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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to Western SIV Today Episode three hundred

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<v Speaker 1>and twenty eight The Empire. Today we begin what will

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<v Speaker 1>be the biggest story arc we have done on this program,

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<v Speaker 1>the Thirty Years War. Given the sheer length of the war,

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<v Speaker 1>I suppose that makes sense, it is also deliciously complicated.

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<v Speaker 1>In college, I had professor tell me once that a

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<v Speaker 1>thing of complexity is a joy for all time. If

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<v Speaker 1>he was right, and I think he was, then these

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<v Speaker 1>next series of episode will be quite the joy. Indeed,

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<v Speaker 1>in order to understand the war and its far reaching

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<v Speaker 1>consequences for Europe and the West, we have to dig

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<v Speaker 1>into the early modern Holy Roman Empire. I've talked about

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<v Speaker 1>the Empire in this show before, but not really to

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<v Speaker 1>the same extent as England, France, or Spain. The Holy

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<v Speaker 1>Roman Empire was very different from those kingdoms. It wasn't

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<v Speaker 1>necessarily worse, though it is often portrayed as such, but

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<v Speaker 1>it was very different. In the seventeenth century, historian Samuel

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<v Speaker 1>Huffendorff declared the Empire a quote unquote monstrosity for the

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<v Speaker 1>writing that it was neither kingdom nor republic. I'm not

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<v Speaker 1>sure he was entirely right. The events that gripped the

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<v Speaker 1>empire after sixteen eighteen were certainly dramatic, but they weren't

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<v Speaker 1>the first major tests for the emperor or his government

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<v Speaker 1>since Charlemagne cobbled the whole thing together roughly six hundred

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<v Speaker 1>years earlier. Today, we begin our study in detail of

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<v Speaker 1>the Holy Roman Empire because it's necessary to explain the

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<v Speaker 1>Thirty Years War, but also because it tells us so

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<v Speaker 1>much about early modern Europe and early modern state craft.

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<v Speaker 1>So the first thing that you want to understand is

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<v Speaker 1>start to talk about the Holy Roman Empire is the

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<v Speaker 1>fact that it's large. There were literally millions of peasants

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<v Speaker 1>and common folk living it over two two hundred towns

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<v Speaker 1>and at least one hundred and fifty thousand villages, including

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<v Speaker 1>numerous monasteries, convents, and other communities across the empire. It

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<v Speaker 1>was the level of communities that things got done, People

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<v Speaker 1>got married, children were born, work was organized, crops harvested,

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<v Speaker 1>goods made in exchange. It was these communities that would

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<v Speaker 1>dominate a monumental publishing venture by Matthias Marian that was

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<v Speaker 1>begun while the war was still at its height in

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<v Speaker 1>the sixteen thirties and not completed until about forty years

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<v Speaker 1>later called the Topographia Germani. The work contains scarcely any

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<v Speaker 1>description of the natural environment. Instead, it talks about the

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<v Speaker 1>empire by region, all the settlements that Marian and the

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<v Speaker 1>various collaborators he was working with, the things he had visited,

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<v Speaker 1>the places he had heard of, and then he described

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<v Speaker 1>them in alphabetical order. This is what gives us our

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<v Speaker 1>understanding of the empire today. The numerous engravings that he

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<v Speaker 1>put into the work perfectly illustrate the three elements of

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<v Speaker 1>these communities and how they relate to the structure of

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<v Speaker 1>the empire overall. If you look at the engravings, you

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<v Speaker 1>will see that each settlement is shown clearly against the countryside,

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<v Speaker 1>delineating the community as its own distinct and social space.

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<v Speaker 1>Most were located on or by rivers, which, of course

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<v Speaker 1>were essentially over communications at this time, as walls for

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<v Speaker 1>carrying away garbage and providing some sort of a rudimentary

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<v Speaker 1>barrier against intruders. Unlike modern rivers, those of the seventeenth

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<v Speaker 1>century still followed their natural course. They swelled with heavy

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<v Speaker 1>rain or melted snow, and they spread out wherever there

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<v Speaker 1>were low lying meadows. Larger streams changed course over time,

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<v Speaker 1>leaving islands or inlets that different bridge builders incorporated into

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<v Speaker 1>the structures to span over these water features. Medieval walls

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<v Speaker 1>surrounded towns and larger villages, often using rivers or streams

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<v Speaker 1>to provide a ditch around the settlement. These high, but

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<v Speaker 1>relatively thin walls, with their prominent towers and gatehouses all

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<v Speaker 1>visible in the engravings, were being supplemented by additional, more

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<v Speaker 1>modern outer defenses to protect now by the seventeenth century

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<v Speaker 1>against artillery bombardment. Some cities had acquired these defenses already

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<v Speaker 1>in the sixteenth century, but most built them or modernized

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<v Speaker 1>existing structures in the sixteen twenties, once the danger of

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<v Speaker 1>war had become apparent. The thick, low lying walls with

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<v Speaker 1>massive stone fronted bastions spread outwards around the medieval core,

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<v Speaker 1>sometimes encompassing newer suburbs, other times simply sweeping them away.

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<v Speaker 1>Only those that experienced eye could make out the elaborate

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<v Speaker 1>geometrical patterns that they cut into the ground, Since the

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<v Speaker 1>military system of wall outworks and ditches were largely hidden

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<v Speaker 1>from view on the ground by additional banks of earth

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<v Speaker 1>pushed further into the countryside. The few buildings that remained

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<v Speaker 1>outside the walls were either used for industrial purposes think

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<v Speaker 1>of things like sawmills, or they were ecclesiastical foundations, like

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<v Speaker 1>existing monetaries or convents. The ones that had survived the

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<v Speaker 1>Reformation and continued to exist. Even the smallest village or

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<v Speaker 1>hamlet was fenced, were shut and barred every single night.

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<v Speaker 1>The walled environment meant that cottages and homes were always

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<v Speaker 1>built very close together because space was at a premium.

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<v Speaker 1>But this also meant that fire was an ever present danger.

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<v Speaker 1>The most prominent feature of any town was its church,

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<v Speaker 1>or I should say church is. Even the smaller towns

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<v Speaker 1>have three or four. You could see their spires rising

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<v Speaker 1>above the town walls. Generally, these were the only buildings

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<v Speaker 1>in town made of stone, and they were also the

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<v Speaker 1>focal point of community life. The only other buildings that

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<v Speaker 1>a traveler might have noticed were the symbols of secular

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<v Speaker 1>power that could be a town hall, a palace, or

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<v Speaker 1>simply a bailiff's house. Every town had some such building

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<v Speaker 1>because towns and cities in the Empire, unlike in England

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<v Speaker 1>or in France, had considerable autonomy over their own affairs.

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<v Speaker 1>Towns could, for example, decide who got to live there

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<v Speaker 1>and who had to leave. Towns also set their own

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<v Speaker 1>societal norms and could take punitive actions against any transgressors.

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<v Speaker 1>It was the Imperial Constitution that linked these thousands of settlements,

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<v Speaker 1>binding them in a series of hierarchical, ordered and often

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<v Speaker 1>overlapping jurisdictions. The word Germany did appear in the title

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<v Speaker 1>of Marian's work, but it actually covered the Empire, an

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<v Speaker 1>area that still stretched over almost seven hundred thousand kilometers.

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<v Speaker 1>It included not only all of modern Germany, Austria, Luxembourg,

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<v Speaker 1>and the Czech Republic, but also much of western Poland

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<v Speaker 1>and Alsals and Lorraine, which are now in modern day France.

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<v Speaker 1>Missing in Marion, Most of the modern Netherlands in Belgium

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<v Speaker 1>were actually still associated with the Empire in the year

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<v Speaker 1>sixteen hundred, as was a further around seventy thousand Kaloismeters

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<v Speaker 1>of northern Italy, even if these regions were not represented

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<v Speaker 1>in imperial institutions as a whole. The Empire symbolized the

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<v Speaker 1>late medieval universal idea of a single Christendom. Its ruler

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<v Speaker 1>was the only Christian monarch with an imperial title, elevating

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<v Speaker 1>him above all other crown heads. His pretensions to be

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<v Speaker 1>the secular head of Europe rested on the idea that

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<v Speaker 1>the Empire was a direct continuation of ancient Rome. The

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<v Speaker 1>universal ideal was of course, very distant from the area

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<v Speaker 1>of practical politics and the localities, ensuring that the emperor

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<v Speaker 1>did not rule the numerous communities directly. His authority was

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<v Speaker 1>always mediated through the empire's hierarchy of jurisdictions, and these

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<v Speaker 1>were in turn related to medieval and feudal origins. The

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<v Speaker 1>emperor was considered to be the superior lord over a

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<v Speaker 1>host of lesser authorities bound by all these various chains

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<v Speaker 1>of vassalage. As between these lords had grown sharper, particularly

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<v Speaker 1>as the Empire had to deal with a variety of

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<v Speaker 1>internal and external problems. Since roughly the year fourteen eighty,

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<v Speaker 1>a fundamental division had emerged between those lords who were

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<v Speaker 1>immediately under the emperor's jurisdiction and those mediate authorities who

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<v Speaker 1>were subordinate to intervening lords. Immediate lords possessed full imperial thiefs,

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<v Speaker 1>which were called reich Islam, held directly from the Empire

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<v Speaker 1>in his capacity as their feudal overlord. These thiefs were

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<v Speaker 1>generally composed of other lesser thiefs that were held then

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<v Speaker 1>by mediate lords or lesser lords. Again, you have to

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<v Speaker 1>think of feudalism like a giant pyramid scheme. If a

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<v Speaker 1>lord had jurisdiction over a village, he could expect the

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<v Speaker 1>deference of everyone who lived there, a share of the produce,

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<v Speaker 1>and some of their time in the form of a

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<v Speaker 1>labor requirement. This is where loyalties started to overlap. However,

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<v Speaker 1>lords could hold authority over multiple towns and fiefs. The

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<v Speaker 1>problem is that this might make a lord a vassal

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<v Speaker 1>to multiple greater lords, each of whom might be in

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<v Speaker 1>conflict at any given time. I cannot stress the importance

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<v Speaker 1>of this conflicting loyalty situation. In the Thirty Years War enough,

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<v Speaker 1>nobles were often faced with a question of who they

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<v Speaker 1>wanted to support. That made the situation a lot more

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<v Speaker 1>fluid than it might have been in a more traditional

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<v Speaker 1>kingdom like England or France. Most rights were required by

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<v Speaker 1>inheritance and were held by the fifty to sixty thousand

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<v Speaker 1>noble families living throughout the Empire. The vast majority of

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<v Speaker 1>these were the so called territorial nobles, the landindell possessing

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<v Speaker 1>only less writes subject to the superior jurisdiction of an

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<v Speaker 1>exclusive group of lords, those who held what were called

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<v Speaker 1>imperial fiefs. There were around one hundred and eighty lay

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<v Speaker 1>and one hundred and thirty spiritual fiefs that collectively constituted

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<v Speaker 1>the territories of the Empire. They varied considerably in size,

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<v Speaker 1>and there was no direct correlation between geographical extent and

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<v Speaker 1>political power. The Empire had taken shape when its population

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<v Speaker 1>had been concentrated in the south and in the west.

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<v Speaker 1>The density of settlements in these parts enabled them to

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<v Speaker 1>sustain a higher concentration of lordships than the more sparsely

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<v Speaker 1>populated north and east. Those territories were not even fully

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<v Speaker 1>incorporated into the Imperial constitution until the beginning of the

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<v Speaker 1>sixteenth century. Consolidation of this constitution forged to get the

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<v Speaker 1>other the lay and spiritual lords, into three separate groups.

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<v Speaker 1>By the critical year of fifteen twenty one. The smallest

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<v Speaker 1>but most senior group were the seven electors who held

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<v Speaker 1>feafths associated with the Golden Bull of thirteen fifty six.

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<v Speaker 1>These had the exclusive right to choose each emperor. The

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<v Speaker 1>prevailing social distinction gave precedence to the clergy as the

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<v Speaker 1>quote unquote first state over the nobility, an account of

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<v Speaker 1>the societal function of praying for the entire community's salvation.

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<v Speaker 1>The premier electorate was therefore the Archbishop of Manse, followed

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<v Speaker 1>by his colleagues in Colonne and Trier, none of whom

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<v Speaker 1>held more than one hundred thousand subjects. The secular electors

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<v Speaker 1>were headed by the Kingdom of Bohemia, the only land

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<v Speaker 1>with a distinct royal title in the Empire. Bohemia was

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<v Speaker 1>also the largest electorate, covering over fifty thousand square kilometers,

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<v Speaker 1>with a population of one point five million living in

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<v Speaker 1>one hundred and two towns, three hundred and eight market centers,

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<v Speaker 1>two hundred and fifty eight castles, over thirty thousand villages

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<v Speaker 1>and hamlets, and about two thousand parish churches. Brandenburg was

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<v Speaker 1>the next electorate in size, but it was the most

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<v Speaker 1>junior in status, covering thirty six thousand kilometers but with

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<v Speaker 1>only three hundred and fifty thousand people. Saxony was smaller

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<v Speaker 1>but more densely populated, with around one point two million subjects.

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<v Speaker 1>The Palatinate ranked second after Bohemia, covered around eleven thousand

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<v Speaker 1>kilometers in two parts there was a lower part on

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<v Speaker 1>the Rhine and an upper part in northern Bavaria. The

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<v Speaker 1>Palatinate had a combined population of around six hundred thousand. Together,

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<v Speaker 1>the electors held around a fifth of the territory of

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<v Speaker 1>the Empire and about a sixth of its total population.

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<v Speaker 1>The other imperial fiefs fell broadly into one of two types.

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<v Speaker 1>Fifty spiritual and thirty three lay fiefs were held by

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<v Speaker 1>the lords of princely rank, though their actual titles ranged

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<v Speaker 1>from things like archbishop and bishop through duke and marquis.

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<v Speaker 1>All lay fiefs were formally acquired by inheritance or purchase.

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<v Speaker 1>In both cases the transfer was subject to the emperor's approval.

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<v Speaker 1>Spiritual leaders, including the three electors, were chosen by the

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<v Speaker 1>cathedral or the local abbey of the principal church in

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<v Speaker 1>the land, again subject formally to the emperors and in

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<v Speaker 1>this case also the pope's agreement. The number of princes

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<v Speaker 1>was always less than the total number of fiefs, since

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<v Speaker 1>it was possible for the electors to acquire additional princely fiefs,

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<v Speaker 1>while existing princes could held more than one, and prince

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<v Speaker 1>bishops might seek election in another area. In this case,

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<v Speaker 1>the Habsburgs were the most successful of all the princely

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<v Speaker 1>families in accumulating influence in this traditional way. They had

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<v Speaker 1>acquired not only the eleven Austrian provinces, but also Bohemia

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<v Speaker 1>and its associated lands, together with seventeen Netherlands provinces, which

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<v Speaker 1>gave the Habsburgs over three hundred thousand kilometers of territory

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<v Speaker 1>about two fifths of the entire Empire held by one family.

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<v Speaker 1>Parts of Hungary also fell to that dynasty in fifteen

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<v Speaker 1>twenty six. As a result, the Habsburgs governed over seven

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<v Speaker 1>million subjects by sixteen hundred, compared with around seventeen million

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<v Speaker 1>people in the rest of the Empire. This territorial base

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<v Speaker 1>ensured the dynasty's basic monopoly of imperial title. Between fourteen

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<v Speaker 1>thirty eight and the end of the empire in eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>oh six, they stood heads and shoulders over every other

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<v Speaker 1>noble family in the land, few of whom had more

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<v Speaker 1>than one hundred thousand subjects. The second group of around

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<v Speaker 1>two hundred and twenty fiefs were smaller and lacked full

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<v Speaker 1>princely status, ruled by a local count, just a lord

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<v Speaker 1>or prelate, most of whom never had more than a

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<v Speaker 1>thousand subjects, a further four hundred baroneal and knightly families

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<v Speaker 1>held a further fifteen hundred fiefs directly from the Emperor,

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<v Speaker 1>who had been declared his imperial knights or reich Strader. Individually,

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<v Speaker 1>these holdings were no larger than those of the far

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<v Speaker 1>more numerous territorial nobility, who lacked the status of imperial immediacy.

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<v Speaker 1>They had ceased to play a significant role in imperial

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<v Speaker 1>politics even by the mid sixteen s entry. The majority

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<v Speaker 1>of communities fell under one or more of the jurisdictions

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<v Speaker 1>that had just mentioned, But the Empire was unique in

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<v Speaker 1>one respect. There were eighty or so quote free and

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<v Speaker 1>imperial cities end quote that were subject only to the emperor.

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<v Speaker 1>These were mostly in the old heartland of the Empire,

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<v Speaker 1>to the south and the west. They were also the

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<v Speaker 1>largest settlements in the Empire. Augsburg was the biggest, with

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<v Speaker 1>around forty eight thousand inhabitants. At the time, it was

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<v Speaker 1>around four times the size of Berlin. Several other cities,

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<v Speaker 1>including Nuremberg and Hamburg, had around forty thousand people each.

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<v Speaker 1>After these major cities were the smaller but still critical

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<v Speaker 1>population centers like Frankfurt and Achan, which had about half

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<v Speaker 1>as many people. The majority of the smaller cities only

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<v Speaker 1>held around four thousand people each. However, these cities were

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<v Speaker 1>incredibly independent because their only lord was the emperor. Their

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<v Speaker 1>direct relationship with imperial authority gave these free cities a

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<v Speaker 1>tremendous amount of power and made them economic powerhouses because

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<v Speaker 1>no nearby petty lord was siphoning off their profits. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>the Holy Roman Empire did have an imperial constitution. The

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<v Speaker 1>constitution in part explained how power was supposed to be

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<v Speaker 1>shared between the emperor and his vassals. However, the constitution

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<v Speaker 1>was extremely hierarchical, and as a result, the rights and

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<v Speaker 1>responsibilities under said constitution were shared unequally. The emperor was

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<v Speaker 1>the ultimate overlord, but his powers were left quite intentionally vague.

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<v Speaker 1>By the time we get to the Thirty Years War,

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<v Speaker 1>the emperorship was effectively dominated by the Habsburg family, but

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<v Speaker 1>it was not a hereditary position. The Holy Roman Emperor

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<v Speaker 1>had to be elected. It was possible for the emperor

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<v Speaker 1>to designate a successor, who, if he was acceptable to

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<v Speaker 1>the electors, gained the title of King of the Romans.

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<v Speaker 1>This was kind of like the Prince of Wales in England.

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<v Speaker 1>But I don't want you to think that this was

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<v Speaker 1>some kind of democracy. The emperor was considered to have

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<v Speaker 1>quote unquote princely qualities, so the position was not opened

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<v Speaker 1>to anyone. The growth of Habsburg resources made that dynasty

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<v Speaker 1>the obvious choice, since imperial prerogatives confer executive authority but

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<v Speaker 1>supplied very few means by which you might put that

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<v Speaker 1>authority into effect. The electors expected the emperor to use

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<v Speaker 1>his own lands to fund not only his personal court

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<v Speaker 1>and imperial institutions, but also much of the defense of

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<v Speaker 1>the empire against the Ottomans and of course other later

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<v Speaker 1>Christian enemies. However, they recognized that changes in warfare made

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<v Speaker 1>this impossible without at least saw assistance from the rest

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<v Speaker 1>of the Empire. The princes and cities accepted this. The

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<v Speaker 1>willingness to contribute imperial taxes became sort of the criteria

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<v Speaker 1>for imperial power, marking them out from all the other

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<v Speaker 1>lords and towns that merely paid into territorial treasuries. Imperial

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<v Speaker 1>contributions later became known as quote unquote Roman months. It

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<v Speaker 1>was named so after the cost of the escort that

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<v Speaker 1>was intended to take Charles the Fifth to his coronation

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<v Speaker 1>in Rome. Each territory was assessed a tax according to

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<v Speaker 1>a scale fixing its share of a single month's pay

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<v Speaker 1>for twenty four thousand soldiers. Taxes could be raised as

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<v Speaker 1>fractions or multiples of this basic quota. They might be

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<v Speaker 1>levied either as a one off payment or spread across

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<v Speaker 1>several months, even years. The Empire did have a sort

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<v Speaker 1>of representative body in addition to the executive authority held

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<v Speaker 1>by the Emperor. This was called the Reichstog, but the

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<v Speaker 1>Reichstog was not a parliament in the traditional sense. Essentially,

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<v Speaker 1>whether a territory got representation in the Reichstog was determined

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<v Speaker 1>by whether or not it was on the official tax

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<v Speaker 1>registry in fifteen twenty one. The Reichstag could not constrain

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<v Speaker 1>the Emperor in the way the English Parliament might constrain

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<v Speaker 1>the actions of James the First, but the Emperor was

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<v Speaker 1>supposed to consult his leading subjects on important matters. True

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<v Speaker 1>to the hierarchical nature of the Empire, there were three

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<v Speaker 1>separate colleges in the Reichstag, Electors, princes, and city. Each

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<v Speaker 1>college or part took its decision by a simple majority vote.

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<v Speaker 1>Once a mutually acceptable decision had been worked out between

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<v Speaker 1>the three colleges, a collective decision was presented to the

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<v Speaker 1>Emperor as a quote unquote recommendation. He was free to

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<v Speaker 1>accept it or reject it. If he accepted it, it

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<v Speaker 1>was called an imperial recess. By the time of the

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<v Speaker 1>war in sixteen eighteen, working with the reichs Dog had

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<v Speaker 1>become the only effective way the Emperor could secure a

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<v Speaker 1>binding agreement on all of his territories. As a result,

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<v Speaker 1>the Reichstag met fairly regularly, voting consistently, for example, to

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<v Speaker 1>support the war against the Ottomans. In fourteen ninety five,

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<v Speaker 1>the reichs Dog declared a perpetual public peace, requiring the

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<v Speaker 1>Emperor and all his vassals submit their disagreements to a

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<v Speaker 1>new imperial court called the Reichschmergate. Note I did not

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<v Speaker 1>take German in high school. This new well court was

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<v Speaker 1>set up in the imperial city of Spire. This was

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<v Speaker 1>not a court, though in the traditional sense. Its job

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<v Speaker 1>wasn't to determine guilt or innocence, but rather to search

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<v Speaker 1>and find a mutually agreeable solution to problems. It has however,

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<v Speaker 1>been largely blamed for failing to secure agreements to issues

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<v Speaker 1>that led to the Thirty Years War. If the court

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<v Speaker 1>came to a decision, it was enforced by lesser courts

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<v Speaker 1>throughout the md Empire, backed up by the Emperor himself.

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<v Speaker 1>Except in his dynastic lands, the Emperor had little direct

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<v Speaker 1>say over the lives of his imperial subjects, or were

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<v Speaker 1>always under the control of one or more territorial lords.

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<v Speaker 1>As imperial estate members, the territorial lords enjoyed their own

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<v Speaker 1>special set of liberties, marking them out from their subjects

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<v Speaker 1>and their vassals. These liberties gave them the privilege of

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<v Speaker 1>being consulted by the Emperor and a sharing collective governance,

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<v Speaker 1>but they also brought the responsibility of defending the rights

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<v Speaker 1>and autonomies of their territories and peoples. Here's where the

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<v Speaker 1>checks and balances of the imperial system of government are

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<v Speaker 1>most evident. Each lord or prince sought to maintain his

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<v Speaker 1>or her particular place within the imperial hierarchy. No one ever,

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<v Speaker 1>and I do mean ever, thought of independence. Even the

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<v Speaker 1>largest electors lacked the resources for an independent political existence.

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<v Speaker 1>All the rulers derived their authority and status from membership

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<v Speaker 1>of the Empire, setting themselves apart from aristocrats in other

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<v Speaker 1>countries who were the subjects of mere kings. As Imperial

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<v Speaker 1>Estate members, they were distinguished between the emperor and the Empire.

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<v Speaker 1>They were loyal to both, but their ties to the

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<v Speaker 1>Emperor remained highly personal, whereas ties to the Empire were

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<v Speaker 1>collective and more corporate in nature. In fifteen sixty two,

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<v Speaker 1>when Maximilian the Second was crowned, marked the last time

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<v Speaker 1>that all the electors attended the vote in person. From

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<v Speaker 1>that point on, electors by and large sent trained lawyers

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<v Speaker 1>who acted as delegates. The election of an emperor was

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<v Speaker 1>always portrayed, like that of a pope, as a unanimous decision.

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<v Speaker 1>Now in the end, the Empire was a cumbersome legal

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<v Speaker 1>patchwork that made decisive action difficult, but it did make

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<v Speaker 1>the entire structure stronger because it allowed local interests to

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<v Speaker 1>be overseen by local actors. Thus it was much more

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<v Speaker 1>federal in nature than England or Spain. Critically, while the

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<v Speaker 1>inhabitants of the Empire might fight over the interpretation of

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<v Speaker 1>the imperial and constitution, no one ever disputed its right

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<v Speaker 1>to exist. It was that overriding belief that the Empire

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<v Speaker 1>was in the end good for Central Europe. That gave

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<v Speaker 1>it the strength to endure the horrific war that was

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<v Speaker 1>about to unfold. Now. Next week I want to dive

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<v Speaker 1>into the religious divisions within the Empire that are very

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<v Speaker 1>much going to play a massive role in the war

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<v Speaker 1>to come between now and then. If you'd like more

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<v Speaker 1>Western Sieve, check out the link in the show notes.

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<v Speaker 1>You can get a free trial to Western SIV two

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<v Speaker 1>point zero and get caught up to speed in really

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<v Speaker 1>great detail, all about the ongoings of the decline and

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<v Speaker 1>fall of the Roman Republic.
