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Speaker 1: And we are back with another edition of the Federalist

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Radio Hour. I'm Matt Kittle, Senior Elections correspondent at The

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Federalist and your experienced Shirpa on today's Quest for Knowledge.

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As always, you can email the show at radio at

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the Federalist dot com, follow us on x at FDR LST,

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make sure to subscribe wherever you download your podcast, and

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of course to the premium version of our website as well.

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Our guest today is Matthew Spalding, vice president of Washington

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Operations in Dean of the Vandel Graduate School of Government

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at Hillsdale College. Matthew is also author of a new book,

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The Making of the American Mind, the Story of our

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Declaration of Independence. It's a different view than Ken Burns

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or the History Channel's leftist prism of the founding Matthew,

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thank you so much for joining us today on the

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Federalist Radio Hour.

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Speaker 2: It's great to be with you.

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Speaker 1: Absolutely, this is I think, more than anything, it is

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a book about sacrifice and unity and what all of

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that meant to the founding generations. As we talk about

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the making of the American Mind, let us begin with

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the minds of the people who made America, the founders.

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What were these people like? Obviously they were very dedicated

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to a principle, and that principle did not come without

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cost for these people.

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Speaker 2: Right, I know that's actually your opening thoughts. There a

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nice setup, because what I wanted to do. You know,

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we oftentimes, you know, the concept of the American Founding

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in the American Revolution obviously is an important point of

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part of us, and we talk about it a lot.

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There are lots of books written on it. I wanted

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to take a bit of a different tact, if you will,

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which you've kind of picked up on there, which is

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that the Declaration, which is a document that's the law

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widely studied, actually has a story to it. There's a

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narrative about it, and you know, sometimes we too often

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look at it and kind of read it coldly, if

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you will. You know, there was this declaration that Jefferson wrote,

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then there's a little thing called the Revolution, and then

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later there was a constitution, whereas in reality it's it's

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much more than that, And it turns out the story

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of that is much more, much more compelling, much more interesting,

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much more dynamic, and much more powerful. So the title

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I'd chosen here The making of the American Mind actually

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comes from a letter that Jesson writes in eighteen twenty

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five when he says, look, I wasn't trying to invent

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any new ideas or come up with any new theories here.

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I was writing this to express as an expression of

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the American mind, which is a He knew that he

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was the drafter of the document, but what he was

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writing for were all the other members of the Continual Congress.

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This is a legislative document, after all, passed by the

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Continual Congress. They debate it for two days. That they

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debate his draft for two days and edit it, cut

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it by about a third. It's already been edited by

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a committee which included John Adams and Ben Franklin. So

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there's this bigger thing, this thing called the American mind,

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which Jeffson beautifully. I give him all credit for his

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turns of words, which he's very gifted with. He was

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trying to capture that mind, and so a lot of

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the book is trying to tell the declaration story, how

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it was debated and all that, and then going through

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the declaration like a commentary, trying to get a sense

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of that mind which was captured in this document, but

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also pamphlets, letters, writings of the time, really going back

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to the French and War which ended in seventeen sixty three,

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and how it developed it over those decades leading up

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to the Continental Congress and then eventually the Declaration. So

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it's a much bigger swath, if you will, that captures

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this generation which I broadly referred to as Ironman. Towards

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the end of the book, there's a chapter on that

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that the passing phrase that Lincoln used called him Ironman,

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which you kind of alluded to about their kind of

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the sacrificial. What they actually accomplished, it is quite amazing

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and impressive the way they what they actually did. But

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at the height of the of this conflict, I mean

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literally literally, at that very moment British warships were showing

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up in New York Harbor. This is what they produced

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and these are the ideas they expressed. And that's just

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a fabulous, fabulous story.

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Speaker 1: Yes, it is from the book, from that chapter which

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you speak, we have this. John Hancock, the President of

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the Continental Congress, famously signed with a large, bold signature.

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He is supposed to have said that now John Bull,

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the popular personification of England can read Hancock's name without

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needing spectacles, and that the king could double the reward

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on his head. When Hancock passed the quill, they all

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signed the document as individuals not identified by colony. He

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reiterated the importance of unanimity and said that the delegates

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must all hang together. Benjamin Franklin is said to have

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equipped in response, that we must all hang together, or

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we most assuredly will all hang separately. It is a

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famous line, but it is essential to understand just what

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these people of this time put on the line, their

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their life, their liberty, all that they held pressures. How

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do you get how do you how do you get

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to that point?

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Speaker 2: I guess. So let's let's back up. I mentioned earlier

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that there's we sometimes again take for granted, there's this

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whole debate in the Continent Congress leading up to the declaration,

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which which I follow. John Dickinson and John Adams famously

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have these long debates about independence. Jeffson arrives late. He's

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he's actually a substitute for his uncle who has to

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go off back to the Virginia legislature. So he, you know,

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arrived late in the session and is known to be

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a good writer, so they put him on a committee,

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and he's trying to capture all these arguments. So though

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the bulk of the book then is really going through

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the Declaration, but in doing so I try to capture

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the larger sweeps of that of that mind. You know,

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we a lot of times we think of the the

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Founders as merely or primarily thinkers of their time. So

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they were kind of Enlightenment, early Enlightenment, you know, you know,

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eighteenth century thinkers, But there's lots in the Declaration and

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all those pamphlets writes at the time that suggest a

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much deeper tradition that shaped them. So I spent a

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lot of time talking about out how they were influenced

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by Greek and Roman thinkers, especially through the educational system,

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but through their own letters, the references, including references to

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the Declaration, and also they were deeply shaped by the

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whole Christian theological tradition, both in terms of giving a

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providing a moral horizon for the whole enterprise, but also

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in particular. I mean, the Declaration is often seen as

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a highly secular document, a rational secular document, but there's

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actually a lot more to it when we look at

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it more broadly, not merely as a one off writing

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of a particular individual, but this broader document that was

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put together by these all these signers who amended it

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and added, for instance, additional references to the deity. You know,

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there are only two characters in the whole declaration. One

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is the King of annd it turns out he's the

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bad guy, and but the other one is God, who

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appears four times in the declaration, and they are juxtaposed

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against each other, and it's it's, it's it really is

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beautifully written to capture that that argument. And so I

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think part of the the nobility of what what is

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going on here is too is on the one hand,

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they are these great examples of their sacrifices. So in

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that the chapter you're beginning to quote from, that last

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chapter talks a lot about how these these signers, almost

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all of them were in the war. Many of them

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had their their sons involved in the war, several of

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them had their sons killed in the war, are captured

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and tortured. There was one senator from New York and

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the British sent cavalry to surround his house. He wasn't there.

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His wife was. She refused to give up, they sent

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ships up Long Island Sound to bombard the house she

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she was captured, and she was only released after George

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Washington arrested a British aristocratic woman in order to force

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a prisoner exchange. So on the one hand, you have

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all these sacrifices, it shows you what they're what they were,

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they were serious. But then you have this, this, this,

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this wonderful and noble statement of high principle there's really

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been unmatched in American history. And these things are going

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on simultaneously. So at the riskiest moment, the moment when

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they knew they were signing their death warrant, literally their

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death warrant, they are also signing it on behalf of

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one of the greatest statements of liberty in Western civilization.

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Still speaks to us.

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Speaker 1: Today absolutely, And you know, we think about those profound

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opening lines that have impacted, have influenced so many of

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great leaders, not only in this country but around the

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world in the two hundred fifty years. Hence, but we

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hold these truths to be self evident, that all men

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are created equal, And let us pause on what exactly

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that means, because I think that's central to the American mind.

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You talk about God playing an important, not just an important,

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a primary critical role in this, and the fact that

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most of the signers approached it from a Judeo Christian

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faith center. I know that Jefferson was described as a

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dist clockmaker god sort of thing, all of that, but

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these yes, yes, but ask Major John Adams in particular,

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very steeped in Jeneo Christian belief and faith. And that's

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that line that's in there, that all men are created equal.

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And then it goes on to say that we have

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inalienable rights. They don't come from King George, they don't

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come from a line of succession of kings and overlords.

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They come from the God of heaven and earth. How

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critical was that.

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Speaker 2: The Greater has it doubt us? That's crucially, crucially important.

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So a couple of things to point out there first.

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I always like to it's striking that after a rather

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slow opening line, I mean of the first paragraph, when

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in the course of human events almost to sleep right,

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there's this staccato line, we hold these truths to be

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self evident. Jefferson is gifted with language so that there's

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no coins, there's no it's very intentional there. But notice

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he doesn't say if this was being written today, he

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doesn't say, we have some values we would like to

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share our opinion about. Yes, this is not a subjective

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statement of their particular inclination, shall we say? The larger

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message here is that there was under this is written

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in the world in which man can know certain things

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about the most fundamental things. The other signal we have

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going still in that first paragraph is the reference to

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the laws of nature and of Nature's God. They've put

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out a philosophical mooring or a marker, if you will,

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from which they're going to operate. That is their laws

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of nature, things we can understand by reason. And it

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turns out these same laws are the laws of Nature's God,

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that they were created by a creator God, so kind

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of a sense of general revelation. So from the very

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beginning there's a sense of reason and revelation working together.

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They're not. You know, today we think these things are

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odds with each other in the modern sense. Whereas they

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thought they were they were compatible on the on the fundamentals.

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And you see that in that that famous quote you

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you gave us there we always truth to youselfident that

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all men are created equal. So on the one hand,

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that's a statement of what we know. We hold these

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truths to be self evident, we can understand that by

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our reason. But what we're understanding to be self evident

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that all men are created equal and they are endowed

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by their creator with certain annual rights. So again it's this,

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it's this beautiful mixing of these great realms of truth,

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reason and revelation that we find in Western civilization. That's

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central to this whole, this whole document. That's that's the

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electricity of it, if you will. And so we have

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this sense of they're they're equal in some fundamental way.

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And when you think about it, theologically, right, we're all

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equal before God, we're equally, we're all equally human. Right

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doesn't say about our height or weight or this kind

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of thing, but in the fundamental sense, which is why,

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by the way, they've now put a marker down in

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the declaration that becomes the watchword of the abolitionist movement

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and really begins that because this this statement cannot slavery

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cannot of coexist without with the statement that allment to

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create equal indeed, and then it goes from there. So

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there they are equal, they're endowed by their creator with

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certain to animal rights. Among these are life liberty in

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the pursuit of happiness, a term which I spend a

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lot of time on as well, in terms of what

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what are those words mean? Life liberty in the true

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of happiness? You know, we again we have we we

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often read these things quickly and in the modern view

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as well, it's it's kind of whatever you want your happiness,

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what what makes you feel good. But I think that

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all the evidences is contrary to that completely, especially if

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you think of this broader historical context I alluded to earlier.

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They're deeply shaped by kind of the classical in Christian

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atritions of the West. You know, you can now read

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you it's life, It's it's the thing you have been created,

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your life, your liberty. What we do normally is human beings.

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We we we act, we do things, we make choices,

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we choose things. As that covers a lot of a

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lot of ground, doesn't mean licentiousness. The founders were always

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very clear on that one. They choose. They chose the

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word liberty, which is the old Roman word, which meant

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that that freedom appropriate for a citizen, for a civilized

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man right, and then the pursuit of happiness. I mean, look,

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happiness is the end of all classical political thought absorbed

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into the whole Christian tradition, and it clearly meant something

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more substantive than your feelings. It leaves room there to

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pursue your happiness. That's your right, but it doesn't suggest

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it's anything and everything. It's somehow, it's pursuing those things

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that make you truly happy in the human sense, a

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human flourishing. So again, I think it's all wrapped up

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together in a way that points towards something not just

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anything you want, and in again putting in a broader sense,

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this is why the pursuit of happiness is also the

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root of religious liberty, because ultimately, to pursue happiness fully,

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to be fully flourishing human being, by their argument, meant

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that you had to have the freedom to pursue not

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as state or government matter, but of your own a

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relationship with God and practice freely your religious beliefs. So again,

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I think it's an extremely rich document that really goes

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beyond how how we today, especially the modern academy and

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the modern media popularizations. You'll read the document pay it off,

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Pay it off now.

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Speaker 3: The watch Doot on Wall Street podcast with Chris Markowski.

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Every day Chris helps unpack the connection between politics and

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the economy and how it affects your wallet. If you

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have thousands of dollars of credit card debt, you cannot

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00:18:41,279 --> 00:18:44,039
start investing until you pay it off. There is no

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00:18:44,240 --> 00:18:47,640
financial advisor that is cheaper than your credit cards interest rate.

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With all that debt, whether it's happening in DC or

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down on Wall Street, it's affecting you financially.

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Speaker 2: Be informed.

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Speaker 3: Check out the Watchdot on Wall Street podcast with Chris

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Markowski on Apple, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcasts.

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Speaker 1: Our guest today is Matthew Spalding, vice president of Washington

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Operations and Dean of the Van Andel Graduate School of

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Government at Hillsdale College. Matthew is author of the new

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book The Making of the American Mind, The Story of

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our Declaration of Independence. You know, it's interesting to think about,

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as as you mentioned before, the Mind of the American

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what all went into that from the founders, from this

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Declaration of Independence, and how much you said, as you noted,

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the abolition movement relied on the declaration. In fact, it

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was it was Abraham Lincoln who you really talked about

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these first principles before we even get to the Constitution,

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and obviously the Declaration of Independence. Those first principles are

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woven into this exceptional Constitution that was written several years later.

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But the American mind, growing up and moving forward in

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the expansion of the United States of America, became obviously

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very fixated on this in the eighteen forties and fifties,

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which gave rise, of course, to the most destructive time

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in this republic. How much of those early writings shaped

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that conversation throughout the intervening years.

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Speaker 2: Oh, it was overwhelming. I mean, part of it is

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think again about what this document does. I emphasized that

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it was written by the Continental Congress. Conital Congress first

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meets in seventeen seventy four. The issue of this document

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in seventeen seventy six, which declares independence but also launches

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a new nation. This actually is a constitutional document. It's

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not the US Constitution, which comes eleven years later, but

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it is part of that. Indeed, the Declaration Independence is

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considered in the US Code an organic, organic document of

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the country. This is the first, you know, key document

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that begins to define the American regime who we are.

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It's intimately connected to the Constitution. Lincoln, once famous al

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also famously said that the Constitution is a frame of silver. Yes,

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in tended to frame the apple of gold, which is

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the Declaration. The founders Lincoln, Frederick Douglass, Martin, Luther King,

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you name all the kind of the these minds over

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time understood that the Declaration ultimately was the intellectual and

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moral heart of all of American constitutionalism. It's when we

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lose that connection that we get into problems. And you

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see that, by the way, major every major presidential dress

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from the very beginning through Jefferson in eighteen hundred, Lincoln

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eighteen sixty, FDR in nineteen thirty two, Barack Obama, I mean,

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Donald Trump, Ronald Reagan, very famously, they're always looking back

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to the Declaration. Why because that's the defining document, the costume.

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We love the Constitution, it's a great document. It is

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the framework of everything, all of our liberty. But the

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thing that it's the heartbeat of America is the Declaration.

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So what do we fight over? What does a quality mean?

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What do these ideas mean? What does it mean to

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be dedicated to these truths. And I believe that's still

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the electric cord in our politics today. We still debate

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these things. This is still a live question, as it

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should be.

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Speaker 1: It is interesting as well that one of the gentlemen

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who helped write the Declaration of Independence and edit it

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was the guy who arnessed electricity, so he knew a

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thing or two about making things electric if you will.

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Speaker 2: That's right, that's right, but also just generate, you know.

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We see it in their architecture and their pen names

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and what stories they wrote. They were thinking big. They

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had in mind here being a great nation that would

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evoke Athens in Rome and London. A great nation, which

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meant it was dedicated to a great idea great set

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of principles, a particular it's a particular nation and particular people,

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but it has this other thing about it which makes

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it something different, something special or exceptional, as we say.

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And I think that's the thing we need to recapture

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and come to understand, perhaps understand it for the first

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time for many of us that have never been taught

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this or understood it, or read it, or know this history.

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And it makes him America worth loving and worth being

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the object of our patriotic support.

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Speaker 1: Well, that is that is a good point, no doubt

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about it. That is a good point. And that's what

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I want to ask you as we move forward, the

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American mind moving forward. So many things go into the

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making of that American mind, the vision of what America is.

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So where did we get to a point in this

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country today where we have so many Americans hating America.

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As you know, these are extremely divided times. It's not

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like we didn't have arguments in the past, but it's

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something else today. It seems no, you're right.

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Speaker 2: And this is words why I why I wrote this book,

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is to go back to that old this old declarations

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we might say, and try to relearn the argument again.

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I think the Declaration actually is the thing that you

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unifies us and holds us together. And I think that's

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still the true for the vast majority who still think

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this is a good, good and great country. It's not perfect,

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it's had to share mistakes. We're imperfect people, but it's

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still worth defending because of what it aspires to do,

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because it's principles, and those principles, the principles and the Declaration.

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Now there's a deep problem and it's getting of late.

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It's gotten I think, more difficult, I fear, but it

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really does grow out of the early progressive movement after

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the Civil War, early twentieth century, when there's a much

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larger debate in America over the meaning of things like truth,

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self evident truths. Can we know things? Are the things

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we can know that transcend history? Are they merely bound

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by history? These intellectual debates that then, over the course

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of the twentieth century, shape how we understand ourselves are

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our politics. How many colleges in the academic world, you know,

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teaches students that had an important a shaping effect on

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how we understand these particular ideas. I think the problem

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of late, which I especially worry about, is, in more

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recent decades on the left and more recently on the right,

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the effect of that growing sense of relativism that you

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get out of progressivism, which is say that there really

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are no permit truths, There are really truths relative to

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their time in place, and these are nice, you know,

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eight instant ideas, but we've grown out of them. The

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effect of that is is to encourage some to throw

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them out completely, to think of themselves not only as

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no longer liberal, no longer progressive, but you know, post modern,

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and everything is deconstructed and torn down, and we see

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had very relevant on one side of the aisle, and

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then I fear that that is kind of starting to

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rub off on some others as well, who see Americas

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maybe haven't been that wasn't that great in the first place,

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and it's caused a lot of our own problems, and

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maybe it's not that special. And I think that's kind

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of the same effect. There's kind of a post monitors

401
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on the right as well that wants us to get

402
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past America and move on. And that all worries me

403
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quite a bit, because the claim of the Founding and

404
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the Declaration in particular is not that these were true.

405
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These things were true in seventeen seventy six or Lincoln,

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and they were true in eighteen sixty. But the argument

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here is that there are certain things the mind can

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know and they are true simply about man, about politics,

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about how we should organize the fundamentals of our regime

410
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and our constitution, and that's a bedrock, and if that's

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not true, we throw the whole thing out. And at

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that point it really is just, you know, all aienst

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All and we're off to the races, and I don't

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see what the ballast is for our politics. So yes,

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I think we're turning to the Declaration. We're turning to it,

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recapturing it, rediscovering it, falling in love with it again.

417
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You know, Augustine said, you can't love something if you

418
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don't know it. So we need to know these things.

419
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That really is, I think, actually the solution to our

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current political dilemmas. And in twenty twenty six, the anniversary

421
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of the Declaration, that this is the time to do it,

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which is why I've written this book, but also encourage

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these kinds of conversations about this crucial and also beautiful

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and noble document.

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Speaker 1: Leftists in this country have long said that the Constitution

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is a living, breathing document. I don't agree with them

427
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on that point, certainly not the way they mean it

428
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to be. So let me ask you, this is the

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Declaration a living breathing document in the way the left

430
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tries to frame the Golden Apple.

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Speaker 2: That's a great question as well. I I I agree

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with what you shut up there that the the last

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side of the costume is a living document. Because they

434
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want to get around. It's it's rules and it's framework,

435
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so they can do whatever they want. There are some

436
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there's some adaption in the in the constitution. Right, it's not.

437
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It's not meant to be so rigid you can't do anything.

438
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But the only reason it can be that is if

439
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the declaration is is unchanging. The argument of the declaration

440
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is not merely an argument for this nation or this

441
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time or this particular moment. It's a claim that the

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human mind can know certain things to be true. Simply,

443
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either all men are created equal, and let's let's make

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it simpler for those that don't bye by the claim

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of a creator, all men are equal, equal in sumstance

446
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of equally being human, which is say, some aren't born

447
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booted to right others and the others aren't born with

448
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saddles on their back. Either that is true or it's

449
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not true. That's not a living, evolving concept. It's either

450
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right or wrong. And you can't have a politics of

451
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a constitutional government which allows for the give and take

452
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of liberal and conservative, left and right disagreement laws majorities.

453
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You can't have that give and take in your constitution

454
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if there's not an underlying thing we do agree on

455
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which is that no matter how much we disagree with

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each other, we are all equally human, and none is

457
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to be persecuted, none is to be discriminated against. All

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00:30:49,119 --> 00:30:52,599
have rights, are no one has rights? Well, I'm on

459
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the side that all have rights, and that's where the

460
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founders were, and they're right about that, and that really

461
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is the culmination the whole Western tradition up to this moment,

462
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which is captured beautifully here by Jefferson in this document,

463
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which is an expression of the American mind. I think

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it still is fewer, you know, perhaps fewer understand that,

465
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perhaps if you were believe that they've been kind of malformed,

466
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if you will, by progressive education and other things that

467
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have kind of forced them to kind of be clouded

468
00:31:24,400 --> 00:31:28,160
in their perceptions. But I think if you really start

469
00:31:28,200 --> 00:31:33,319
thinking it through and recovering that and teaching that, I mean, look, look,

470
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the old liberals, the old liberal argument, even though we

471
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might disagree on the politics of it and the policies

472
00:31:39,720 --> 00:31:44,240
and whatnot, would completely agree with this argument. Right. We

473
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have a we have our disagreements politically, and they are

474
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we fight them out in the context of the constitution,

475
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the checks and balances of a legislature and executive in

476
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a Supreme court. But underlying that are these fundamental truths.

477
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That is the argument the of the left for a

478
00:32:03,559 --> 00:32:08,720
long time until rather recently, and here we are trying

479
00:32:08,759 --> 00:32:14,839
to desperately conserve it as best we can, and that's

480
00:32:14,839 --> 00:32:16,279
what I'm trying to do. I think the best way

481
00:32:16,279 --> 00:32:19,720
to do it actually is to recapture the excitement of

482
00:32:19,759 --> 00:32:23,920
the story itself, because you really can't not learn that

483
00:32:24,640 --> 00:32:27,440
if you don't, if you read the story and understand

484
00:32:27,440 --> 00:32:30,039
what they're doing and try to grasp what they were

485
00:32:30,039 --> 00:32:34,240
intending in documents like this one.

486
00:32:34,839 --> 00:32:37,240
Speaker 1: You talked about it before. I want to expound upon

487
00:32:37,279 --> 00:32:40,519
it just a bit. There is a famous quote that

488
00:32:40,680 --> 00:32:44,839
is falsely attributed to Abraham Lincoln, and it is this,

489
00:32:45,160 --> 00:32:49,440
America will never be destroyed from the outside. If we

490
00:32:49,559 --> 00:32:52,759
falter and lose our freedoms, it will be because we

491
00:32:52,920 --> 00:32:58,359
destroyed ourselves. Do you believe that? Do you believe that

492
00:32:58,480 --> 00:33:03,200
is happening now? In you do? Is it because too

493
00:33:03,200 --> 00:33:06,599
many of us have not looked to the Declaration of

494
00:33:06,640 --> 00:33:09,079
Independence as that American mind got?

495
00:33:09,119 --> 00:33:12,079
Speaker 2: Yeah? So yeah, Lincoln did. He said something like that

496
00:33:12,119 --> 00:33:15,160
in one of his early speeches, and I think I

497
00:33:15,160 --> 00:33:17,880
think in general I think he was correct. I think,

498
00:33:18,039 --> 00:33:21,079
but what he meant by that is important. So his

499
00:33:21,240 --> 00:33:24,319
perception rightly at the time, this was the kind of

500
00:33:24,480 --> 00:33:26,799
you know, mid nineteenth centuries, we were in a way

501
00:33:26,799 --> 00:33:28,920
to becoming a great nation, and we were going to

502
00:33:28,920 --> 00:33:32,759
be great and powerful, and no European country could come

503
00:33:32,759 --> 00:33:36,440
over and destroy us. And he was he was young

504
00:33:36,480 --> 00:33:39,559
at the time and kind of overset itself. But generally speaking,

505
00:33:39,599 --> 00:33:43,759
I think he was right. But what he meant, what

506
00:33:43,799 --> 00:33:47,400
he pointed out, though, is that we will destroy a republic,

507
00:33:47,720 --> 00:33:51,359
which says a country that rules itself, that is self governed,

508
00:33:52,640 --> 00:33:55,599
it will lose its freedom. It's more likely it will

509
00:33:55,640 --> 00:33:59,079
be not because we are defeated in war. It'll be

510
00:33:59,079 --> 00:34:01,400
because we defeat ourselves in the sense that we do

511
00:34:01,680 --> 00:34:06,200
we forget our duties in what is necessary to maintain

512
00:34:07,000 --> 00:34:11,239
to maintain self government, which has to do with we

513
00:34:11,280 --> 00:34:15,280
talk about civic education and being prepared to take on

514
00:34:15,400 --> 00:34:18,320
the responsibility of the citizenhip, whether it's being a jury

515
00:34:18,400 --> 00:34:23,400
or fighting in the army, to uphold our liberties, to

516
00:34:23,480 --> 00:34:25,880
be watchful for our liberties, to protect our free speech

517
00:34:25,920 --> 00:34:30,239
and other things. But again, underneath all of that has

518
00:34:30,320 --> 00:34:35,719
to be a citizens understanding of the importance of the

519
00:34:35,760 --> 00:34:41,719
Constitution and maintaining its rules and its framework, not wantonly

520
00:34:41,760 --> 00:34:45,159
ignoring the rule of law. But behind all of that,

521
00:34:46,159 --> 00:34:49,519
underneath all of that, has to be the agreement, the

522
00:34:49,519 --> 00:34:54,920
fundamental agreement of the Declaration, which is not merely ours,

523
00:34:54,960 --> 00:34:57,320
although it happens to be American, and I praise it

524
00:34:57,360 --> 00:35:01,159
as such, and it should be the the apple, the

525
00:35:01,199 --> 00:35:06,039
crown jewel of the American experiment, but it's a it's

526
00:35:06,079 --> 00:35:08,079
a it's an argument that that that is the nature.

527
00:35:08,119 --> 00:35:10,519
You can't have a republican government. The very meaning of

528
00:35:10,519 --> 00:35:17,239
republican government is that all citizens are equal, says whom, Well,

529
00:35:17,239 --> 00:35:19,360
you've got to have some ground upon which to say that,

530
00:35:19,440 --> 00:35:21,679
and their ground is well, both we know that, both

531
00:35:21,679 --> 00:35:27,039
by reason classical and and and the whole rational tradition,

532
00:35:27,119 --> 00:35:30,039
going back to the Greeks and Romans and the Christian tradition.

533
00:35:30,079 --> 00:35:33,239
We're equal before God. And it's pretty hard to beat

534
00:35:33,280 --> 00:35:37,199
that argument. And if we lose that, then we really

535
00:35:37,239 --> 00:35:40,400
lose lose the whole ground upon which we can justify

536
00:35:40,599 --> 00:35:44,840
our constitutional government. So so I think he's right. If

537
00:35:44,840 --> 00:35:48,159
we are to die, if the republic is to collapse.

538
00:35:48,199 --> 00:35:53,679
It's going to collasp because we no longer uphold the

539
00:35:53,719 --> 00:35:57,679
fundamental things necessary to remaine self governing, which goes back

540
00:35:57,719 --> 00:36:01,159
to us understanding how we look at each other in

541
00:36:01,239 --> 00:36:03,440
some funded way that is unchanging.

542
00:36:04,960 --> 00:36:07,639
Speaker 1: Perhaps it's a tired question. I don't care. I never

543
00:36:07,760 --> 00:36:12,400
tire of it. And I like to ask any historian,

544
00:36:12,880 --> 00:36:18,920
every historian I meet in American history and of the

545
00:36:18,960 --> 00:36:22,679
American mind, in the conversation that we're having, what do

546
00:36:22,760 --> 00:36:29,719
you think the writers, the believers in this declaration, what

547
00:36:29,719 --> 00:36:32,960
do you think they would say about the America today,

548
00:36:33,039 --> 00:36:35,719
the Jeffersons, the Adams, the hands.

549
00:36:36,800 --> 00:36:40,880
Speaker 2: I've actually thought about that question many times, because it's

550
00:36:40,880 --> 00:36:44,599
a great question. You know, so much time has passed.

551
00:36:44,599 --> 00:36:46,880
It's kind of it makes it harder. It's always harder.

552
00:36:46,960 --> 00:36:50,480
These specultive questions are always difficult. But I think a

553
00:36:50,519 --> 00:36:53,119
couple of things that very at least one is I

554
00:36:53,159 --> 00:36:58,760
think they would be flabberg acid, overwhelmed, and joyously happy

555
00:36:58,800 --> 00:37:02,320
to see with this great nation and has become. And

556
00:37:02,360 --> 00:37:06,119
if you look at over time, what is accomplished both

557
00:37:06,159 --> 00:37:10,719
here and abroad in the world and in economics and

558
00:37:11,119 --> 00:37:14,159
defending freedom around the globe, all of those things. I

559
00:37:14,199 --> 00:37:20,239
think they would be wonderfully. They would just see that

560
00:37:20,280 --> 00:37:23,519
as a great thing, because really at the time they

561
00:37:23,559 --> 00:37:27,079
weren't sure this is going to work. At the same time,

562
00:37:27,159 --> 00:37:31,000
I think they would be deeply concerned and they would

563
00:37:31,000 --> 00:37:33,519
go this you can see in their letters because they

564
00:37:33,519 --> 00:37:35,280
taught they actually are talking about this a lot, and

565
00:37:35,320 --> 00:37:39,920
we're we're at the time is that. Look, we've given

566
00:37:39,960 --> 00:37:42,239
you this republic. We've set it up very nicely. This

567
00:37:42,480 --> 00:37:45,639
you've got a great constitution, we've grounded in the principles

568
00:37:45,639 --> 00:37:49,239
of the Declaration. It's up to you. You've made a

569
00:37:49,280 --> 00:37:51,719
lot of mistakes, You've gone down a lot of rabbit holes.

570
00:37:52,840 --> 00:37:58,320
You've had some larger problems like slavery that had to

571
00:37:58,360 --> 00:38:03,760
be dealt with and were dealt with very nobly. And

572
00:38:03,840 --> 00:38:06,440
now you're at a point where, yes, you've accomplished these

573
00:38:06,480 --> 00:38:09,719
great things. You're in the cusp of continuing reviving that greatness.

574
00:38:10,599 --> 00:38:15,599
But don't fool yourselves. You can't recover greatness unless you

575
00:38:15,679 --> 00:38:21,480
have a grounding for that greatness. And you'll beware, I

576
00:38:21,480 --> 00:38:26,199
think they would say, beware the the the temptations of

577
00:38:27,280 --> 00:38:29,840
the politics of old, whether they are are you know

578
00:38:29,880 --> 00:38:33,360
of Napoleon or Caesar, or what it might be, that

579
00:38:33,360 --> 00:38:37,960
that it's just merely a matter of power. Greatness is

580
00:38:38,000 --> 00:38:41,360
really the preservation of republican forms of government. That's what

581
00:38:41,400 --> 00:38:46,199
the Americans means, which means upholding the Constitution of the Declaration.

582
00:38:46,599 --> 00:38:49,280
And they would be worried about that given the state,

583
00:38:49,440 --> 00:38:53,239
or civic education, the expansion of the modern state, and

584
00:38:53,280 --> 00:38:57,360
the administrative state, all the things which you know, we're

585
00:38:57,400 --> 00:39:01,719
both very familiar with that are plaguing us. So I

586
00:39:01,760 --> 00:39:05,440
can be a mix of both a deep concern but

587
00:39:05,559 --> 00:39:10,400
also a great joyous reflection of what we've accomplished in

588
00:39:10,440 --> 00:39:14,800
our past, but a hopefulness that we a good people

589
00:39:15,840 --> 00:39:23,519
focus on the right things and with confidence, with a

590
00:39:24,000 --> 00:39:26,239
not a great confidence in human nature, it's driven, it's

591
00:39:26,280 --> 00:39:28,199
drawn to its passions, but also a confidence and the

592
00:39:28,280 --> 00:39:31,239
human ability to govern themselves. I think they would be

593
00:39:31,519 --> 00:39:35,079
they would look forward to America's future.

594
00:39:36,119 --> 00:39:40,079
Speaker 1: Final question for you about America's future tied to America's past.

595
00:39:40,679 --> 00:39:44,880
You mentioned at the outset of our conversation that Thomas Jefferson,

596
00:39:45,159 --> 00:39:50,719
in a letter in eighteen twenty five, had talked about

597
00:39:49,880 --> 00:39:53,960
what you know, what he was after when he started

598
00:39:53,960 --> 00:39:59,639
this whole experiment along with his colleagues at the time.

599
00:40:00,760 --> 00:40:04,320
And you mentioned the fact that that's where he really

600
00:40:04,360 --> 00:40:08,960
talks about the American mind. Did that Did he write

601
00:40:08,960 --> 00:40:13,440
that letter to John Adams? I ask you that because

602
00:40:14,199 --> 00:40:18,320
if I when I think about America and the American mind,

603
00:40:18,960 --> 00:40:23,880
I think about those two minds in particular, because they

604
00:40:24,239 --> 00:40:30,159
were in so many ways so similar yet so different,

605
00:40:30,400 --> 00:40:34,159
and their politics and their policies reflected that, in fact,

606
00:40:34,639 --> 00:40:38,119
they were so caught up in their differences that they

607
00:40:38,159 --> 00:40:41,039
were alienated for years, and then all of a sudden.

608
00:40:41,800 --> 00:40:42,440
Speaker 2: There is.

609
00:40:44,320 --> 00:40:49,199
Speaker 1: A reapproachment there. You know, there is a new connection there,

610
00:40:49,320 --> 00:40:53,760
and they remember as old friends and fighters what it

611
00:40:53,840 --> 00:40:56,320
was all about, and they're very cordial, and they have

612
00:40:56,639 --> 00:40:57,800
a letter writing campaign.

613
00:40:57,920 --> 00:41:01,719
Speaker 2: Right, No, that's absolutely right. In the the later corresponds

614
00:41:01,719 --> 00:41:04,480
between Jefferson Adams is one of the greatest in American letters.

615
00:41:06,239 --> 00:41:11,119
The letter in particular was written to Henry Adams. But

616
00:41:11,159 --> 00:41:13,159
I mean said that you capture I think, I think

617
00:41:13,280 --> 00:41:16,519
exactly what is going on here, which is you know

618
00:41:17,159 --> 00:41:19,920
you got you mentioned Adams and Jefferson. The other of

619
00:41:19,960 --> 00:41:24,159
course do hold I think of is is Adams and

620
00:41:24,239 --> 00:41:27,840
Hamilton who become great fighters against each other in the

621
00:41:27,920 --> 00:41:31,079
in the first Washington administration, and you can imagine them,

622
00:41:31,320 --> 00:41:33,599
you know, having it. And they actually did famously have

623
00:41:33,639 --> 00:41:36,599
a dinner together, and they disagreed and argue about everything.

624
00:41:36,719 --> 00:41:38,159
And I'm sure they even argue about what to eat,

625
00:41:38,239 --> 00:41:41,400
what wine to drink. Everything there's you know, in many ways,

626
00:41:41,679 --> 00:41:46,880
deeply disliked each other. And yet all of these figures, Adams, Jefferson, Hamilton,

627
00:41:48,000 --> 00:41:51,519
Henry Adams, you know, all these figures, all that they

628
00:41:51,599 --> 00:41:54,719
disagreed fundamentally in all these different policies, where to go,

629
00:41:54,800 --> 00:41:59,039
what's to do foreign policy, but they agreed on the fundamentals.

630
00:42:00,119 --> 00:42:04,440
And so what happens is that the Condital Congress is

631
00:42:04,760 --> 00:42:06,719
in the second in the Declarations, one of those moments

632
00:42:06,760 --> 00:42:09,760
where it all comes together at the right moment, and

633
00:42:09,840 --> 00:42:15,719
the declaration is written. It's captured beautifully by Jefferson, it's

634
00:42:15,840 --> 00:42:19,119
edited into a much even much better document by people

635
00:42:19,199 --> 00:42:22,280
like Adams and Franklin in the continual Congress, and it

636
00:42:22,320 --> 00:42:26,000
becomes this great statement expression in the American mind. The

637
00:42:26,000 --> 00:42:30,679
American mind fights about different things, flutters around, disagrees on policies,

638
00:42:31,400 --> 00:42:35,079
but then it comes back again under Lincoln. Right, no, no,

639
00:42:35,159 --> 00:42:38,360
let's go back to the fundamentals. All men are create equal, right.

640
00:42:38,400 --> 00:42:41,719
It's when we we have disagreements, we don't mean to

641
00:42:41,719 --> 00:42:43,599
get rid of it. Disagreement will always be that, that

642
00:42:43,679 --> 00:42:47,280
is the nature of politics. But every time there are

643
00:42:47,320 --> 00:42:50,960
deep fundamental disagreements and it seems to be getting worse.

644
00:42:51,639 --> 00:42:53,920
What have we done in the past, and what do

645
00:42:53,920 --> 00:42:56,239
we need to do now? We go back to the fundamentals,

646
00:42:56,320 --> 00:43:00,280
the first principles of our politics, because that's something where

647
00:43:00,320 --> 00:43:05,280
there is deep, deep agreement that really can be denied,

648
00:43:06,800 --> 00:43:09,880
but it needs to be clarified because we don't necessarily

649
00:43:09,920 --> 00:43:12,039
go back there all the time. I think this is

650
00:43:12,079 --> 00:43:16,280
one of those moments. I think that this is a

651
00:43:16,400 --> 00:43:18,360
time to relearn those things. I think we have a

652
00:43:18,440 --> 00:43:22,760
unique opportunity in twenty twenty six to rediscover them, perhaps

653
00:43:22,760 --> 00:43:24,559
for the first time. If you've not been taught this,

654
00:43:24,679 --> 00:43:28,599
go out, get books, read books, teach yourself these ideas.

655
00:43:28,719 --> 00:43:30,559
We need to understand what it means to be a citizen.

656
00:43:30,760 --> 00:43:36,159
We learn the fundamentals, and I would challenge anyone that

657
00:43:36,280 --> 00:43:40,039
does that to not see in the actions of seventeen

658
00:43:40,079 --> 00:43:43,599
seventy six, both in terms of the creation of this document,

659
00:43:43,639 --> 00:43:46,000
but also what they then did in their own lives

660
00:43:46,039 --> 00:43:49,639
and with their own fortunes to not see a great

661
00:43:49,679 --> 00:43:54,599
and noble story about great and good INDs that really

662
00:43:54,639 --> 00:43:58,119
directs towards things that transcend our immediate times in our

663
00:43:58,199 --> 00:44:03,400
lives to higher things, even eternal things that really do

664
00:44:03,599 --> 00:44:06,440
remind us about what is most important in our lives,

665
00:44:07,039 --> 00:44:10,840
in our politics, but our lives more generally. And that's

666
00:44:10,880 --> 00:44:13,480
I think what we need right now and what would

667
00:44:13,840 --> 00:44:16,960
regenerate and revive American greatness.

668
00:44:17,840 --> 00:44:23,519
Speaker 1: Well, in this season of bless blessings and miracles, remembering

669
00:44:23,639 --> 00:44:28,519
those blessings and miracles, I hope that we all never

670
00:44:28,599 --> 00:44:32,599
forget what a miracle and in my humble opinion, what

671
00:44:32,679 --> 00:44:38,960
a God given gift it was, this Declaration of Independence,

672
00:44:39,599 --> 00:44:42,360
the people who wrote it and the people who fought

673
00:44:42,400 --> 00:44:45,400
for it. Thanks to my guest today, Matthew Spaulding, Vice

674
00:44:45,440 --> 00:44:48,800
President of Washington Operations and Dean of the Van Handel

675
00:44:49,119 --> 00:44:53,159
Graduate School of Government at Hillsdale College. Matthew is author

676
00:44:53,280 --> 00:44:56,400
of the new book The Making of the American Mind,

677
00:44:56,559 --> 00:45:00,719
The Story of our Declaration of Independence. To another edition

678
00:45:00,719 --> 00:45:03,880
of The Federalist Radio Hour, I'm Matt Kittle, Senior Elections

679
00:45:03,920 --> 00:45:07,079
correspondent at The Federalist. We'll be back soon with more.

680
00:45:07,480 --> 00:45:29,239
Until then, stay lovers of freedom and anxious for the fray.

