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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to Western CIV. Episode five hundred. I'm

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<v Speaker 1>twenty two the sun never since in the nineteenth century,

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<v Speaker 1>Europe didn't simply expand outward, And I think that's the

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<v Speaker 1>key takeaway from this episode. Accelerated like crazy. Steamships shrank oceans,

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<v Speaker 1>railroads suddenly cut huge swaths through continents. Telegraph wires suddenly

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<v Speaker 1>carried information and orders faster than armies could ever march.

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<v Speaker 1>By mid century, European states as unprecedented power, and with

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<v Speaker 1>it came a renewed and dangerous confidence, the belief that

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<v Speaker 1>they had both the right and the duty to dominate

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<v Speaker 1>the rest of the world. Look, imperialism wasn't new. I

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<v Speaker 1>want to be clear about that, folks, whether we're talking

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<v Speaker 1>about I don't even know that. The adventurisms of Alexander

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<v Speaker 1>the Great, the expansion of the Roman Empire, European colonialism

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<v Speaker 1>in the centuries before. Europeans had traded, conquered, and enslaved

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<v Speaker 1>for centuries, but for millennium. Which changed after the year

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen hundred was the scale, the speed, and the justification.

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<v Speaker 1>Empires were no longer coastal trading networks or scattered colonies.

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<v Speaker 1>They became vast centralized systems of control, political, economic, and cultural.

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<v Speaker 1>Nowhere was this transformation more dramatic, or I suppose, more devastating,

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<v Speaker 1>than in Africa. European imperialism rested on several overlapping foundations

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<v Speaker 1>that we have to understand first. The one I want

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<v Speaker 1>to talk about to begin with, was, of course, what

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<v Speaker 1>I mentioned a couple episodes ago, industrial capitalism. The rise

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<v Speaker 1>of industrialism changed the game for European states. Factories required

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<v Speaker 1>raw materials rubber, cotton, palm, oil, copper, and of course

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<v Speaker 1>also new markets in which to sell manufacture goods. Industrial

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<v Speaker 1>economies created both surplus capital and surplus ambition. Colonies promised profits, resources,

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<v Speaker 1>and strategic advantage. The second factor that you need to

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<v Speaker 1>understand is state competition. After the defeat of Napoleon in

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen fifteen, Europe entered a century of relatively uneasy peace,

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<v Speaker 1>punctuated though by major rivalry. Empires quickly became symbols of

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<v Speaker 1>national strength. A nation without colonies seemed weak, outdated, or irrelevant.

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<v Speaker 1>As one French politician put it rather bluntly, a great

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<v Speaker 1>nation is a colonizing nation. And the third issue was ideology.

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<v Speaker 1>In the nineteenth century, European imperialism was not driven by

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<v Speaker 1>power and profit alone. It was also sustained, arguably made respectable.

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<v Speaker 1>There's differences of opinion here by a dense web of

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<v Speaker 1>ideas that told Europeans who they were, what history demanded

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<v Speaker 1>of them, that verbs important, and why domination could be

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<v Speaker 1>recast as duty. Imperialism didn't just march behind armies and steamships,

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<v Speaker 1>also behind sermons, school books, scientific treatises, and of course,

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<v Speaker 1>patriotic speeches. To understand why the Europeans conquered so much

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<v Speaker 1>of the world so quickly in this period, I think

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<v Speaker 1>I have to explain the stories that Europeans told themselves.

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<v Speaker 1>The first one of these stories is progress. Nineteenth century

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<v Speaker 1>Europe lived in the shadow of the Enlightenment and in

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<v Speaker 1>the glow of the Industrial Revolution. Railroads cut across continents,

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<v Speaker 1>and factories reshaped cities. But most importantly, science now seemed

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<v Speaker 1>to explain everything from disease to the origins of life itself.

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<v Speaker 1>History was increasingly imagined as a ladder, one in which

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<v Speaker 1>societies climbed from primitive to civilized. Of course, Europeans conveniently

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<v Speaker 1>were already at the top of the latter, at least

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<v Speaker 1>that's where they placed themselves. This worldview transformed imperial expansion

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<v Speaker 1>from naked conquest into more of a historical inevitability. If

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<v Speaker 1>Europe represented the most advanced stage of human developments, then

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<v Speaker 1>expansion was not theft. It was transmission. Railways, schools, Christianity,

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<v Speaker 1>modern medicine, and law were framed as gifts carried outward

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<v Speaker 1>to stagnant societies. Empire became, in this telling, less about

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<v Speaker 1>what Europe took and more about what it claimed to give.

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<v Speaker 1>Now few ideas fused science and superiority more intrinsically and

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<v Speaker 1>more powerfully than the idea of social Darwinism. Drawing loosely

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<v Speaker 1>and generally incorrectly on Charles Darwin's theories of natural selection,

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<v Speaker 1>social Darwinists argued that competition between races and nations mirrored

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<v Speaker 1>the struggle for survive in nature. Strong peoples, they insisted,

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<v Speaker 1>were simply meant and designed to dominate weak ones. By

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<v Speaker 1>the way, that's an argument that would have made perfect

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<v Speaker 1>sense to people who lived in classical Athens or people

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<v Speaker 1>who lived in Imperial Rome. So sometimes, again the old

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<v Speaker 1>adages history doesn't necessarily repeat itself, but it definitely rhymes,

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<v Speaker 1>And here it's rhyming. Empires under this theory weren't moral failures.

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<v Speaker 1>They were proof of biological and cultural fitness. Now, I

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<v Speaker 1>want to be totally clear here, by the way, this

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<v Speaker 1>was not fringe outside conspiratorial, crazy thinking. This was mainstream.

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<v Speaker 1>These ideas were taught, they were published, and they were respected,

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<v Speaker 1>and it reassured Europeans that conquest itself was not only

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<v Speaker 1>justified but natural. To resist empire in this framework was

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<v Speaker 1>to resist the laws of nature itself. When Africans, Agans,

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<v Speaker 1>or indigenous peoples were conquered explained not as violence, but

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<v Speaker 1>as evidence that they were destined to be ruled. These

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<v Speaker 1>ideas blended easily with racial theories that classified humanity into

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<v Speaker 1>hierarchies of worth, pseudoscientific measurements of skulls, skin colors, and

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<v Speaker 1>even the angles of people's faces. They gave racism a

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<v Speaker 1>veneer of objectivity. Europeans increasingly believed not only that they

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<v Speaker 1>were just culturally different, but biologically that they were superior.

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<v Speaker 1>Imperial rule thus became framed as necessary because quote unquote,

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<v Speaker 1>lesser races were simply presumed incapable of self government. Evidently,

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<v Speaker 1>this was a ladder that only some people could climb.

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<v Speaker 1>Religion added another powerful layer to this ideology. Christian missionaries

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<v Speaker 1>would fan out across Asia, Africa, and the Pacific, convinced

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<v Speaker 1>that salvation and civilization traveled together. Now, conversion was rarely

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<v Speaker 1>just about faith. It was about reshaping entire societies, family structures,

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<v Speaker 1>gender roles, labor, habits, and morals. Missionaries often condemned local

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<v Speaker 1>customs as barbaric, reinforcing the idea that European values were

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<v Speaker 1>universal truths rather than cultural choices. The moral language of

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<v Speaker 1>empire reached its most famous expression in Reared Kipling's in

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen ninety nine work The White Man's Burden. Kipling urged Europeans,

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<v Speaker 1>especially Americans, to take up imperial rule as self sacrificing obligation. Empire,

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<v Speaker 1>he would argue, was thankless work civilizing quote half devil,

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<v Speaker 1>half child end quote peoples who would never fully appreciate

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<v Speaker 1>the effort. Now, this poem captured a central imperial paradox.

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<v Speaker 1>Europeans ruled brutally, but insisted that they did so reluctantly,

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps altruistically. This idea that empire was a burden rather

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<v Speaker 1>than a benefit, proved extraordinarily useful. It allowed imperial powers

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<v Speaker 1>to deflect criticism and recast resistance as ingratitude as spoiled

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<v Speaker 1>children not being able to understand the gifts they were

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<v Speaker 1>being given. Anti colonial uprisings weren't cry for freedoms. They

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<v Speaker 1>were signs that colonized people just weren't mature yet enough.

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<v Speaker 1>They weren't high enough on that ladder to enjoy their

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<v Speaker 1>own autonomy. Nationalism also fueled imperial ideology in an era

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<v Speaker 1>of newly unified states like Italy and Germany. We will

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<v Speaker 1>come back to those stories, don't worry. Empire became a

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<v Speaker 1>measure of national greatness. Colonies were symbols of prestige, proof

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<v Speaker 1>that a nation had arrived on the world stage if

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<v Speaker 1>you lacked an empire that was humiliating. Imperial competition thus

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<v Speaker 1>became intertwined with European rivalries, as I mentioned before, feeding

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<v Speaker 1>the arms race and diplomatic tensions that's later eventually going

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<v Speaker 1>to explode into World War One. Yet, even as imperial

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<v Speaker 1>ideology dominated European culture, cracks appeared. Critics like Ja Hobson

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<v Speaker 1>argued that empire primarily served the financiers and industrial elites,

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<v Speaker 1>not the ordinary citizens. Hobson insisted that moral justification was

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<v Speaker 1>just a mask for economic exploitation, that imperialism was a

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<v Speaker 1>lot less about civilization and a lot more about markets,

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<v Speaker 1>raw materials, and investment opportunities. His critiques, though marginal at

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<v Speaker 1>the time, would later influence anti imperialists and socialist movements

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<v Speaker 1>throughout Europe. Still, throughout most of the nineteenth century, in

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<v Speaker 1>imperial ideology remained powerful, precisely because it blended morality, science, religion,

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<v Speaker 1>and nationalism into one unified story. And that's really the key.

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<v Speaker 1>It's not any of these one stories, any of these

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<v Speaker 1>one justifications that make imperialism powerful and such a driving

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<v Speaker 1>force for Europe and then eventually for America after the

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<v Speaker 1>Civil War. It's how all of these ideas come together

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<v Speaker 1>in one powerful narrative. Now, this story told Europeans that

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<v Speaker 1>they were advanced, benevolent, and destined to rule. It reassured

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<v Speaker 1>them that domination wasn't cruelty, it was responsibility. In the end,

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<v Speaker 1>the ideological underpinnings of European imperialism mattered because they shaped

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<v Speaker 1>actions on the ground. They justified violence, silence, doubt, and

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<v Speaker 1>made empire feel not just profitable but righteous. And when

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<v Speaker 1>those ideas finally started to unravel later in the twentieth

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<v Speaker 1>century under the weight of course of world wars. They

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<v Speaker 1>left behind empires that couldn't explain themselves, even to those

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<v Speaker 1>who once believed in them the most. Now, contrary to

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<v Speaker 1>imperial myth, Africa was not a blank space waiting to

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<v Speaker 1>be discovered. Europeans had traded along its coast for centuries.

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<v Speaker 1>As we know, African states the Ashanti, Ethiopia, Zulu Soukoto

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<v Speaker 1>governed themselves. They fought wars, conducted diplomacy, and controlled commerce. Now, look, I,

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<v Speaker 1>by the way, wish that I had some time to

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<v Speaker 1>go into a lot of these indigenous cultures in a

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<v Speaker 1>lot more detail, because some, especially West African kingdoms, were

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<v Speaker 1>incredibly sophisticated and well connected. Some, especially if we go

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<v Speaker 1>back to the Late Middle Ages, were much much wealthier

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<v Speaker 1>and to some extent technologically advanced than some European states.

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<v Speaker 1>But we don't have time. So as much as I

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<v Speaker 1>would love to do that, I would push you elsewhere

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<v Speaker 1>for that information. Now, what we want to understand is

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<v Speaker 1>returning to our current age. What Europeans lacked before the

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen hundred wasn't necessarily knowledge of Africa, but access and power.

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<v Speaker 1>Malaria difficult terrain and strong African resistance limited inland expansion.

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<v Speaker 1>Now that changed with medical advances like quinine, new weapons

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<v Speaker 1>like the Maxim gun, and steam powered transport. By the

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<v Speaker 1>late nineteenth century, conquest was no longer dangerous. It was

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<v Speaker 1>now efficient. The race for Africa, sometimes called the Scramble

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<v Speaker 1>for Africa, accelerated rapidly after the year eighteen eighty. In

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<v Speaker 1>just three decades, basically the entire continent almost was carved

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<v Speaker 1>into European colonies. The turning point came the ambitions of

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<v Speaker 1>King Leopold. Leopold was never interested in national glory. He

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<v Speaker 1>wanted personal profit. Leopold was the ruler of Belgium, but

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<v Speaker 1>wouldn't end up ruling a vast African territory, though not

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<v Speaker 1>as a colony of Belgium, but as his personal property,

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<v Speaker 1>where his reign there would cost millions of lives. Leopold

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<v Speaker 1>was born in eighteen thirty five, heir to a young

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<v Speaker 1>and modest European kingdom. Belgium had existed for barely five

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<v Speaker 1>years when he arrived, and Leopold grew up obsessed with

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<v Speaker 1>the one thing Belgium lacked, an empire. In the mid

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<v Speaker 1>nineteenth century, Imperial possessions were the currency of prestige. Blocked

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<v Speaker 1>repeatedly by the Belgian Parliament, which had little interest in

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<v Speaker 1>funding imperial adventures, Leopold changed tactics. Instead of a acquiring

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<v Speaker 1>a colony for Belgium, he would acquire one for himself.

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<v Speaker 1>Through deception and diplomacy, he secured international recognition for his

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<v Speaker 1>private control of the Congo basin. Under the guise of humanitarianism,

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<v Speaker 1>he created the Congo Free State, a regime of forced labor,

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<v Speaker 1>mutilation and terror. It will become the inspiration for Heart

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<v Speaker 1>of Darkness. A British missionary would report, quote, the rubber

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<v Speaker 1>has cost lives by the thousands, Villages swept away, families destroyed.

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<v Speaker 1>Estimates suggest millions died under Leopold's rule. The scandal shocked Europe,

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<v Speaker 1>but it did not stop imperialism. In fact, if anything,

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<v Speaker 1>it normalized it. Between eighteen eighty four and eighteen eighty five,

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<v Speaker 1>European power gathered at the Berlin Conference, hosted by Auto

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<v Speaker 1>von Bismarck. No African representatives whatsoever were invited. The conference

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<v Speaker 1>did not divide Africa outright, but it established rules effective occupation,

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<v Speaker 1>justified ownership. Rivers were opened to trade, borders could be

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<v Speaker 1>drawn by diplomats. It transformed conquest now into simple bureaucracy.

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<v Speaker 1>As one delegate observed privately, quote, we are dividing a

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<v Speaker 1>cake we have not yet baked. What followed was a

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<v Speaker 1>frenzy of treaties, expeditions, and military campaigns. Flags were planted everywhere,

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<v Speaker 1>Borders were drawn, often with rulers and straight lines, ignoring ethnic,

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<v Speaker 1>linguistic and cultural realities. Britain saw a global empire that

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<v Speaker 1>would be tied together by trade and naval supremacy. Its

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<v Speaker 1>possessions stretching from Egypt to South Africa, India to Australia,

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<v Speaker 1>and control of the Suez Canal made Egypt vital to

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<v Speaker 1>this imperial strategy. France, on the other hand, built an

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<v Speaker 1>empire across West and North Africa, driven by a mission

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<v Speaker 1>to spread French culture and language. The French spoke of assimilation,

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<v Speaker 1>though in practice, of course, power remained firmly European. Germany,

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<v Speaker 1>who we haven't talked about much here, and we will.

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<v Speaker 1>We'll get to German unification. But they had unified by

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen seventy one. Germany entered the imperial race late but aggressively,

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<v Speaker 1>claiming territories in East and Southwest Africa, its rule was

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<v Speaker 1>often brutal. The Herrero and Noma genocide in German Southwest

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<v Speaker 1>Africa revealed how racial ideology could translate into extermination. Portugal meanwhile,

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<v Speaker 1>clung to older colonies. Italy pursued empire to prove itself

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<v Speaker 1>a great power, suffering humiliating defeat at Adwa in eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>ninety six, one of the rare African victories against European invasion.

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<v Speaker 1>Only Ethiopia in Liberia remained independent. Ethiopia's victory over Italy

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<v Speaker 1>demonstrated that imperialism was not inevitable, but it was relentless. Now.

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<v Speaker 1>The race for Africa was a part of a broader

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<v Speaker 1>imperial movement. Britain tightened control over India, France expanded into

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<v Speaker 1>Indo China, the Dutch still ruled Indonesia, and Russia expanded

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<v Speaker 1>ever eastward, as we'll talk about in future episodes. The

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<v Speaker 1>United States would join the imperial club after eighteen ninety eight,

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<v Speaker 1>taking the Philippines and projecting power overseas, becoming then entangled

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<v Speaker 1>in affairs far from home for the first time. Perialism

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<v Speaker 1>quickly became global, and so did its consequences. Imperial rule

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<v Speaker 1>was never uncontested. Africans resisted through diplomacy, rebellion, and war.

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<v Speaker 1>Leaders like Samurai Torre fought prolonged campaigns against French forces.

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<v Speaker 1>Samurai Torre was not born a king, a prince, or

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<v Speaker 1>even a soldier. He was born in eighteen thirty or

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<v Speaker 1>around then, in a small village in what is today

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<v Speaker 1>southeastern Guinea. In West Africa, it was a world already

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<v Speaker 1>trembling under the approach of European Empire. By the time

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<v Speaker 1>he died in exile at the hands of the French

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<v Speaker 1>in the year nineteen hundred, Samurai Torre had built one

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<v Speaker 1>of the most powerful African states of the nineteenth century

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<v Speaker 1>and fought one of the longest, most sophisticated wars of

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<v Speaker 1>resistance against European imperialism anywhere. Samurai's early life was shaped

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<v Speaker 1>by violent its instability. It's a really interesting tale because

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<v Speaker 1>West Africa in the mid nineteenth century was a region

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<v Speaker 1>of fractured states, long distance trade networks, Islamic reform movements,

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<v Speaker 1>and endemic warfare. The Atlantic slave trade had officially ended,

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<v Speaker 1>but internal slavery, rating and coercion remained central to political power.

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<v Speaker 1>When Samurai was still a young man, his mother was

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<v Speaker 1>captured by a rival group, and to secure her release,

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<v Speaker 1>he entered their service as a warrior, and that moment

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<v Speaker 1>changed his entire life. Samurai proved himself ruthless, disciplined, and

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<v Speaker 1>intelligent on the battlefield. He learned how power worked not

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<v Speaker 1>through lineage, but through force, loyalty, and specifically organization. After

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<v Speaker 1>securing his mother's freedom, he did not return quietly to

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<v Speaker 1>village life. Instead, he gathered followers, he armed them, and

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<v Speaker 1>he began conquering territory of his own. The eighteen sixties

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<v Speaker 1>and eighteen seventies, Samurai Torre was no longer just a

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<v Speaker 1>simple local strongman. He was building a state. At the

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<v Speaker 1>heart of Samurai's power was the Wassulu Empire, a centralized

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<v Speaker 1>polity that stretched across parts of modern day Guinea, Mali,

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<v Speaker 1>Cote Devor, and Burkina Fasso. Unlike many African states encountered

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<v Speaker 1>by European imperialists, Wassolu was not loose or decentralized. Samurai

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<v Speaker 1>imposed direct rule, appointed governors, standardized taxation, and crucially created

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<v Speaker 1>a standing army. The army was Samurai's masterpiece. He drilled

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<v Speaker 1>his soldiers relentlessly in four strict discipline and adapted military

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<v Speaker 1>techniques from the Europeans. When firearms became essential to survival,

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<v Speaker 1>Samurai always ensured that his men had them. He purchased

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<v Speaker 1>rifles through coastal trade networks and eventually established workshops to

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<v Speaker 1>repair and even manufacture weapons locally. His cavalry and infantry

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<v Speaker 1>worked in coordinated set peace battles. Command structures were clear

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<v Speaker 1>and orders were always obeyed, and religion became another tool

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<v Speaker 1>of his state building. Samurai embraced Islam not only as

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<v Speaker 1>a personal faith, but as a unifying ideology. He declared

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<v Speaker 1>jihad against rivals, framed obedience to the state as a

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<v Speaker 1>religious duty, and used Islamic law to legitimize his authority.

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<v Speaker 1>Yet this was not purely a spiritual project. It was political, pragmatic,

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<v Speaker 1>and often brutal. Resistance was crushed, populations were relocated, and

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<v Speaker 1>entire regions were reorganized to serve the war effort. But

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<v Speaker 1>as I mentioned earlier, then came the French. By the

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen eighties, France was expanding aggressively inland from Senegal. Determined

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<v Speaker 1>to link its West African possessions in a single imperial block.

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<v Speaker 1>French officers expected African resistance to collapse quickly, as it

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<v Speaker 1>had elsewhere, but Samurai Tori shattered that assumption. For nearly

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<v Speaker 1>two decades. He fought the French with remarkable adaptability. When

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<v Speaker 1>out gunned, he avoided direct confrontation. When cornered, he retreated eastward,

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<v Speaker 1>burning crops and villages behind him to deny supplies to

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<v Speaker 1>the enemy, a scorched earth strategy that horrified the French

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<v Speaker 1>but slowed their advance. When diplomacy seemed useful, Samurai signed

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<v Speaker 1>treaties he never intended to honor, buying time to arm

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<v Speaker 1>and regroup. In other words, he followed just about every

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<v Speaker 1>single one of Julius Caesar, Czar, Nicholas the First and

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<v Speaker 1>also I guess Machiavelli's principles. French commanders complained that fighting

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<v Speaker 1>Samurai was like fighting smoke. He appeared, then struck, and vanished,

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<v Speaker 1>and reappeared hundreds of miles away. Columns marched for months

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<v Speaker 1>through hostile terrain, only to find empty villages and poisoned

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<v Speaker 1>wells in Paris. Samurai became a bit of an obsession,

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<v Speaker 1>proof that African resistance actually could be organized, modern and dangerous.

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<v Speaker 1>But resistance, of course had a cost Samurais wars, devastated

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<v Speaker 1>civilian populations, forced conscription, famine, and mass displacement followed. His armies,

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<v Speaker 1>allies defected. Firearms became harder to acquire as European powers

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<v Speaker 1>closed ranks and refused to sell them. By the late

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen nineties, the French adapted, deploying larger forces, African auxiliaries

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<v Speaker 1>and relentless pursuit, and so in eighteen ninety eight, Samurai

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<v Speaker 1>Torre was finally captured in present day Cote Devor. There

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<v Speaker 1>was no dramatic last stand, no battlefield death. He was

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<v Speaker 1>taken alive, a symbolic victory for the French Empire. The

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<v Speaker 1>French exiled him to Gabon, far from his homeland, and

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<v Speaker 1>he died two years later in the year nineteen hundred,

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<v Speaker 1>but still well. I think that his life is really

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<v Speaker 1>emblematic of something that could have been. Africa, because of

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<v Speaker 1>a variety of factors, was unable to stitch together in

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<v Speaker 1>effective resistance to European imperialism. But it was never because

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<v Speaker 1>they couldn't because of some I suppose biological reason. Torre

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<v Speaker 1>proves that resistance was possible, and resistance by African leaders

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<v Speaker 1>was possible, it was just difficult to put it together.

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<v Speaker 1>Of course, there were many others, and others resisted through

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<v Speaker 1>everyday acts. They could flee, they could sabotage, and they

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<v Speaker 1>could also work to preserve their culture. European response was

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<v Speaker 1>all often overwhelming violence. Superior firepower crushed resistance, Punitive expeditions

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<v Speaker 1>destroyed villages. Imperial peace was enforced through fear. In the end,

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<v Speaker 1>imperialism reshaped the world Economically, Colonies were reorganized to serve

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<v Speaker 1>European needs. Cash crops replace subsistence farming. Infrastructure existed to

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<v Speaker 1>extract resources, not to develop societies. Politically, artificial borders sowed

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<v Speaker 1>future conflict. Traditional authorities were undermined or often co opted.

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<v Speaker 1>Colonial states ruled through coercion rather than consent. Culturally, imperialism

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<v Speaker 1>imposed languages, religions, and racial hierarchies whose effects endure still today.

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<v Speaker 1>European superiority became embedded in global systems of power. In Europe,

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<v Speaker 1>Imperialism fueled nationalism and rivalry. Colonial competition intensified tensions between

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<v Speaker 1>great powers, tensions that would eventually explode in the Gray

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<v Speaker 1>War of nineteen fourteen. Now, the Race for Africa wasn't

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<v Speaker 1>a random accident of history. It was the logical outcome

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<v Speaker 1>of industrial power, nationalist rivalry, and racial ideology. It enriched

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<v Speaker 1>Europe while deva stating much of the colonized world. It

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<v Speaker 1>claimed to civilize while it conquered. It promised progress while

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<v Speaker 1>it delivered only suffering. One African intellectual would later write,

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<v Speaker 1>they came with maps and guns and left us with

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<v Speaker 1>borders and graves. Imperialism shaped the modern world, its inequalities,

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<v Speaker 1>its conflicts, its ability now to connect because of technology.

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<v Speaker 1>That it made the world so much small that it

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<v Speaker 1>had been for millennium. But to understand European history in

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<v Speaker 1>the nineteenth century is to understand empire, not as a

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<v Speaker 1>side story, as ideology, not as something that is a

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<v Speaker 1>little bit of a castaway, but as a central chapter

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<v Speaker 1>in everything that is to come. Next week, we have

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<v Speaker 1>to turn our attentions, though, back to the United States.

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<v Speaker 1>In the lead up to the Civil War, slavery dominated

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<v Speaker 1>every single issue that was happening, and we'll see why

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<v Speaker 1>the United States was so ineffective and unable to deal

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<v Speaker 1>with the scourge that had been baked in to its

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<v Speaker 1>very existence.
