v Speaker 1>drama at Versailles would merge with hunger and unrest nearby Paris.

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<v Speaker 1>Soon the Bastille will fall. But the spark had already

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<v Speaker 1>been lit in June in a converted tennis court, where

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<v Speaker 1>men of law and letters swore an oath that they

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<v Speaker 1>would create a new France.
