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Speaker 1: And we are back with another edition of the Federalist

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Radio Hour. I'm Matt Kittle, senior Elections correspondent at the

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Federalist and your experienced SHRPA on today's quest for knowledge.

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As always, you can email the show at radio at

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the Federalist dot com, follow us on x at FDR LST,

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make sure to subscribe wherever you download your podcast, and

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of course to the premium version of our website as well.

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Mark Genowith, President of the new Civil Liberties Alliance that

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joins us today. As we ask the questions, the very

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important questions, what are the legal what are the constitutional

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limits of executive branch power, particularly the president's power to fire?

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That question was once again before the US Supreme Court.

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Thank you, sir for joining us. I appreciate your time

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and I appreciate you being here with us on the

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Federalist Radio Hour.

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Speaker 2: Great to be with you, looking forward to our conversation.

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Speaker 1: Well, I'll tell you what this is tested over and

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over again, it seems over the last year, or at least,

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the question is put forward to the US Supreme Court.

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Just heard oral argument in Trump the Cook, the case

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over whether President Trump can remove Federal Reserve Board Governor

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Lisa Cook from office. The New Civil Liberties Alliance filed

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in a Meekas brief in that case, urging the justices

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to let President Trump remove Cook, and NCLA experts tuned

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in and have I think an interesting point of view

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on this. I talked to one of your colleagues earlier

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this week, but why do you want this poor lady,

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this poor governor of the Federal Reserve fired.

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Speaker 3: Well, it's not so much that I want her fired,

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but that apparently President Trump would like to have her fired,

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and that he has the constitutional authority to have that happen.

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So what we have tried to tell the Supreme Court,

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and I think some of this came out in the

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oral argument, some of it didn't this week, but we

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tried to say, look, Congress set a particular standard for

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removal here, it's a four removal standard, but they didn't

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put a lot of specification behind that. They have in

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other statutes involving other agencies, but not so much with

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the Federal Reserve. President Trump identified a putative four cause

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reason for Governor Cook's termination, namely that he believes that

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she lied on a mortgage application, and so he fired

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her and that really is where the story should end.

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But in this case, we had a federal district judge

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who heard miss Cook's complaint and enjoined her removal from

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the Board of governor. So another off ramp that we

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need to keep in mind is that the court could

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just decide that district judges don't have the power to

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enjoin the president from firing someone, and then they wouldn't

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even have to necessarily reach the set of substantive constitutional

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questions that were largely talking about today.

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Speaker 1: It's interesting you say that, because I have a question,

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and I think a lot of folks are asking this question.

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Whatever happened to the idea of to serve at the

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will of the president. It would seem to me this

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would be the case therein. But the Federal Reserve Board

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has long been seen in its one hundred and twelve

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years as a quasi private entity. Doesn't at the will, however,

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still apply in this case.

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Speaker 3: So that's the constitutional question that in a sense, the

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President didn't trigger because he went along with the statutory

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structure here and under the statute he had to specify

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a cause, and he did so and fired her for

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that cause, and so he has not challenged and for

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purposes of this case, the Solicitor General affirmed to the

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Supreme Court that the President is not challenging the constitutionality

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of that four cause removal standard. But you raise a

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good point, because if the Supreme Court were to decide, no,

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you didn't do something right here, you didn't actually satisfy

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the four cause standard, then that might actually prompt the

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President to challenge the constitutionality of the four cause standard.

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And I don't know the extent to which the Justices

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are keeping that dynamic in mind, but this particular case

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won't tee that up because he did follow the four

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cause standard, or at least claims to. And so the

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question they're really looking at is did he follow the

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statute or not. They're not so much looking at that

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question whether the four cause removal standard is constitutional. But

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to your larger point, most of the principal officers that

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report to the president do serve at will. If you

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think of the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury,

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anybody in the cabinet, those folks all serve at the

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pleasure of the president. The President's chief of staff, the

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White House Counsel, any of those people in the president's

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immediate orbit at the White House, those folks all serve

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at will. Really the only exception in that immediate circle

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around the president is the vice president, who is separately elected,

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of course, and so the president can't fire can't fire

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the vice president. But everybody else pretty much serves at

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the pleasure of the president. So what is different about

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these independent agencies is that Congress has purported to put

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tenure removal protections around the governors at the Federal Reserve

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Board or the commissioners at so called independent agencies like

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the Federal Trade Commission or the Federal Communications Commission or

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the Consumer Product Safety Commission, where I used to work.

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Speaker 1: Is this in broader sense too? Is this a good

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test for the Supreme Court? I think about last summer

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when the Court issued a ruling an order, if you will,

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and said, addressed the district courts who have been issuing

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nationwide restraining orders basically stopping the executive branch, stopping the

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president from doing this or that. And there are a

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lot of different areas where these judges have entered into

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that to try to issue these nationwide orders. And the

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Court said, no, no, you in the main do not

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have that authority stop doing that. Well, that's exactly what

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we have in this case. No matter where this all goes,

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could the Supreme Court say, well, you've made these kinds

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of arguments, this is where this case stands. But also

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we want to remind you folks, and hopefully there is

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something that they can do to enforce it. But if

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you're at the district court level, you cannot act in

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a national capacity in this case or in so many others.

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Speaker 3: So I think this case is a little bit different

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in that particular regard because it really only involves the

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one person who is suing only Governor Cook, so the

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decision wouldn't have the sort of nationwide scope that you

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have seen from other district court rulings. The way that

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it's similar, though, is that I do think that the

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district judge here was exceeding his or her traditional authority.

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That is there there's a long standing precedent and understanding

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that district court judges cannot enjoin the president himself, and

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so you know, so that's one restriction, but there's also

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a long standing understanding that that these that the remedy

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that folks might have if they are improperly fired is

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not a remedy to enjoin them from being fired or

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or a reinstating them to office. District judges historically have

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not thought that they had that power to enjoin or

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reinstate someone to office. Rather, the remedy someone would have

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is pursuing back pay. So if you were appointed for

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a term of years, for example, and you were improperly terminated, well,

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then you would have a right to the salary that

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you would have earned for that period of time. That's

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typically seen as the appropriate remedy. And one of the

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reasons for that is because office holders have not been

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thought in the main to have a property right in

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holding office. So you might have an interest in the salary,

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but you don't necessarily have a property interest in holding

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the office itself. Now, I think that's sometimes looked at

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differently for Article three judges who are lifetime appointees, but

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for these folks who are appointed for lesser terms, again, historically,

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they haven't been thought to have a property interest in

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their office. So that is something that the Supreme Court

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is looking at in this case. Does Miss Cook have

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a property right interest in her office? And one of

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the reasons the Court is looking at that is because

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she's claiming she does, and she's claiming that that gives

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her a constitutional right to do process.

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Speaker 2: So you can't be.

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Speaker 3: Deprived under the Fifth Amendment of due process or excuse me,

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of property without due process of law. So she's saying

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she's been deprived of property i e. Her office, without

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due process of law. And so that, notwithstanding what the

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statute says governing the Federal Reserve, that she has a

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constitutional right to notice and a hearing before being dismissed.

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And so that was something that the justices were struggling

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with at the oral argument as well.

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Speaker 1: But doesn't that tell you all you need to know

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about the administrative state? Another administrative state, administrative stator is

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claiming that they have property rights in their job, their

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government job. And while it's a maybe a quasi private entity,

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it very much is in terms of its regulatory power

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tied into the executive branch. But what about that again,

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you have this claim that this governor of the Reserve

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Board has a right to the property of her job.

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Speaker 2: Right.

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Speaker 3: So if folks talk about these independent agencies, and I

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think they mean at least two different things when they

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talk about that independence. One of them is that these

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are freestanding agencies, right, So something like the Consumer Product

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Safety Commission is an independent agency because it's not part

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of the Department of Commerce or some other department. It's

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an independent agency in that sense. But sometimes people are

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saying that they are independent in the sense of being

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independent from the president. And that's where we run into

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some difficulty. And that's where NCLA is concerned about how

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these agencies have been set up, because all of the

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executive power is with the president. And there's three textual

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reasons for that we can talk about briefly in the Constitution.

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The first is that the vesting clause of Article two,

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that's the clause governing the executive branch, gives all of

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the executive power, gives the executive power to a president

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of the United States. So that language suggests that the

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executive power that the Constitution gives all of it is

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given to the president, and so any executive power that

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anyone else is exercising is derivative of the president, and

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so they're not exercising the powers that come with some

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separate office they hold, or some separate executive power they have.

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They only have executive power through the president under the Constitution.

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The second textual clause of note is the take care clause,

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under which the president has a duty to take care

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that the laws are faithfully executed. And the thought is

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that he can't really take care that the laws are

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faithfully executed if he can't remove the people who he

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thinks are being faithless or who are not doing what

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he thinks needs to be done in order to execute

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the law. And that's his duty under the Constitution. So

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he needs to be able to control those I like

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to call them stubborn subordinates. Needs to be able to

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control those folks. The third textual provision that folks point

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to is the Appointment's clause itself. And you might say, well,

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the Appointment's clause constrains the president in his appointments. So,

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for example, in appointing a Federal Reserve Board of Governors member,

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the Senate has to approve that the President doesn't just

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have unilateral appointment authority. Very true, but the clause and

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the Constitution is completely silent about the removal power. And

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the idea that many scholars have taken from that is

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it's sort of the dog that didn't bark, right. There

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are restrictions on the appointment's power. The removal power isn't

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mentioned at all. Therefore there aren't any restrictions on the

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removal power. So if you put those three textual arguments together,

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the president is on pretty strong ground in claiming that

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he has the constitutional authority to remove someone, at least

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someone who's exercising executive power, as Federal Reserve Board governors

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definitely do.

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Speaker 1: That's very interesting. Point number two, really I think should

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be part of this case, but maybe it isn't in

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the narrow tailoring of it. But what happens if you

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have someone obnoxious to the agenda of the president? What

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if you have someone who is obnoxious to the goals

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that the president has set out and is working openly

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against the administration. The president has no power, even in

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this situation to remove someone like that. And I think,

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you know, there is a good body of evidence to

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show that Lisa Cook does not share the president's views

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on monetary policy as well as a number of different issues.

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What does that do to a duly elected, duly elected

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president in that case.

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Speaker 3: It's a concern, isn't it from a self government standpoint?

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Because the president is elected and so to have democratic

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accountability we have that over the president. If he makes

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appointments that we don't like, then there's at least the opportunity,

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maybe not for a lame duck president, but certainly to

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penalize his party in Congress during the midterms and so forth.

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So there are democratic accountability channels. If you have someone,

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whether it's someone at the Federal Reserve or someone at

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one of these other independent agencies who's behaving in a

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way that's obnoxious to the president, as you put it,

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and the president doesn't have control over that person, can't

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remove them from office, then where is the self government

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in that? Where is the democratic accountability in that? There

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really isn't any. And mister Clement, who spoke on behalf

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of miss Cook in the oral argument, suggested that, well,

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there's always impeachment as a remedy. But I thought this

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listener general had a good response to that, which is, well.

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Speaker 2: Wait a minute.

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Speaker 3: The Constitution specifies impeachment for the removal of federal judges,

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but it doesn't talk about that for these other officeholders.

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And so you would be restricting the president to something

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that the Constitution appears to reserve for people who are

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holding lifetime office or who have been elected like the

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president or vice president. It's not to say that you

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couldn't impeach one of these folks. You could if the

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president didn't want to remove someone, for example, and the

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House we're willing to impeach them. In two thirds of

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the Senate were willing to remove them, that can happen

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without the president's assent. But by and large, if you're asking,

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if you're trying to say the president can only remove

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someone from impeachment, well, what does he do if either

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the House or the Senate is in control of the

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other party and wants this obnoxious person in office? Well

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that now he has no way of removing them, And

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that doesn't it doesn't really seem consistent with him exercising

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his duty to take care.

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Speaker 2: That the law is faithfully executed.

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Speaker 1: Yeah, no doubt about that. You mentioned an interesting name

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to me. I want to get to that in just

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a moment.

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Speaker 4: Do not believe government numbers? The watch doot Own Wall

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Street podcast with Chris Markowski. Every day Chris helps unpack

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the connection between politics and the economy and how it

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affects your wallet. It's not just about the CPI inflation numbers.

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Government is now saying health insurance is down by nineteen

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percent over the last five years.

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Speaker 2: Does anybody believe that.

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Speaker 4: Whether it's happening in DC or down on Wall Street,

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it's affecting you financially?

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Speaker 2: Be informed?

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Speaker 4: Check out the watchdod on Wall Street podcast with Chris

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Markowski on Apple, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcast.

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Speaker 1: Mark Jenowith is president of the New Civil Liberties Alliance.

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He joins us on this edition of the Federalist Radio Hour.

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Is it Paul Clement who was arguing for Lisa Cook

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for the Supreme Court?

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Speaker 3: Yes, it was, and uh, you know, love love Paul.

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He Uh, we worked with him. He was the council

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for Loper Bright in the Loper Bright case and we

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had the Relentless case and in the pair of cases

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that overturned Chevron deference. Very good attorney. Well, I'm sure

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we'll work with him. Well, actually we are working with

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him on something else right now. Uh, but in this

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particular case we were we were on opposite sides of

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the issue.

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Speaker 1: It is interesting to me because he he was the

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former solicitor general for the President Joe Biden.

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Speaker 2: Correct, oh, not Biden for for George.

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Speaker 1: Excuse for George W. Bush. Yes, I apologize for that. Uh,

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and but it's it's interesting to me that uh Clement

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was also recently I think he still is on the

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legal team representing the judge in Milwaukee County, Hannah Dugan.

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Speaker 2: UH.

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Speaker 1: If you recall, Hannah Dugan was indicted effectively for aiding

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and abetting or interfering at the very least with the

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federal law enforcement agents in Ice in UH, you know,

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basically allowing a an a legal immigrant near her court

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or in her court to escape ICE custody. And the

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argument that that legal team had was, well, the judge

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is immune from from any anything that that involves her court,

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and that includes interfering in the you know, the federal

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law enforcement officials duties. Well, again, she was indicted, and

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a federal jury in December convicted her of that particular charge,

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arguing that she did not have the authority uh to

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claim those sorts of things, submit that there certainly was

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cause to remove her from the bench. There certainly was

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cause to indict her. But it's interesting that that that

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you have Paul Clement making these these claims that cause

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has to be there has to be a process for

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this involving the case with Lisa Cook.

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Speaker 3: Well, I think that's just a function of Paul as

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an excellent, highly paid advocate who you know, I'm sure

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has been hired in both.

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Speaker 2: Cases to to do what he does so well.

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Speaker 3: And I don't, you know, unlike a public interest group

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like in c l A, we probably can't ask lawyers

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in private practice to always be on the same side of,

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you know, some some set of set of issues. I

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haven't followed that particular case very you know, very closely,

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but but I.

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Speaker 2: Do think that.

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Speaker 3: Though I think he did a fine job at the

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oral argument, I think some of the post argument commentary

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has suggested that the Court might be leaning his way

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in the Cook. In the Cook case, I hope that

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proves not to be true, both because I think that

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it might prompt the President to challenge the constitutionality of

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the fore cause standard, and because I think if the

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Court were to say, look, the fore cost standard requires

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or limits you to firing someone for reasons of say inefficiency,

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neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office, which is a standard,

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by the way, that other agencies have, but that's not

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the standard that applies to Federal Reserve Board of Governors.

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If they were to say if they were to import

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that here and imply that, I would be concerned, both

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because I think that would essentially be the Supreme Court

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legislating from the bench and creating a standard that wasn't

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created by Congress, and because I think that would tie

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the President's hands too much in terms of his ability

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to remove someone like Lisa Cook. I mean, we're talking

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about the independence of the Fed being important, and I

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know a lot of folks think about the interest rates

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setting function that they have the sort of the open

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market function that the Federal Reserve has, And that's true,

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and maybe arguably we want to enter into some sort

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of Ulysses contract that sort of prevents Congress and the

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President from playing with interest rates in a way that

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might lead to inflation. But even if we were to

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agree on that point, and obviously not everyone does, it's

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still the case that the Federal Reserve has a bunch

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of regulatory responsibilities like regulating credit card companies, regulating banks,

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and it writes ordinary regulations just like other agencies do,

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and at least in that part of what it does,

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the President certainly needs to be in a position to

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oversee that regulation and discipline folks, including up to removal

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of folks who aren't in line with the priorities and

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policies of his administration.

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Speaker 2: And again, if he doesn't.

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Speaker 3: Have that ability, then we then we've gotten rid of

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self government, and I don't think that's where we want

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to be.

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Speaker 1: I think that's a great point. If you want to

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divorce those two things, the federal regulation from the monetary policy,

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and what the Board is set up to do and

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what the Reserve is set up to do is to

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do a lot of things, then Congress has the responsibility

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of taking those two things and separating them and putting

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someone under the executive branch. And then I know there

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are other questions involving that, but you raise a good point.

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Justice Amy Cony. Barrett cited issues as you mentioned, with

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public confidence. Should the president be cleared to fire a

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sitting governor without fully explaining or justifying the reasons. I

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think he has explained and I think he has justified

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the reasons, which you'll get into in just a moment,

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But this is what Barrett said. We have Amikas Brieves

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from economist who tell us that if Cook is fired

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then it can trigger a recession. How should we think

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about the public interest in a case like this, I'll

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ask you that same question, but I'll also already point

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to a follow up question, and that is, is that

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the business of the court to consider?

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Speaker 3: Well, I think this listener general's response to that question,

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if I remember correctly, was to point out that when

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President Trump first fired Lisa Cook back in August, I

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believe it was that the market went up for three

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straight days after that. So, just from a yeah, empirical standpoint,

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this listener General was suggesting, maybe markets aren't so concerned

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about the President being able to remove one of the

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fifteen members of the Federal Reserve Board.

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Speaker 2: After all, it's not the case that.

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Speaker 3: Removing one Federal Reserve Board governor is going to tip

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the scales on what we're doing with interest rate setting.

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You know, if he were, for example, threatening to fire

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ten of them and replace them all with his acolytes

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or something like that, maybe the concern that she stated

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would would be more on point. But I'm not so

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sure that removing just one governor from a multi from

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a very large, multi member board is going to have

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that impact as to whether the Court should take such

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prudential concerns into account. You could argue that they shouldn't,

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but the reality is that they will and that they do.

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And so I think as an advocate one has to

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be prepared to counter those prudential concerns. And for me,

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the solicitor Solicitor General John Sower did a pretty good

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job of that. He pointed out that plenty of people

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would be concerned if she stayed or continues to stay,

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on the Board of Governors. Why should we have someone

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on there setting our interest rates who lied in a

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mortgage application in order to secure a more favorable interest

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rate for herself. That does seem to set up the possibility.

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Speaker 2: Of a rule for thee but not for me.

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Speaker 3: Kind of situation that, frankly, is exactly the kind of

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attitude that got President Trump elected by the masses to

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begin with. So you can understand why he might take

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a particular viewpoint toward that. And as a colleague of

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mind pointed out today, the case that Letitia James brought

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against President Trump up in New York.

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Speaker 2: Yes, it was similar to this.

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Speaker 3: They said, well, you had missed you had information that

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was in accurate in your application. His response was, well,

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I the bank was never misled. The bank did its

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own due diligence. The bank had a full understanding of this,

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and in his case, the bank even testified to that

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effect that they were not misled. And and so, you know,

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none nonetheless, now that case is on appeal, But nonetheless,

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he had a five hundred million dollar judgment or something

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like that against him in the at least in the

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trial court. And I know that the Court of Appeals

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had a sort of a strange mixed response to that,

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but but but largely favorable to him.

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Speaker 2: And you know, he.

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Speaker 3: May look at the situation with Lisa Cook and think, well, gosh,

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that looks a lot like what was considered inappropriate by

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you know, by this other in this other instance where

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where I was involved. If if you know, if I'm

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going to get slapped down for that, why shouldn't she

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get slapped down for that? And I don't know that

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that's what his thought process was. He hasn't said that.

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I haven't, you know, I don't. And to be able

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to read the president's mind.

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Speaker 1: I think there's some of that there.

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Speaker 3: Yeah, it's you know, it's not crazy to think that

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that he might be particularly sensitive to this kind of

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this kind of violation.

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Speaker 1: Yeah, no doubt about it. There's a lot of that

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for thee not for me going around, including with Letitia James,

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serious allegations against her. Whether that'll be revisited or not,

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it remains to be seen. But Lisa Cook is charged

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with some very serious things and it's not let's put

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it in perspective too, she's charged with fraud, a financial fraud.

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She is not working in well to think of any

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number of positions where that isn't a primary concern.

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Speaker 2: National Park Service.

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Speaker 1: Exactly exactly unless you're dealing with an auditor or you know,

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an accountant or something like that. But yeah, someone in

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the National Park Service does not have the same kind

463
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of causal issues on that front. This clearly is a

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matter of cause. Although the argument is she hasn't had

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her time in court or a hearing to explain herself.

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And I guess that's the question, and that's the question

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the Supreme Court is dealing with. Is that a necessary requirement?

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And what do you think about that?

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Speaker 2: Right?

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Speaker 3: Does she get a notice and a hearing is another

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way of asking that question in and the statute doesn't

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say that. The statute says that the President can fire

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her fore cause it does not require notice and a hearing.

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Speaker 2: Now there's an.

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Speaker 3: Argument over whether the traditional restriction of four cause sort

476
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of brings with it. They talk in the oral argument

477
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about the old soil of that sort of that sort

478
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of of provision bringing, you know, coming along with it

479
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the idea of notice in comment. But certainly the text

480
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of the statute not notice in common notice in hearing.

481
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The statute doesn't doesn't buy its text require notice in hearing.

482
00:30:09,720 --> 00:30:13,440
And so unless the constitution requires notice in hearing because

483
00:30:13,480 --> 00:30:15,960
she has a property interest in the office, and due

484
00:30:15,960 --> 00:30:20,680
process requires her to have a due process which would

485
00:30:20,759 --> 00:30:23,480
usually be thought to include a hearing before being deprived

486
00:30:23,480 --> 00:30:26,799
of the office, I don't know that she has a

487
00:30:26,839 --> 00:30:29,079
lot of ground to stand on now. That said that,

488
00:30:29,240 --> 00:30:32,119
justices were not impressed with the idea that a truth

489
00:30:32,240 --> 00:30:36,519
social post was sufficient notice to her. They seemed to

490
00:30:37,160 --> 00:30:41,960
prefer something more formal than that. Whether the whether they're

491
00:30:42,000 --> 00:30:46,200
just behind the times and a social media post is

492
00:30:46,319 --> 00:30:50,200
sufficient notice, you know, I think is a close question.

493
00:30:50,519 --> 00:30:51,839
Speaker 2: I think it would be better.

494
00:30:51,599 --> 00:30:54,880
Speaker 3: To send us some sort of a formal letter to someone.

495
00:30:55,880 --> 00:30:59,519
And then the question is did she have an adequate

496
00:30:59,519 --> 00:31:04,319
opportunity unity to respond to those charges within the five

497
00:31:04,359 --> 00:31:06,680
I think it was five days between the truth social

498
00:31:06,720 --> 00:31:13,240
post and his his ordering that that she be fired. Uh,

499
00:31:13,279 --> 00:31:16,359
And in what way would she respond to that? Would

500
00:31:16,400 --> 00:31:19,880
she would she posts something on social media herself. At

501
00:31:19,920 --> 00:31:22,000
no point was she apparently called to the White House

502
00:31:22,079 --> 00:31:25,079
for a face to face meeting. And you know, I

503
00:31:25,559 --> 00:31:32,079
joke with someone on my Unwritten Law podcast that you

504
00:31:32,079 --> 00:31:33,960
you could you could see a situation kind of a

505
00:31:33,960 --> 00:31:37,839
celebrity apprentice table where where President Trump brought someone in

506
00:31:37,880 --> 00:31:40,680
and gave them, uh, some period of time to defend

507
00:31:40,680 --> 00:31:43,079
themselves from the from the charges, and then said, Okay,

508
00:31:43,720 --> 00:31:47,240
well you're fired. That's not good enough for me. Chief

509
00:31:47,319 --> 00:31:51,160
Justice Roberts in the oral argument, asked the question, well,

510
00:31:51,200 --> 00:31:54,960
sort of, what's the point of requiring that because it's

511
00:31:55,000 --> 00:31:58,880
not as she's not contesting the fact of what she did.

512
00:31:58,960 --> 00:32:02,920
She's contesting whether she did it with fraudulent intent. She's

513
00:32:02,920 --> 00:32:04,720
saying it was a you know, it was sort of

514
00:32:04,759 --> 00:32:08,599
a paperwork air. It was something that an oversight, not

515
00:32:08,720 --> 00:32:13,200
something that she did deliberately. But she's not contesting that

516
00:32:13,279 --> 00:32:16,319
for example, the document is forged or that's not her signature,

517
00:32:16,400 --> 00:32:19,119
or she never bought that property or or she didn't

518
00:32:19,160 --> 00:32:23,039
check that box that that indicated that it was a

519
00:32:23,079 --> 00:32:27,920
primary residence. So there's not really a lot of facts

520
00:32:28,000 --> 00:32:31,920
to be sorted through. And then you know, she might

521
00:32:31,960 --> 00:32:35,319
have some legal arguments about how relevant those facts should

522
00:32:35,319 --> 00:32:37,960
be to the question of her removal. But who's the

523
00:32:38,000 --> 00:32:41,359
decision maker there, and isn't it ultimately the president if

524
00:32:41,359 --> 00:32:45,799
you have a four cause removal standard. Some folks are

525
00:32:45,799 --> 00:32:49,480
trying to say, well, this was pre office conduct, and

526
00:32:50,160 --> 00:32:53,720
anything that's preoffice conduct is not a reason that you

527
00:32:53,759 --> 00:32:56,920
can be removed. Justice Alito had some fun without it

528
00:32:57,000 --> 00:32:59,680
the oral argument. He sort of trotted out a bunch

529
00:32:59,680 --> 00:33:03,720
of high patheticals of different things that might be preoffice

530
00:33:03,759 --> 00:33:06,200
conduct that you really want to take the position that

531
00:33:06,240 --> 00:33:09,960
someone can't be fired for, you know, this parade of horribles,

532
00:33:10,960 --> 00:33:13,279
and I think you get to the point pretty quickly

533
00:33:13,279 --> 00:33:16,200
where you realize, eh, we can't say that you could

534
00:33:16,240 --> 00:33:21,599
never be removed for preoffice conduct. I think what some

535
00:33:21,640 --> 00:33:24,000
folks have said, and I think this is somewhat compelling,

536
00:33:24,519 --> 00:33:26,960
is look, if this is something that was disclosed to

537
00:33:27,079 --> 00:33:30,119
the Senate, and the President knew it when he appointed you,

538
00:33:30,160 --> 00:33:32,599
and the Senate knew it when they confirmed you, then

539
00:33:32,640 --> 00:33:37,079
maybe an subsequent president can't reltigate those facts and fire

540
00:33:37,160 --> 00:33:40,559
you for that pre office conduct. But the idea that

541
00:33:40,599 --> 00:33:43,279
there's no preoffice conduct for which you can be removed

542
00:33:43,319 --> 00:33:45,599
from office, I think that's a bridge too far, and

543
00:33:45,960 --> 00:33:47,839
I don't think the Supreme Court's going to say that.

544
00:33:48,319 --> 00:33:52,839
Speaker 1: Yeah, I believe cause too can include incompetence. And I

545
00:33:52,880 --> 00:33:57,400
think if you are caught making such grievous mistakes on

546
00:33:57,440 --> 00:34:01,759
your mortgage forms as someone who wants to be a

547
00:34:01,799 --> 00:34:09,119
governor on the board of Reserve, and I think one

548
00:34:09,159 --> 00:34:12,199
could ask some questions are you capable of doing the job?

549
00:34:12,320 --> 00:34:15,119
And this shows you're not? And there is cause right there.

550
00:34:15,519 --> 00:34:17,679
All of that said, I think Trump probably should have

551
00:34:17,760 --> 00:34:21,760
just sent his truth social post via facts to her

552
00:34:21,800 --> 00:34:25,079
and then that would have accounted for a formal document.

553
00:34:25,159 --> 00:34:29,079
Final question for I really appreciate your perspective, your expertise.

554
00:34:29,159 --> 00:34:30,960
Speaker 3: Can you can I just jump into say, yeah, yeah,

555
00:34:31,239 --> 00:34:34,599
say one thing, which is you're exactly right about that

556
00:34:35,079 --> 00:34:37,800
point and on negligence, and that is in fact, what

557
00:34:37,880 --> 00:34:40,440
the argument of this Solicitor general was. He wasn't saying

558
00:34:40,480 --> 00:34:43,039
she committed fraud. He said, look this, even if this

559
00:34:43,159 --> 00:34:46,480
is gross negligence. That's enough for the president.

560
00:34:46,079 --> 00:34:49,800
Speaker 2: To fire her. And that's what we are assuming occurred here,

561
00:34:49,840 --> 00:34:52,079
and that's why he wants to remove her.

562
00:34:52,840 --> 00:34:57,440
Speaker 1: Every headline I read from you know, the usual suspects

563
00:34:57,480 --> 00:35:00,400
in corporate media is something to the effort fact that

564
00:35:00,599 --> 00:35:06,840
justice is reluctant to side with Chump Trump. Justices won't

565
00:35:06,840 --> 00:35:10,639
be ciding with Trump. Looks like Lisa Cook, her goose

566
00:35:10,719 --> 00:35:15,559
isn't cooked. Whatever whatever it is they believe. At least,

567
00:35:15,599 --> 00:35:20,079
the stories push the idea that there's no way that

568
00:35:20,159 --> 00:35:24,840
this court is going to even this narrow Tarler tailoring

569
00:35:24,960 --> 00:35:30,400
is going to allow the president to fire this this

570
00:35:30,480 --> 00:35:32,880
governor of the Federal Reserve. What do you think ultimately

571
00:35:32,920 --> 00:35:33,639
will happen here?

572
00:35:34,440 --> 00:35:36,280
Speaker 3: Well, it's certainly true that the tenor of the oral

573
00:35:36,360 --> 00:35:38,559
argument was very different than the tenor of the oral

574
00:35:38,599 --> 00:35:41,559
argument in last month's trumpvi's Slaughter case about whether he

575
00:35:41,639 --> 00:35:45,559
can fire Rebecca Slaughter from the Federal Trade Commission. I

576
00:35:45,559 --> 00:35:48,719
think most of the commentary was the other way. After

577
00:35:48,760 --> 00:35:51,119
that oral argument, it really sounded like the court was

578
00:35:51,199 --> 00:35:57,440
going to let the president fire her. And interestingly, the

579
00:35:57,679 --> 00:36:01,679
standard there isn't isn't just cause it is a sort

580
00:36:01,679 --> 00:36:07,079
of an inefficiency, neglect of duty, and malfeasance kind of

581
00:36:07,880 --> 00:36:12,480
kind of standard there. But they seemed comfortable with letting

582
00:36:12,519 --> 00:36:15,239
him fire Slaughter. As I say, the tenor was very

583
00:36:15,280 --> 00:36:18,400
different with Cook. The Federal Reserve is different apparently in

584
00:36:18,440 --> 00:36:21,239
the eyes of many of the justices, perhaps all of

585
00:36:21,280 --> 00:36:24,800
the justices, and so you didn't get the same sense

586
00:36:24,840 --> 00:36:28,559
that they were ready to go along with the president

587
00:36:28,599 --> 00:36:33,159
firing her without without saying anything else. But I also

588
00:36:33,320 --> 00:36:36,480
heard a real desire to do something more limited in

589
00:36:36,559 --> 00:36:40,880
this case that might involve not reaching the substantive constitutional

590
00:36:40,960 --> 00:36:43,760
question either because they take that off ramp and say, look,

591
00:36:44,039 --> 00:36:46,480
the district judge here issued to stay.

592
00:36:46,599 --> 00:36:47,679
Speaker 2: That's not allowed.

593
00:36:47,800 --> 00:36:50,039
Speaker 3: You can't you know, you can't join the president. You

594
00:36:50,039 --> 00:36:54,960
can't stop this kind of of firing. You know, in progress,

595
00:36:55,480 --> 00:36:59,320
the remedy is only ex post. They might say something

596
00:36:59,360 --> 00:37:02,960
like that, or they might say something like, look, there

597
00:37:03,079 --> 00:37:05,639
wasn't enough You know, we're not saying the president can't

598
00:37:05,679 --> 00:37:09,119
fire her. We're just saying there wasn't enough notice and

599
00:37:09,199 --> 00:37:11,360
hearing here. This is what we think the notice needs

600
00:37:11,440 --> 00:37:12,840
to look like. This is what we think the hearing

601
00:37:12,880 --> 00:37:15,039
needs to look like. If the president wants to go

602
00:37:15,119 --> 00:37:18,320
back to square one and provide notice and provide a hearing,

603
00:37:18,360 --> 00:37:21,440
and then we will have a different question in front

604
00:37:21,440 --> 00:37:23,840
of us. I don't know that they'll do that, because

605
00:37:23,840 --> 00:37:25,920
I think it would be a little bit pointless. At

606
00:37:26,000 --> 00:37:28,599
least the Chief Justice seemed to indicate that. But that

607
00:37:28,639 --> 00:37:31,519
would be another way that would maybe buy them some

608
00:37:31,679 --> 00:37:35,079
time or let them not reach the substance of it,

609
00:37:35,880 --> 00:37:38,880
or they might just say, look, we're going to let

610
00:37:38,880 --> 00:37:43,239
this particular firing happen. But we're doing that because we

611
00:37:43,320 --> 00:37:47,960
think that the four cause was followed here. And what

612
00:37:48,000 --> 00:37:51,159
we're saying is that this is justiciable. The question of

613
00:37:51,239 --> 00:37:54,480
whether four cause was followed or not isn't something that

614
00:37:54,519 --> 00:37:57,480
we're just going to say is beyond the kin of

615
00:37:57,519 --> 00:38:00,920
the judiciary. We actually think people can bring these cases

616
00:38:01,639 --> 00:38:04,840
if you know, if if the four cause provision hasn't

617
00:38:04,840 --> 00:38:10,119
been honored, and and sort of throwing down a gauntlet,

618
00:38:10,119 --> 00:38:14,000
if you will, for future cases, sort of telling the administration, look,

619
00:38:14,000 --> 00:38:15,719
we're not just going to let you come up with

620
00:38:15,760 --> 00:38:20,800
pretextual reasons for for firing someone for cause, but we

621
00:38:20,840 --> 00:38:23,719
are going to let you do this one. And so

622
00:38:23,800 --> 00:38:26,320
that might be another way that it would that it

623
00:38:26,360 --> 00:38:31,039
would come out. You know, I I'll be very surprised

624
00:38:31,159 --> 00:38:34,159
if if the Slaughter case comes out not allowing the

625
00:38:34,199 --> 00:38:37,440
firing there. But I'll be a little bit surprised in

626
00:38:37,480 --> 00:38:40,480
the cookcase if they don't let him fire Cook too.

627
00:38:40,559 --> 00:38:44,800
I just I heard something closer to a desire for

628
00:38:44,880 --> 00:38:48,400
a limited outcome for now among the justices.

629
00:38:48,840 --> 00:38:49,960
Speaker 2: And I don't know that.

630
00:38:50,400 --> 00:38:52,440
Speaker 3: It was hard to hard to find five votes for

631
00:38:52,480 --> 00:38:55,800
any one outcome, but it certainly didn't sound like they

632
00:38:55,840 --> 00:39:00,400
were overly eager to to settle the constitutional quite in

633
00:39:00,440 --> 00:39:03,440
a case where the president seemed to be following the

634
00:39:03,440 --> 00:39:07,559
statute or certainly claimed to be following his statutory authority.

635
00:39:08,719 --> 00:39:11,079
Speaker 1: Very interesting. I say this every year. I've said this

636
00:39:11,159 --> 00:39:15,480
the last several years. This is an unprecedented year for

637
00:39:15,519 --> 00:39:19,679
the Supreme Court. It seems like every year is unprecedented,

638
00:39:20,239 --> 00:39:23,480
very fascinating stuff. We'll be keeping an eye on this,

639
00:39:24,000 --> 00:39:27,159
I know you folks at the New Civil Liberties Alliance

640
00:39:27,239 --> 00:39:28,760
will be. For sure.

641
00:39:29,400 --> 00:39:30,480
Speaker 2: We love these cases.

642
00:39:30,719 --> 00:39:33,360
Speaker 3: I like to say that we've we've been making Administrative

643
00:39:33,440 --> 00:39:37,639
Law Fund since twenty seventeen, and folks are welcome to

644
00:39:38,000 --> 00:39:40,519
go to our website at NCLA Legal dot Org and

645
00:39:40,639 --> 00:39:43,559
learn more about our brief in this case and the

646
00:39:43,559 --> 00:39:46,400
other cases that we've been working on, sometimes for the administration,

647
00:39:46,519 --> 00:39:47,760
sometimes against the administration.

648
00:39:48,079 --> 00:39:49,960
Speaker 1: Now you have a T shirt or a bumper sticker

649
00:39:50,000 --> 00:39:50,679
that says.

650
00:39:50,440 --> 00:39:52,519
Speaker 2: That not yet, but we need one, don't we?

651
00:39:52,880 --> 00:39:55,199
Speaker 1: I think so that would be great. Thanks to my

652
00:39:55,280 --> 00:39:59,480
guest today, Mark Jenowith, president of the New Civil Liberties Alliance,

653
00:40:00,079 --> 00:40:02,880
listening to another edition of the Federalist Radio Hour. I'm

654
00:40:02,880 --> 00:40:06,559
Matt Kittle's senior elections correspondent at the Federalist. We'll be

655
00:40:06,599 --> 00:40:10,679
back soon with more. Until then, stay lovers of freedom

656
00:40:10,719 --> 00:40:12,119
and anxious for the frame

