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Speaker 1: I am a weird duck in that I really am

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a reformed maga gangbanger. I mean, it's like I left

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my family, so I really do feel obligated to try

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to help them, knowing that I don't succeed with most,

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but I feel like it's my responsibility to try to help.

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Speaker 2: But it's tough.

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Speaker 3: I like the way you just put that maga gangbanger

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because Trump is a thug right now, Yeah, acting like

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a thug. I haven't talked to a number of my

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friends and they're like, dude, he's coming hard with the

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thug life. I mean, it's just this boy's just like,

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I don't give a shit. Y'all can't stop me.

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Speaker 4: You know.

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Speaker 1: It is he's untouchable, Michael. He thinks he's untouchable.

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Speaker 3: Right now, and so that for me is probably the

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most frustrating part of this, because there are a lot

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of ways to touch him, yeah, and no one seems

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to want to do that. And I don't understand why

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we don't do more, uh in that in that space.

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Speaker 1: Well, his all his nominees got through, and Michael, and

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I think you said this to me in December.

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Speaker 2: Hell, they probably would have approved Matt Gates.

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Speaker 4: Yes, they would have. Yeah, I know.

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Speaker 3: I don't even understand what that.

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Speaker 2: Allees got through.

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Speaker 1: I've heard from Freedom Caucus guys that they will fight

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Trump in March on budget and debt ceiling stuff, but

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I don't know how that will.

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Speaker 4: No, they won't. I don't think they will.

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Speaker 3: I think what they're going to offshore that fight to

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the Democrats. And this is where the Democrats go. You

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know what I've got. I had your appointment, y'all. Let

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me know when y'all work that out, because y'all got

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the majority, unitary government.

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Speaker 4: This is my link.

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Speaker 3: This morning, the new numbers come out for inflation, and

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Donald Trump is like Joe Biden, inflation is I'm.

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Speaker 4: Like, no, baby, this is on your watch. This is

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on you.

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Speaker 3: Boom stop it. This is you trust me, because if

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the afflation, if the numbers were good, he'd be out

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of go and see I got elected and the world

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is ah, and It's like, no, that's not that's not

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how it is. So this is on you, Donald Trump.

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This is your inflation as of January twenty.

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Speaker 4: You own all this shit. It's all you. Period.

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Speaker 1: And Michael, we've always had a failure of imagination with Trump.

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Speaker 2: Like twenty years ago, you and I never would have thought.

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Speaker 1: A presidential candidate loses an election and then doesn't concede

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that happened, and then tries to overthrow an election that happened.

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Speaker 2: We've never imagined the worst about Trump.

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Speaker 1: And I don't want to sound like a goof, but

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I'm not convinced. I'm not convinced he won't try to

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run again. And Michael, if he doesn't, I know he

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will wait until the very last second.

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Speaker 2: So everybody better buckle up and imagine the worst.

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Speaker 3: There's already I forget who the asshole in the House is,

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but there's always already a member who's proposed an amendment

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to the Constitution to allow him to run.

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Speaker 4: I'm like, no, what are you doing? What?

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Speaker 2: How?

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Speaker 3: How the hell does this party embrace such such putinesque leadership.

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I don't under we are the party we were the

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party of Reagan. I do not understand. Ronald Reagan called

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out the evil Empire, he defeated communism and Soviet regimes,

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he tore down the wall, he and Bush together, What okay?

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Speaker 2: Now this party.

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Speaker 3: Comes to this point where they look at that, they

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look at Victor Orban and say yeah, we want to

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do that. Ship here they look at Putin go more

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of that. We we hate NATO, now we don't. We

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don't align with with the free world. We we want

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to hang out with basically folks who are the.

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Speaker 1: Taliban because they because these elected Republicans now line up

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with their base, and as you and I talked about,

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the base embraces authoritarianism. They want a strong man. Especially

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in my old place of the House. These House Republicans

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reflect the base. Michael, disagree with me. But even ten

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fifteen years ago, I'll bet you eighty percent, eighty five

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percent of the Republican caucus was anti Russia.

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Speaker 2: But I'll bet you now it's fifty to fifty. I

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mean what percentage of them.

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Speaker 3: I would think, No, I would think right now, I

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would think this prop this caucus is probably seventy thirty.

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Speaker 2: Pro pro Russia.

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Speaker 4: Pro Russia.

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Speaker 3: Yeah, not pro Ukraine. Oh yeah, No, I think I

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think for Voladimir Zelenski. Dude, you on your own, you

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gonna you're gonna have. That's why in the number of

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international forms that I've been to.

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Speaker 4: In the last year.

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Speaker 3: Yeah, I'd look at the the audience, I go, Okay,

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is there any someone here in Europe. Which country is

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prepared to leave NATO? Which country is prepared to stand

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for or be a part of the resistance to the

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expansion of authoritarianism. Y'all can't afford to bow down and

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let this shit run over you. The way is happening

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here in the United States. You cannot allow more Victor

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or Bond's on your continent. You just can't, because Eastern

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Europe will be the first to fall. Poland is next.

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You don't believe me, Trust me, it's happening. China is

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posed to move on Taiwan. They are ready to do that.

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You don't believe me. Why because the goldposts have been

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put in place for them to cross. They've been put

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in place by Republicans who have turned a blind eye, adopted.

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Speaker 4: I don't give a shit attitude.

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Speaker 3: These things connected to global freedom, global marketplaces. We're down

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the party, Joe that's advocating not just a terif for

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one country, but on every country imaginable.

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Speaker 1: Michael, when you helped send me to Congress, it was

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an overwhelmingly free trade party.

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Speaker 2: Yes, it's completely flipped.

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Speaker 4: Completely in literally fifteen years.

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Speaker 3: We've gone from the election in twenty ten to the

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elections that just took place in twenty four we've watched

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a one hundred and eighty degree shift in what it

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means to be a.

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Speaker 4: Free trade Republican.

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Speaker 3: That person doesn't exist in the House anymore, and to

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the extent that they do, they don't have the reinforcement

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of other members to help them in that space. So

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you've got the dismantling of programs like USAAD. You've got

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dismantling of institutions like the FBI, Justice Department, Department of

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Healthy looks like they will actually, finally, after forty plus

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years of making.

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Speaker 4: The case, get rid of the Department of Education. So, Joe,

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here's my question that these motherfuckers in Congress seemingly don't

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have an answer for what happens next.

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Speaker 3: Where the Department of Education no longer exists.

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Speaker 4: Is it just block grants? Now? How do we.

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Speaker 3: Educate what happens to public school education in this country

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when the poorest states in the Union, who are used

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to getting money from states like California and New York

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that they like to shit on, right, but are ignorant

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to the fact, Sarah Huckabee, that you don't contribute to

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the account to the educational.

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Speaker 4: You are a recipient of the largesse of states like

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Maryland and New York, in California and Washington who contribute

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far more to educating your children than you do. So

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what do you do when our check no longer comes?

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Speaker 3: What happens when the state of California go, oh, we

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don't have to contribute to the federal to the federal

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Department of Education. Were keeping that shit here in California.

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We're to make money into the federal bucket.

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Speaker 2: And Michael, let's be clear about something.

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Speaker 1: None of this has anything to do with the debt,

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because we're talking peanuts in the federal budget.

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Speaker 2: Peanuts.

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Speaker 1: A second point I'd make is he cannot get rid

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of the Department of Education on his own period. That

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was created by a law Congress, Congress Creer, So he

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can't get rid of it. But Michael, what they'll do

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is they'll do what they're doing with USAID again, which

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is less than way, less than one percent of the budget.

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They'll just try to kill it and decimate it. Michael,

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he wants to get rid of FEMA. So natural disaster

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in Mississippi. Mississippi, you pay for it. Alabama tornadoes, you

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pay for it.

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Speaker 4: Fuck you, fuck you.

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Speaker 2: You pay for it, Idaho, you pay for it. Hey, Michael, you.

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Speaker 1: Know the beautiful thing about him is, here's the beautiful

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thing about Trump.

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Speaker 2: He's forcing us, like now.

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Speaker 1: Yeah, to fucking decide what kind of country we want to.

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Speaker 4: Be amen.

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Speaker 2: A national laws or not? Man, you decide decide?

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Speaker 4: There it is, there it is.

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Speaker 2: That's good.

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Speaker 4: No, I do I do.

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Speaker 2: For the record, Steele and I are not drinking.

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Speaker 4: This is a short drinking folks. I have to be honest.

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Speaker 3: I you know, I joke about drinking because my dad

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was an alcoholic.

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Speaker 4: So I get it. So don't you know a lot

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of people go, oh, you you shouldn't look. Trust me.

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I grew up with it.

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Speaker 3: I understand, and so that's how I internalize it and

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deal with it.

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Speaker 4: And I like a good drink every now and then.

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But no, I'm not literally drinking. Am There are days?

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Speaker 3: There are days when my wife looks at me, why

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is the barlight on?

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Speaker 4: I'm like it just started that way today, Michael, Michael,

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you put your finger Joe on a very important piece.

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Speaker 3: And I really appreciate that because when I go back

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and I look at the places I visited in twenty

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twenty four the states I spent time in and the

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conversations we would have, that's what it really kind of

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boiled down to. I would say to the audience, and

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folks who listen to my podcasts have heard me say this.

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We are right now where we are because this is

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where you want us to be.

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Speaker 4: Yes, this is where you want us to be. Boo,

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I'm sorry.

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Speaker 3: You know, a majority, I don't care if it's a

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of a percent or you know, ninety voted for this. Y'all.

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Y'all pretend it was about the price of gas and

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eggs and what was happening in Gaza in Michigan, for example.

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Y'all just put your head in the sand and said, oh, no,

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we're with Trump. I'm like, but you know he's with Yahoo,

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who wants to exterminate.

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Speaker 4: The Palestinians. So okay, so what are you telling me? Y'all?

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Can't pretend this bullshit away.

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Speaker 3: You can't sit here now and act like, oh, you

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didn't know, you didn't know. You knew exactly what you wanted,

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and that's why we're here where we are. So I

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appreciate very much what you're saying, Joe, because this is

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a moment where we have to confront ourselves.

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Speaker 1: It's like, Michael, it's like again, it's the beauty of

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Trump because he's so bad and so dishonest and so

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corrupt and so lawless. He's going to force us real

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quickly to decide what we want to be. And I

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think that because we've been building to this for a while.

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All politicians lie, all fudge, many are corrupt, blah blah blah.

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But Trump's just all of that on steroids. So we

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can't avoid it. Democracy. Do we want to keep it right?

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Separation of powers? Do we want to keep it? We

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We're going to have.

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Speaker 4: To decide we are.

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Speaker 3: And and to the point that we were making a

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little bit earlier, we have a group of friends that

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are trying to.

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Speaker 4: Help Crystal crystallize that decision.

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Speaker 3: And then we're going to be gathering next next weekend

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here in Washington, d C. Principles first talk a little

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bit about that. What what does that? What does that

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look like?

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Speaker 1: It's, uh, we alluded to it before, Michael. It's it's

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people like you and me. It's people who feel like

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they still feel republican right because the Party of Lincoln, Eisenhower, Reagan,

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they still feel Republican. Many of them are still many

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of them have left, many of them are conservative independent,

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and they feel in exile right now because this party.

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There ain't no home for them in this party. They

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don't identify as Democrats, so they're like, they're all huddle

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up over here in this apartment building I'm looking at

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outside the window, and they're trying to figure out how,

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in exile we can go at what this thing is

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because it's the antithesis, MAGA of everything we believe in, freedom, democracy,

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free trade, America that's shining city on the hill.

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Speaker 2: Damn it. We still believe in these things.

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Speaker 1: So how can we from that little apartment building throw

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rocks at what MAGA is and maybe maybe Michael one

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day down the road help get people out of that

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apartment building who once believed in those things elected again.

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It's kind of that notion that we're in exile and

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we're trying to help Democrats, but go after MAGA because

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they're the antithesis of what people like you and me believe.

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Speaker 3: Our buddy Heath Mayo is the driving force, or has

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been the driving force behind this, along with some others

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and putting this together. I remember this started a few

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years ago and they were in their first planning and

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they were hoping to get two hundred and fifty people

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to show up. About seven and fifty showed up that

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first year. This year is looking to be a larger contingent.

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So that tells me that there is an energy in

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this space for center right, center left, Democrats, Republicans, independent

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voters who were just fed up with this bullshit, who,

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to your point a little a moment ago, are confronting

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the moment we're in and are making an affirmative to

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this decision to stand with the country. However that may

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manifest itself, whether it is fighting purely in the democracy space,

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trying to move and shake in the political space, either

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as a candidate or as an organizer, or someone who's

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just trying to, you know, like you do, have the

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conversation in their community with their family members to help

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put a.

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Speaker 5: Light bulb, turn a light bulb on. So these things

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are happening, folks, and it's refreshing, it is exciting, but

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it is also sometimes met with frustration because what we're

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talking is incremental movement. It's not Maga's moving like this.

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Speaker 4: It's just and we're in a space, Joe.

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Speaker 6: You and I were like, okay, we've.

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Speaker 3: Moved from here to there. You know, it's frustrating, but

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that's how it probably was in eighteen fifty four.

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Speaker 4: Yeah.

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Speaker 1: And you know what, Michael, one other point I'll make,

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and you and I were probably raised the same. I

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don't talk about myself. You don't talk about yourself. We

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laugh about it and joke about it. This hasn't been

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easy for guys like you and I. No, I mean

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we were part of that party for our whole life,

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and we were on the outs. This isn't easy. This

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is difficult. You and I put up with shit and

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threats and hate. We've lost friends and followers. We are

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able to laugh at times, but this, Michael, this isn't

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easy for people like not easy.

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Speaker 4: Look, Joe, next year, next November, I will celebrate fifty

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years as a Republican.

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Speaker 2: Oh my gosh, Michael, still.

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Speaker 7: Years in this party and do the shit I've seen,

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Oh my god, and had to go through the resistance to.

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Speaker 4: My leadership, the resistance to me as a black man.

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Speaker 3: Yeah, and yet for me, a lot of people go, well,

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you know, why did you stay? Why would you? You know,

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these guys are racist or this and another thing. And

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it really for me was what my mama said to

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me in the summer of twenty of nineteen seventy six, Jeez,

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don't be a Democrat because I'm a Democrat. Go out

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and figure out for yourself where you belong, Yeah, what

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what you believe in?

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Speaker 4: And I did. I took her to heart and made

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that journey.

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Speaker 3: Research learned about the history of each party, recognizing that

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this party was where African Americans began their political journey

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in this country, where we would find political residents and voice,

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where we would be elected for the first time as

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members of Congress, as governors, as senators, because we were

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you know, the first black members of Congress were Republicans,

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the first black Senator was Republican, and so we had

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that space.

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Speaker 4: But even in.

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Speaker 3: Those moments, they had to deal with the resistance to reconstruction.

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They had to deal with a party capitulating and allowing

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the segregationists to reclaim the South and to reclaim in

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some measure a part of their freedom right. When we

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watched when they sat in the House of Congress and

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watched the blind eyed a political approach to the South

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re emerging and the then president, becoming Johnson, having become

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president on the assassination, upon the assassination of Lincoln, began

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to roll back some of those gains and to soft

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pedal them.

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Speaker 6: And so I could identify, as weird as it is,

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I could identify with those brothers, and they did not

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give up.

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Speaker 3: On this idea of the Republican Party being the party

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where their freedom would ultimately rest and would be saved

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for them and.

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Speaker 4: For future generations.

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Speaker 3: And that if you just take those moments, Joe, and

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you leapfrog them to the nineteen fifties and the nineteen sixties,

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where it was Republicans who help hold together the pieces

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that Johnson needed to sign legislation.

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Speaker 5: Right right, leveling up civil rights for black men and women.

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Speaker 3: So that's you know, I look at that fifty years

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and I go, shit, it's been a bit.

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Speaker 4: But principally underneath it, I align.

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Speaker 3: With a guy from Illinois who's running for Congress, who

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believes the Constitution means something, and he calls the RNC

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said hey, dude, i'm running, I need some help.

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Speaker 4: I need some help.

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Speaker 3: And I'm like, yes, I'm let's do that, because we

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need those voices that appreciate the value of this constitution

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and why it's so damn important.

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Speaker 4: Now you know why Joe Walsh Folks was important in

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twenty ten.

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Speaker 1: And now you know why Michael Steele was important because

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he's some brought the establishment Republicans and the Tea Party Republicans.

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Speaker 4: Together.

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Speaker 2: Yeah it was.

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Speaker 4: Not, it was not. It was it was a mama

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and a daddy who really wanted to divorce. And you're like,

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but but no, you can't.

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Speaker 3: But yeah, man, I mean that's what this moment has

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come down to for me, which is why you know

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when I see an Adam kinsinger List Cheney, God bless her,

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you know you and so many others who do break

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away and go no, because this Constitution means something. These

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principles that we aligned ourselves with politically under the umbrella

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of this party still mean something. The party may be

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for shit, yeah right, but the principles that once articulated

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Speaker 4: Still do mean something.

