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<v Speaker 1>Hello and Welcome to Western SITH episode four hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>fifty four, Bacon's Rebellion. In the early decades of English colonization,

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<v Speaker 1>the Colony of Virginia faced a dire and persistent problem labor. Tobacco,

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<v Speaker 1>introduced by John Rolf in sixteen twelve, had rapidly become

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<v Speaker 1>the colony's economic lifeline, but cultivating it was labor intensive,

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<v Speaker 1>and the population simply two spars. The Virginia Company, a

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<v Speaker 1>joint stock venture responsible for establishing the colony, needed a

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<v Speaker 1>way to entice more settlers, more importantly, more laborers across

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<v Speaker 1>the Atlantic. In response, they devised the head right System,

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<v Speaker 1>a land grant program that became the engine of expansion

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<v Speaker 1>in early Virginia. First formalized in sixteen eighteen, the system

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<v Speaker 1>promised fifty acres of land to any settler who paid

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<v Speaker 1>their own passage to Virginia. But the real innovation, and

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<v Speaker 1>the one that would shape the colony's labor economy for decades,

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<v Speaker 1>was the provision that fifty acres would also be granted

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<v Speaker 1>per head for each additional person whose passage. A settler

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<v Speaker 1>financed these heads. This is where the head right system

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<v Speaker 1>comes from. Could be family members servants or sometimes even

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<v Speaker 1>enslaved persons. In effect, the system turned immigration into the

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<v Speaker 1>new source of wealth. A planter, for example, could pay

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<v Speaker 1>to transport five hundred indentured servants, received two hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>fifty acres, and then used the labor of those same

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<v Speaker 1>servants to cultivate it. Once the servants fulfilled their contracts,

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<v Speaker 1>usually lasting four to seven years. This was indentured servitude

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<v Speaker 1>by the way, they were promised quote unquote freedom dues

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<v Speaker 1>a small parcel of land, tools, or provisions to begin

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<v Speaker 1>their life as an independent farmer. But in practice, many

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<v Speaker 1>former servants found themselves landless, pushed to the colony's frontiers,

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<v Speaker 1>or compelled to enter service once again. Meanwhile, the landowners

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<v Speaker 1>accumulated vast estates, particularly along Virginia's rivers, where easy transportation

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<v Speaker 1>allowed tobacco to be shipped back to England. This policy

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<v Speaker 1>transformed Virginia into a society shaped stratified by land and labor.

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<v Speaker 1>It encouraged the growth of plantations and entrenched the power

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<v Speaker 1>of a rising class of wealthy planters who would come

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<v Speaker 1>to dominate the colony's politics, economy, and even its church.

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<v Speaker 1>At the same time, it created the legal and logistical

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<v Speaker 1>groundwork for the expansion of unfree labor, first as we

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<v Speaker 1>will see through indenture, and then as a result of

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<v Speaker 1>Bacon's rebellion through African slavery, but that will be right

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<v Speaker 1>after this. In the steamy tide water summer of sixteen

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<v Speaker 1>seventy six, the Virginia colony erupted finally in fire and fury.

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<v Speaker 1>The flames were literal, actually Jamestown itself would burn down,

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<v Speaker 1>but they were also symbolic, liking at the edges and

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<v Speaker 1>of an emerging American society. This was Bacon's rebellion, a

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<v Speaker 1>brief and actually incredibly brief, but explosive insurrection nonetheless that

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<v Speaker 1>would expose the foundations, the cracks thereof, of colonial rule,

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<v Speaker 1>and also, even though it was a short rebellion, have

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<v Speaker 1>an incredibly important lasting impact for the development of American

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<v Speaker 1>colonial life and particularly of what we come to know

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<v Speaker 1>as American shadow slavery. Now, to understand this rebellion, we

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<v Speaker 1>have to, as I started to in the introduction, go

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<v Speaker 1>back and understand the social order of seventeenth century Virginia.

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<v Speaker 1>By the sixteenth centuries, now Virginia was split down the middle,

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<v Speaker 1>not just geographically but socially, in the east, along the

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<v Speaker 1>rivers and coastlines, a small class of wealthy planters dominated

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<v Speaker 1>the political and economic life of the colony. Chief among

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<v Speaker 1>them was Sir William Berkeley, belong serving royal governor who

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<v Speaker 1>had governed mostly uninterrupted since sixteen forty one. He was

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<v Speaker 1>a veteran administrator, He was a loyalist during the English

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<v Speaker 1>Civil Wars that were actually about to get to and

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<v Speaker 1>an aristocrat through and through. Berkeley governed through patronage and control.

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<v Speaker 1>He kept the House of Burgesses, Virginia's elected legislature that

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<v Speaker 1>I mentioned at the end of the Jamestown episodes, packed

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<v Speaker 1>with loyal allies, and he tightly restricted voting rights and

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<v Speaker 1>fur trade licenses to those within his inner circle. Meanwhile,

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<v Speaker 1>on the colony's western frontier, a very different type of

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<v Speaker 1>Virginia was emerging. This was a volatile world of small farmers,

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<v Speaker 1>landless freeman and former indentured servants. These frontier settlers lived

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<v Speaker 1>in constant fear of native attacks as they pushed into

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<v Speaker 1>the territory of the diegu and the Susquehannic, and of

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<v Speaker 1>course other indigenous groups. When raids broke out in sixteen

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<v Speaker 1>seventy five after a dispute over livestock and debts. The

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<v Speaker 1>frontier population begged Berkeley for help, but he refused to

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<v Speaker 1>authorize a full scale war, fearing the disruption of the

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<v Speaker 1>fur trade and the fragile peace with other native tribes.

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<v Speaker 1>The frontier saw cowardice, Berkeley saw prudence. A settler by

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<v Speaker 1>the name of Edmund Cheeseman wrote, bitterly quote, the country

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<v Speaker 1>groans under the burthen of their grievances, and I know

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<v Speaker 1>not what remedy remains. That the commons must rise, and

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<v Speaker 1>so they did. But of course, as I talked about

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<v Speaker 1>in the introduction, this rebellion has a lot more to

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<v Speaker 1>do with land and social order than it does with

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<v Speaker 1>disputes of Native Americans. That's one aspect of it. But

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<v Speaker 1>the other, probably equally if not more important aspect, was

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<v Speaker 1>the failed promise of indentured servitude. Many were willing to

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<v Speaker 1>sail across the Atlantic, risking their lives on that voyage,

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<v Speaker 1>and then toil for four to seven years, risking their

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<v Speaker 1>lives with mosquitoes and any other manner of way that

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<v Speaker 1>death may creep up upon them, because of the promise

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<v Speaker 1>that afterwards, through the head right system, they would receive

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<v Speaker 1>a plot of land and be able to strike out

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<v Speaker 1>on their own. However, as a component of the head

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<v Speaker 1>right system, the Virginia Company and its various successors divided

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<v Speaker 1>up the land amongst those who paid for the passage,

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<v Speaker 1>and so all the good land, the land around the Chesapeake,

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<v Speaker 1>the land around what we call the Tidewater region, the

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<v Speaker 1>land around the James Rivers, and so on and so forth.

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<v Speaker 1>In other words, all the good land for growing tobacco,

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<v Speaker 1>all that went to the wealthy planters, All that went

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<v Speaker 1>to the men who were paying the passage for the

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<v Speaker 1>people to come across. The land that was given formerly

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<v Speaker 1>indentured servants and some independent persons of less means who

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<v Speaker 1>made their way across the Atlantic was further to the

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<v Speaker 1>west and decidedly not as productive. These individuals, after they

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<v Speaker 1>had spent the better part of their lives at this

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<v Speaker 1>point working and risking all that they had, found themselves

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<v Speaker 1>bitterly disappointed when they finally received their reward. And this,

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps even more than fear of Native Americans, is what

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<v Speaker 1>drove those American colonists to finally rise up in a

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<v Speaker 1>great rebellion. Now to this appropriately primed powder keg stepped

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<v Speaker 1>a charismatic spark. Nathaniel Bacon, a young, well connected Englishman

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<v Speaker 1>who had only recently arrived in the colony. Though he

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<v Speaker 1>was Berkeley's cousin by marriage and a member of the

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<v Speaker 1>governor's council, Bacon was ambitious and hot tempered. He quickly

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<v Speaker 1>aligned himself with the disgruntled settlers and demanded action against

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<v Speaker 1>the native tribes. Denied a commission to lead an expedition,

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<v Speaker 1>Bacon took matters into his own hands. In the spring

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<v Speaker 1>of sixteen seventy six, he gathered a militia of angry

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<v Speaker 1>farmers and launched unauthorized attacks against native villages, including friendly

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<v Speaker 1>groups by the Panumki. Berkeley declared him a traitor. Bacon,

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<v Speaker 1>in turn declared war not just against the indigenous nations

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<v Speaker 1>this time, but against the colonial government itself. In July

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<v Speaker 1>sixteen seventy six, after skirmish's and political theater, Bacon issued

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<v Speaker 1>one of the most remarkable documents of the early colonial era,

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<v Speaker 1>the Declaration of the People. A fiery manifesto, it accused

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<v Speaker 1>Berkeley of corruption, favoritism, and outright tyranny. Quote, we do

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<v Speaker 1>declare and can prove that Sir William Berkeley hath protected, favored,

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<v Speaker 1>and emboldened the Indians against his Majesty's loyal subjects that

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<v Speaker 1>he hath abused and rendered contemptible the magistrates of justice

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<v Speaker 1>by advancing to places of judicial scandalous and ignorant favorites

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<v Speaker 1>that he hath raised and framed an Indian war purposely

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<v Speaker 1>to the advancement of his private interest end quote. This

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<v Speaker 1>was not just frontier revenge. It was now revolutionary rhetoric,

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<v Speaker 1>framing the rebellion in the language of popular sovereignty. Bacon's forces,

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<v Speaker 1>now estimated between three and five hundred men, marched on

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<v Speaker 1>Jamestown twice in the summer of sixteen seventy six. The

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<v Speaker 1>first time in June, they surrounded the capitol and forced

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<v Speaker 1>Berkeley to flee. Bacon returned briefly to the wilderness, but

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<v Speaker 1>came back in September when Berkeley attempted a to offensive.

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<v Speaker 1>The second confrontation would become legendary. On September nineteenth, sixteen

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<v Speaker 1>seventy six, Bacon's men set fire to Jamestown, reducing the

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<v Speaker 1>colonial capital to ashes. One eyewitness wrote, quote, we saw

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<v Speaker 1>the town in flame, and smelt the smoke and heard

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<v Speaker 1>the crackling of the burning houses all night, long end quote.

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<v Speaker 1>It was the first time in American history that settlers

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<v Speaker 1>had burned their own capital in open revolt. For weeks,

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<v Speaker 1>Bacon ruled much of Virginia like a warlord. He seized

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<v Speaker 1>plantations from loyalists, redistributed supplies, and hunted down suspected royalists.

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<v Speaker 1>But his army, though passionate, was unstable. Some were former

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<v Speaker 1>indentured servants, others enslaved Africans, and still others free men

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<v Speaker 1>with little to lose. Unity when it existed at all,

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<v Speaker 1>was fleeting. In October, the wheel of fate turned again.

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<v Speaker 1>Nathaniel Bacon died suddenly of dysentery in a makeshift camp

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<v Speaker 1>near present day Gloucester. Without his fiery leadership, the rebellion

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<v Speaker 1>crumbled almost overnight. Berkeley regained control, and loyalist forces quickly

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<v Speaker 1>rounded up the rebels. The governor unleashed a wave of retribution.

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<v Speaker 1>Twenty three men were hanged, despite pleas from England to

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<v Speaker 1>show restraint. One of the condemned was named Thomas Hansford,

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<v Speaker 1>who told the court quote, I am a soldier and

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<v Speaker 1>a gentleman, and dare die Berkeley. Later the following year,

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<v Speaker 1>when summoned before Parliament was forced to defend his brutal conduct.

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<v Speaker 1>King Charles the Second informed him of the bloodshed, reportedly remarked,

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<v Speaker 1>quote that old fool has hanged more men in that

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<v Speaker 1>naked country than I did for the murder of my

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<v Speaker 1>father end quote. Berkeley was recalled to England, where he

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<v Speaker 1>died in disgrace in sixteen seventy seven. Bacon's rebellion had failed,

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<v Speaker 1>but its consequences were what mattered. Its consequences would shape

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<v Speaker 1>the future of colonial America and then into the Republic

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<v Speaker 1>and beyond. Terrified by the ease with which poor whites

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<v Speaker 1>and enslaved Africans had joined forces, Virginia's elites quickly moved

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<v Speaker 1>to shore up their authority. They passed new racial codes

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<v Speaker 1>that deepened the divide between black and white laborers, ensuring

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<v Speaker 1>that poor whites would align with their social superiors, not

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<v Speaker 1>their enslaved neighbors. The rebellion also accelerated the use of

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<v Speaker 1>slavery within the United States, at least the colonies. For

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<v Speaker 1>the time, it seemed increasingly that indentured servants weren't worth

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<v Speaker 1>the risk, so instead, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and

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<v Speaker 1>Georgia began turning to enslaved Africans to provide the labor

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<v Speaker 1>that they so desperately needed, first for tobacco and rice,

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<v Speaker 1>and then eventually for king cotton. Were it not for

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<v Speaker 1>Bacon's rebellion, it's possible that the colonies would not have

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<v Speaker 1>turned so decisively towards enslaved African labor, and the history

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<v Speaker 1>of the United States could have been markedly different. Within decades,

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<v Speaker 1>slavery had also become hereditary, life long, and exclusively African.

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<v Speaker 1>One of the laws that was passed in the wake

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<v Speaker 1>of Bacon's rebellion required that any child born of an

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<v Speaker 1>enslaved woman was also enslaved, no matter who the father was.

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<v Speaker 1>By dividing along racial lines, the ruling class now ensured

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<v Speaker 1>that another multi racial class based uprising like Bacon's would

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<v Speaker 1>be far less likely. Bacon's rebellion was a revolt, a

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<v Speaker 1>civil war, and a cautionary tale all at once. It

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<v Speaker 1>was not a democratic revolution nor a cry for liberty

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<v Speaker 1>in the way we think of it today. But it

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<v Speaker 1>was the first time that English settlers in America turned

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<v Speaker 1>their weapons against their own government, demanding accountability, equity, and vengeance.

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<v Speaker 1>The ashes of Jamestown still smoldered as Virginia began rebuilding.

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<v Speaker 1>But beneath those ashes, a deeper fire had already been lit.

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<v Speaker 1>The enduring struggle over who would wield power in the

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<v Speaker 1>New World was at hand, and what cost the colonists

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<v Speaker 1>did not know now, Bacon's uprising is one of the

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<v Speaker 1>most notable events of early colonial history. Next week, I

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<v Speaker 1>turned to the other one, which is in itself also

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<v Speaker 1>a cautionary tale, because to the north, the colonists weren't

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<v Speaker 1>looking for rebellion, and weren't looking for enslaved Africans or

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<v Speaker 1>indentured white servants. Up in Salem, they were looking for witches.