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<v Speaker 1>Welcome. This is Rebecca Shore for Radio Eye, and today

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<v Speaker 1>I will be reading the Smithsonian magazine dated March twenty

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<v Speaker 1>twenty six. As a reminder, Radio Eye is a reading

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<v Speaker 1>service intended for people who are blind or have other

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<v Speaker 1>disabilities that make it difficult to read printed material. Please

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<v Speaker 1>join me now for part one of One of the

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<v Speaker 1>ally's secret weapons against the Nazis was a twenty one

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<v Speaker 1>year old woman armed with a microphone and a script

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<v Speaker 1>of flies as Vicki with three Kisses. She strategically sweet

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<v Speaker 1>talked and sang to German troops over the airwaves of Europe.

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<v Speaker 1>But Agnes Bernauer didn't mean anything. She was saying, bye

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<v Speaker 1>April White. Her voice was low, sultry, Hallo Yung's hiberichvida

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<v Speaker 1>oi riviki mitrykusen. Hello boys, Here I am again your

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<v Speaker 1>Viki with three kisses. Even on nights when the radio

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<v Speaker 1>was filled with noise as Allied and Access forces attempted

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<v Speaker 1>to jam their enemy's broadcasts, the woman's meaning was unmistakable.

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<v Speaker 1>She pursed her lips and sent a trio of smooches

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<v Speaker 1>across the airwaves. A German sailor listening to Vicki might

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<v Speaker 1>imagine This was his girlfriend or wife, waiting at home,

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<v Speaker 1>as she had been for years while the war stretched

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<v Speaker 1>through the summer of nineteen forty four. For those with

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<v Speaker 1>no one to return to, The voice belonged to a

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<v Speaker 1>blond haired and blue eyed dream. Wouldn't it be nice

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<v Speaker 1>if we could sit together now in a cozy little

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<v Speaker 1>cafe with a nice glass of rye wine, and we

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<v Speaker 1>gaze into each other's eyes so deep, so warm, she

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<v Speaker 1>cooed in an upper crust Berliner accent. She imagined a

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<v Speaker 1>dance as a big band launched into I Love You Truly,

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<v Speaker 1>the popular American song's lyrics song in German. Vicki was

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<v Speaker 1>creating a fantasy world with her kisses while reminding the

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<v Speaker 1>men of the possibilities their real lives had held before

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<v Speaker 1>they'd been ordered into cramped eue boats. Silently patrolling just

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<v Speaker 1>off the British coast line. Was the Nazi cause they

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<v Speaker 1>were fighting for Worth the sacrifices they had made? Was

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<v Speaker 1>it worth the sacrifice they might still be asked to make?

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<v Speaker 1>When the music faded, Vicki returned. Her words were sad,

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<v Speaker 1>Now we don't have much time left, and who knows

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<v Speaker 1>when and where we will see each other again. In

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<v Speaker 1>a radio studio forty miles north of London, the dark haired,

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<v Speaker 1>dark eyed, half Jewish actress playing the role of VICKI

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<v Speaker 1>stepped away from the microphone. Although she had playfully asked

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<v Speaker 1>the question, Agnes Bernauer twenty one certainly hoped she would

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<v Speaker 1>never meet the likes of her listeners again. She had

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<v Speaker 1>fled from the Nazis once before. Now she was fighting

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<v Speaker 1>back with the war's newest weapon. Radio was still a

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<v Speaker 1>novel medium in the nineteen forties. Propagandists had plied their

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<v Speaker 1>trade during World War I through print. Now radio allowed

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<v Speaker 1>them to reach deep into enemied territory, and since its start,

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<v Speaker 1>this new war had been a battle of the air waves.

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<v Speaker 1>The world was already familiar with what had become known

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<v Speaker 1>as white propaganda. Government information campaigns waged openly to energize

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<v Speaker 1>the home front and vilify the enemy. But World War

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<v Speaker 1>II saw the advent of the more insidious gray propaganda,

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<v Speaker 1>efforts that disguised the source of the message but did

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<v Speaker 1>not hide its insurgent intentions. It also birthed something darker still,

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<v Speaker 1>black propaganda, which deceived its audiences about its origins and

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<v Speaker 1>confused them. So thoroughly that they could not tell fact

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<v Speaker 1>from fiction. The Allies had not started this psychological warfare.

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<v Speaker 1>Propaganda of any color was an uncomfortable tool for a

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<v Speaker 1>democratic country, and for years Germany's Ministry of Public Enlightenment

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<v Speaker 1>and Propaganda, the mouthpiece of the Nazis chief propagandist Joseph Gibbles,

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<v Speaker 1>controlled the information battlefield. As early as nineteen thirty three,

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<v Speaker 1>the Nazis had ordered the production of the Folksimfanga, the

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<v Speaker 1>People's Receiver, a low cost radio set that was key

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<v Speaker 1>to the nazis domestic propaganda plans. The British government, meanwhile,

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<v Speaker 1>publicly dedicated itself to truth, depending on the BBC's European

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<v Speaker 1>service to spread news to information deprived listeners in Germany

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<v Speaker 1>and its occupied territories. In a world of poison, said

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<v Speaker 1>one French politician, who spent much of the war imprisoned

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<v Speaker 1>by Nazis, the b b C became the great antiseptic.

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<v Speaker 1>He would not have been aware of the b b

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<v Speaker 1>c's shadowy counterpart, the collection of radio stations m from

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<v Speaker 1>an old English estate in the village of Milton Bryan.

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<v Speaker 1>German Grand Admiral Karl Dunitz referred to this rural site

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<v Speaker 1>of Britain's clandestine Political Warfare Executive p w E as

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<v Speaker 1>gift Kuke a poison kitchen. Through the early nineteen forties,

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<v Speaker 1>the p w E had quietly launched dozens of gray

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<v Speaker 1>and black radio stations in an effort to influence listeners

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<v Speaker 1>behind enemy lines. The best remembered of these was a

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<v Speaker 1>nightly broadcast seemingly helmed by Derschef, a fictional foulmouthed disgruntled

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<v Speaker 1>Nazi officer who spread fabricated pornographic rumors about German officials.

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<v Speaker 1>But in nineteen forty three der Chef was quote murdered

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<v Speaker 1>end quote on the air. To free up resources for

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<v Speaker 1>a more ambitious undertaking, Deutscher Kurtzvealensandr Atlantique a short wave

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<v Speaker 1>station known to listeners as Atlantic Sender Radio Atlantic and

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<v Speaker 1>Sola Dottensender khalis Soldier's Radio Khali, which purported to be

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<v Speaker 1>broadcast from the occupied French city but was really sent

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<v Speaker 1>out from southern England on the world's most powerful medium

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<v Speaker 1>wave transmitter. The stations, which often shared content, were designed

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<v Speaker 1>to be indistinguishable from official Nazi radio and to subtly

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<v Speaker 1>demoralize German troops and civilians with strategic fictions buried beneath

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<v Speaker 1>truth and entertainment. This was the war as seen through

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<v Speaker 1>a fun house mirror. Allied troops moved a little faster,

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<v Speaker 1>German casualty estimates were a little higher, food shortages on

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<v Speaker 1>the home front were suddenly a little more severe, and

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<v Speaker 1>the big band music was much better. Cover dirt, cover,

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<v Speaker 1>cover dirt, cover dirt. Britain's top propagandist, Selton Delmer directed

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<v Speaker 1>his staff Atlantic Sender and Soldotnzender. Calis would become in

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<v Speaker 1>limited and sometimes contentious partnership with United States Young Intelligence branch,

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<v Speaker 1>the Office of Strategic Services o S S the culmination

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<v Speaker 1>of years of experimentation in radio propaganda on both sides

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<v Speaker 1>of the war. At the station's peak, the falsified narratives

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<v Speaker 1>they broadcast reached listeners from the American Midwest to Southeast Asia.

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<v Speaker 1>But much of what we now know about the Allies

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<v Speaker 1>Black propaganda efforts to day comes from the pulpy stories

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<v Speaker 1>Delmer later told of his wartime exploits, perhaps fittingly, a

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<v Speaker 1>confusing mix of fact and fiction, full of aegliases and allegians,

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<v Speaker 1>self serving misdirection and personal propaganda. The real story beneath

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<v Speaker 1>those lies can be pieced together from first person accounts

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<v Speaker 1>of those who worked at Milton Bryan to day, spread

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<v Speaker 1>across archive in Europe and North America, and in scores

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<v Speaker 1>of contemporary diaries and decades old memoirs penned by soldiers

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<v Speaker 1>and civilians who listened to the stations. It could be

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<v Speaker 1>reconstructed from thousands of previously unexamined pages of transcriptions of

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<v Speaker 1>the broadcasts collected by various governments and media listening stations,

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<v Speaker 1>and in daily logs from the radio studios themselves. The

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<v Speaker 1>truth is startling. In the final years of World War II,

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<v Speaker 1>as the scientists of the Manhattan Project raced to weaponize

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<v Speaker 1>the atom, the broadcasters in Milton Bryan were doing the

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<v Speaker 1>same with the lie. Today the world knows this as disinformation.

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<v Speaker 1>Agnes Bernauer knew nothing of these secret radio stations when

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<v Speaker 1>she arrived at the Savoy Hotel on the Thames on

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<v Speaker 1>the afternoon of Monday, June twelfth, nineteen forty four, a

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<v Speaker 1>week after the Allies landed in Normandy. She was a

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<v Speaker 1>little known singer and actress on the verge of a

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<v Speaker 1>big break an audition with Carol Gibbons, leader of one

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<v Speaker 1>of wartime London's hottest dance pans, the Savoy Hotel Orpheans,

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<v Speaker 1>The young German refugee, known as Aggie to her family

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<v Speaker 1>and as Agnes Burnell to her few fans, had been

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<v Speaker 1>planning for a career on the stage since the age

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<v Speaker 1>of five. Her father, Rudolph, had been a theater in

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<v Speaker 1>Presario and playwright in Berlin until he became a target

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<v Speaker 1>of the insurgent National Socialists. In December nineteen thirty, when

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<v Speaker 1>Bernauer was seven, Gebbels and his fellow brown Shirts, emboldened

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<v Speaker 1>by their electoral victories in the Reichstag that fall, launched

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<v Speaker 1>an attack on her father's theater Empire in Berlin for

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<v Speaker 1>the offense of screening All Quiet on the Western Front,

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<v Speaker 1>a film the Nazis loathed for its supposedly anti German

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<v Speaker 1>critique of nationalist militarism out Jews. Gebels had yelled from

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<v Speaker 1>the theater balcony, queuing a mob to release mice into

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<v Speaker 1>the audience, set off stink bombs, and beat patrons. For

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<v Speaker 1>days they marched with torches. The theater was forced to close.

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<v Speaker 1>As a child, Bernauer was unable to fight back. She

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<v Speaker 1>hadn't even dared join her classmates in throwing snowballs at

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<v Speaker 1>a billboard of Adolf Hitler. Her father's side of the

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<v Speaker 1>family was Jewish, and schoolyard taunts warned her that she

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<v Speaker 1>should not draw attention. Her mother's side of the family

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<v Speaker 1>served in Nazi uniforms. In November nineteen thirty three, after

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<v Speaker 1>Hitler rose to power, Bernauer's father tried to flee Germany,

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<v Speaker 1>but he was arrested at the border. He eventually secured

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<v Speaker 1>Hungarian passports for the family and left the country for

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<v Speaker 1>England in late nineteen thirty five. Burnhou Or followed a

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<v Speaker 1>year later. Her mother, Emma, whose Protestant upbringing offered a

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<v Speaker 1>measure of protection, stayed in Berlin for another three years

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<v Speaker 1>to manage what was left of the family business, collecting

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<v Speaker 1>royalties on the popular operettas Rudolph had written earlier in

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<v Speaker 1>his career. She almost waited too long. Just before the

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<v Speaker 1>United Kingdom declared war on Germany in nineteen thirty nine,

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<v Speaker 1>the Gestapo attempted to coerce Emma into informing on London's

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<v Speaker 1>Jewish refugee community. She fled Berlin hours later escaping the

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<v Speaker 1>horrors that Rudolph's sister Gizella and her daughter Ilma would

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<v Speaker 1>face in German concentration camps as refugees in London, the

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<v Speaker 1>Bernours were considered enemy aliens, forbidden by the British from

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<v Speaker 1>aiding the Allied cause in the army or in the

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<v Speaker 1>Saint John Ambulance Service. Teenage Bernauer had to settle for

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<v Speaker 1>contributing to the war effort as a civil defense air

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<v Speaker 1>raid warden. In her nineteen ninety six autobiography The Fun Palace,

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<v Speaker 1>Bernauer wrote about patrolling the North London neighborhood where she

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<v Speaker 1>lived with her parents, through the Blitz with a water

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<v Speaker 1>pump in hand, feeling slightly foolish at the inadequacy of

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<v Speaker 1>the gesture. She felt a little foolish almost everywhere. She

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<v Speaker 1>had dedicated herself to learning English at her British boarding

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<v Speaker 1>school and had practiced hiding her accent and her continental ways,

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<v Speaker 1>a conversational frankness and body sense of humor that would

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<v Speaker 1>have been right at home in the artistic cavins of Berlin,

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<v Speaker 1>but she struggled to find her place in London, with

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<v Speaker 1>most of the West End theaters shuddered as the war

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<v Speaker 1>dragged on. Bernauer's biggest opportunity as a performer had been

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<v Speaker 1>at Klina Buna the Little Theater, a Hampstead venue run

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<v Speaker 1>by the Jewish refugee community, but rush off her first

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<v Speaker 1>leading role at a theater in Birmingham, where she garnered

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<v Speaker 1>goodenough reviews and with an appointment to sing for Gibbons,

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<v Speaker 1>her luck finally seemed to be changing. In a private

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<v Speaker 1>suite outfitted with the piano, Gibbons played as Bernour cruded

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<v Speaker 1>a selection of English hits. But it was not the

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<v Speaker 1>band leader who was looking for a new star. The

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<v Speaker 1>role would be at the direction of the slight, anxious

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<v Speaker 1>man who picked up the dinner check at the Savoy

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<v Speaker 1>Grill that evening. Ira Ashley, an American radio producer turned

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<v Speaker 1>O S S agent the U S Intelligence Agency, had

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<v Speaker 1>first contacted Bernauer's father about script writing and translation work.

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<v Speaker 1>Rudolph suggested there might be a place for his daughter

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<v Speaker 1>on their mysterious government project. After auditioning her, Ashley concurred

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<v Speaker 1>her blonde voice, as Bernauer recalled Ashleigh describing it was

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<v Speaker 1>just what he needed. Soon dispatched to m b as

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<v Speaker 1>the compound in Milton Bryan was known, Bernauer found a

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<v Speaker 1>recording studio unlike any she had ever seen. There was

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<v Speaker 1>a guard house, tall fences topped with barbed wire, and

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<v Speaker 1>German shepherds on patrol. The order to report to Milton

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<v Speaker 1>Bryan was not widely considered a plumb assignment. Black procpaganda

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<v Speaker 1>was an untested strategy, and those who found their way

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<v Speaker 1>to the estate were misfits whose particular talents, biographies and

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<v Speaker 1>peculiarities had no other place in the war effort. A

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<v Speaker 1>collection of cranks and characters, in the words of one

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<v Speaker 1>dismissive British Foreign Office official, Delmer, a former journalist and

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<v Speaker 1>his wife isabel A Painter, had attracted a motley crew

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<v Speaker 1>of reporters, artists and academics to the effort. They were

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<v Speaker 1>teamed up with the staff of political refugees, monarch kist

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<v Speaker 1>communists and social democrats, as well as prisoners of war

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<v Speaker 1>who now pledged allegiance to the Allied cause, and unexpected defectors,

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<v Speaker 1>including a former German diplomat, a turncoat s S officer,

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<v Speaker 1>and three Lufwaffe pilots who landed in the UK in

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<v Speaker 1>their night Fighter. Most of these emigres from the Third

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<v Speaker 1>Reich were added to the ranks only by reluctant necessity.

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<v Speaker 1>Their loyalty was considered suspect, but their deep knowledge of

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<v Speaker 1>German culture and pitch perfect accents were essential to disguising

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<v Speaker 1>Atlantic sender and Zoldatan sender Calais. As one PWE official

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<v Speaker 1>put it, effective propaganda cannot be undertaken except by people

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<v Speaker 1>who are half in love with the enemy. To produce

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<v Speaker 1>believable fake broadcasts, the PWE had built a journalistic organization

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<v Speaker 1>to rival the BBC. The propagandists held the truth in

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<v Speaker 1>unexpectedly high esteem, guided by an unofficial motto never lie

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<v Speaker 1>by accident or through slovenliness, only deliberately. They made good

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<v Speaker 1>use of an abandoned Hellschreiber, a still working German printing

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<v Speaker 1>telegraph that related news directly from the Nazis, and aerial

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<v Speaker 1>photographs taken from Allied bombers. But the station's most valued

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<v Speaker 1>information was not the stuff of international headlines. We are

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<v Speaker 1>not interested at this stage in the war in German

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<v Speaker 1>atrocities or the shootings of Jews in Poland and Hungary,

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<v Speaker 1>advised the intelligence officers who helped Graft the strategy of

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<v Speaker 1>how and when to lie. Rather, they were interested in

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<v Speaker 1>stories of everyday hardship in Germany, small breakdowns of authority

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<v Speaker 1>in the occupied countries, and petty infighting within Hitler's top ranks,

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<v Speaker 1>anything that would dishearten listeners. The belief was that downtrodden

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<v Speaker 1>workers slowed the production of war or necessities, and discouraged

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<v Speaker 1>troops did not fight as well, and both were a

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<v Speaker 1>distraction to the enemy. The officers also coveted small details

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<v Speaker 1>like the latest Blotilla soccer matches, which solidified the station's

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<v Speaker 1>cover story as a German broadcast. These seemingly inconsequential tidbits

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<v Speaker 1>arrived daily from PWE and OSS agents behind enemy lines,

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<v Speaker 1>through POW interrogations and in smuggled newspapers. By mid nineteen

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<v Speaker 1>forty four, there was just one thing missing from this

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<v Speaker 1>elaborate ruse. The greatest, single thing that may be said

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<v Speaker 1>against the present Zodatan Zender program is that its entertainment

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<v Speaker 1>is of very dubious quality. Ashley's boss, David Wenten wrote

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<v Speaker 1>in an OSS memo stamped secret. With any program of

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<v Speaker 1>this nature, its entertainment side is by far its most important,

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<v Speaker 1>For it is the entertainment side of the show which

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<v Speaker 1>builds and holds the audience of German troops and not

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<v Speaker 1>only secures their attention but places them in the proper

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<v Speaker 1>frame of mind for the subversive material that follows. To

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<v Speaker 1>when the Radio War, the Allies needed to win the

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<v Speaker 1>ratings war, drawing in listeners with the hottest music, Bernouer

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<v Speaker 1>would strike back against the Nazis with her voice. Bernauer

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<v Speaker 1>stood in front of the microphone, scripped in hand, ready

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<v Speaker 1>for the star turn for which she could never take credit.

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<v Speaker 1>At one elbow, in a dark suit with the fashionable

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<v Speaker 1>pocket square was producer Charles Kebba, looking the part of

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<v Speaker 1>the Madison Avenue commercial maker he had been before enlisting

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<v Speaker 1>in the U. S. Army. He glanced at his watch,

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<v Speaker 1>seemingly impatient to move the rehearsal along. At her other side,

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<v Speaker 1>offering notes on her performance, was her balding and bespectacled father.

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<v Speaker 1>He and Bernauer's mother had joined their daughter in the

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<v Speaker 1>countryside in the summer of nineteen forty four. Rudolph was

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<v Speaker 1>employed as an actor, a scriptwriter, and a director. Emma,

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<v Speaker 1>who had once been a nanny, was something of a

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<v Speaker 1>den mother for the cast and crew members of the

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<v Speaker 1>O S S operation, who were mostly young and mostly single,

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<v Speaker 1>and billeted together in Newton, Longville, about ten miles from

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<v Speaker 1>the m B studios. Among Emma's charges were Czechoslovakian singer

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<v Speaker 1>and beauty queen Trudy Binar, Elizabeth Karako, a willowy Austrian performer,

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<v Speaker 1>and Hilda Palmer, a German actress who had just finished

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<v Speaker 1>a run in coal porters. Something for the Boys through

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<v Speaker 1>July Boogie Woogie pianist Pat O'Neill hunched over the studio's

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<v Speaker 1>grand piano with a cigarette between his teeth as the

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<v Speaker 1>four singers recorded some of the biggest English language hits

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<v Speaker 1>of the era in German. Access to popular big band

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<v Speaker 1>tunes was rare in Germany, giving the propaganda stations in

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<v Speaker 1>edge over their German counterparts and the competition for listeners.

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<v Speaker 1>Some were faithful covers, but others preyed on the war

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<v Speaker 1>weary listener's feelings of loneliness, despair, and longing. Many were

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<v Speaker 1>translated in London by Egan Larson, who had one of

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<v Speaker 1>the strangest and I admit cushiest war jobs. He would

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<v Speaker 1>write in nineteen eighty five when he felt safe telling

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<v Speaker 1>the story. Larson, who was Jewish, had been a journalist

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<v Speaker 1>in Berlin before the Nazis assent, and he had taken

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<v Speaker 1>a job with the BBC's German service when he made

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<v Speaker 1>his way to England, but he had quickly grown disillusioned

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<v Speaker 1>with the stated station. He believed, as the OS S did,

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<v Speaker 1>that the Allies could not convince German servicemen and civilians

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<v Speaker 1>with facts, but they could influence them with emotion. His

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<v Speaker 1>rewritten lyrics manipulated listeners through music, sentimentality, sex, dramatic episodes,

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<v Speaker 1>and Maudlin verse, as OSS officials later wrote, between air

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<v Speaker 1>raid warnings and damage reports, purported news from the German

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<v Speaker 1>home front and the front lines, and speeches from Nazi

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<v Speaker 1>officials rebroadcast from other radio stations. The first time Bernauer's

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<v Speaker 1>voice was heard on Atlantic sender or Zoldatan Center Gallie

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<v Speaker 1>just after nine pm local time on July third, nineteen

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<v Speaker 1>forty four. She was singing Larsen's words. The cheerful tune

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<v Speaker 1>was that of the wartime hit paper Doll, but the

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<v Speaker 1>translated lyrics gave the song about loyalty and jealousy a

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<v Speaker 1>much darker tone. In the original Mills Brothers version, the

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<v Speaker 1>singer was gonna buy a paper doll that I can

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<v Speaker 1>call my own, a doll that other fellows cannot steal.

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<v Speaker 1>But in Larsen's version, Bernauer wanted to be a faithful

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<v Speaker 1>doll while her man was off to war. But as

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<v Speaker 1>she sang in German, unfortunately, I'm not a porcelain figurine,

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<v Speaker 1>a reference to Meissen Porcelain, the Pride of Saxony and

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<v Speaker 1>need a real man. In spring and now, Bernauer was

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<v Speaker 1>preparing for a bigger role. Three times a week she

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<v Speaker 1>would transform into Vicky with three Kisses, a temptress dreamed

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<v Speaker 1>up by Kebby as a pure sex act. This is

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<v Speaker 1>Vicky speaking saying hello to all her friends in the Wehrmacht.

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<v Speaker 1>Bernauer purred in German on radio sets across Europe on

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<v Speaker 1>the evening of August thirteenth, nineteen forty four, as Benny

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<v Speaker 1>Goodman's Gentle Smooth One faded. It was her third appearance

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<v Speaker 1>on the stations they say the first hundred times of

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<v Speaker 1>the hardest Still, it shouldn't take us long to get acquainted, ay,

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<v Speaker 1>not if we take it easy. As Vicky Bernauer promised

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<v Speaker 1>her listeners a seductive slow dance and a night of romance,

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<v Speaker 1>even as she segued into a rendition of where or when,

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<v Speaker 1>the original lyrics of which subtly winked at her deception

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<v Speaker 1>thought as wings and lots of things are seldom what

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<v Speaker 1>they see. It's been fun, right, she asked her listeners.

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<v Speaker 1>It's been fun for me dreaming here by the microphone.

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<v Speaker 1>Finally a part of the war, Bernauer relished her position

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<v Speaker 1>in what she would call the Dirty Tricks Department, which

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<v Speaker 1>offered endless possibilities to bamboozle and confuse the Nazis. Are

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<v Speaker 1>you as sweet as your voice? A German Man wrote

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<v Speaker 1>to the woman he knew only as Vicki, in a

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<v Speaker 1>letter that found its way to Milton Bryan in February

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen forty five. The fan, who had by then deserted

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<v Speaker 1>the German war effort, expressed some doubts about the authenticity

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<v Speaker 1>of the station broadcasting the Youngest Star, but that did

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<v Speaker 1>not seem to concern him. The chief thing is that

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<v Speaker 1>you are there and that you don't forget your good

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<v Speaker 1>night kisses. The letter and other such comebacks mentions of

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<v Speaker 1>the stations from p o W interviews and intelligence intercepts

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<v Speaker 1>reassured the propagandists that people were tuning in the Germans

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<v Speaker 1>knew it too. According to a memo Allied forces discovered

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<v Speaker 1>as they advanced through Europe dangerous enemy propaganda warning against

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<v Speaker 1>the so called Zodotenzender Calais it began. The memo showed

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<v Speaker 1>that the Germans had little idea how to combat the disinformation,

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<v Speaker 1>even mentioning the stations seemed perilous. In discussing the radio,

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<v Speaker 1>care must be taken not to popularize the name Sodotenzender Calais.

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<v Speaker 1>The Nazis, having promoted the widespread use of radio for

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<v Speaker 1>their own domestic propaganda purposes, had unwittingly set the German

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<v Speaker 1>people up for attack. By nineteen forty one, sixty five

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<v Speaker 1>percent of German homes had a bosomfanger capable of receiving

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<v Speaker 1>the powerful broadcasts of Sodotenzender Calais as readily as the

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<v Speaker 1>official Nazi news outlet Deutsche Lanzender. Some who tuned into

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<v Speaker 1>Atlantic Sender and Soodotenzender Calais later renamed soldotan Zender West

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<v Speaker 1>after the Allies recaptured Calais in October nineteen forty four,

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<v Speaker 1>making it an implausible headquarters for a purported German military

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<v Speaker 1>radio station believed the stations to be authentic. Others saw

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<v Speaker 1>through the ruse and, disgusted by the propaganda of the enemy,

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<v Speaker 1>or fearful of Nazi reprisals for illegally listening to the broadcasts,

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<v Speaker 1>changed the channel. But there was a third group, those

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<v Speaker 1>who had suspicions about the station's origins and intentions, but

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<v Speaker 1>tuned in any way. If listeners had convinced themselves there

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<v Speaker 1>was no harm in hearing the enemy's news tidbits and

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<v Speaker 1>enjoying lively music, they were making a dangerous gamble. Psychologists

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<v Speaker 1>today know that many people struggle to determine truth from lies,

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<v Speaker 1>especially when repeatedly exposed to disinformation. The PWE, recognizing the

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<v Speaker 1>power of the weapon it was building, and fearful it

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<v Speaker 1>would poison the British media environment, issued a defense notice

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<v Speaker 1>advising Fleet Street journalists not to report news broadcast on

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<v Speaker 1>the station, an unenforceable request that was widely honored. Nowhere else, however,

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<v Speaker 1>seemed beyond the reach of the programs. In Paris, an

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<v Speaker 1>exiled writer tuned his radio to the stations as German

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<v Speaker 1>troops patrolled the streets in the months before the city's liberation.

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<v Speaker 1>In still occupied Austria, a girl and her brother huddled

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<v Speaker 1>around a battery powered radio each evening, the volume turned

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<v Speaker 1>low and their windows shuttered. In Hamburg, a young German

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<v Speaker 1>manning and achdact the feared anti aircraft gun, heard American

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<v Speaker 1>style dance music for the first time. And in Berlin,

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<v Speaker 1>Ingeborg von Cuso, an actress about Bernauer's age who had

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<v Speaker 1>become a favorite of Nazi's propaganda filmmakers, listened for the

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<v Speaker 1>gossip necessary to navigate Hitler's inner circle. It was invariably right,

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<v Speaker 1>she would write, using the surname Wells in her nineteen

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<v Speaker 1>forty nine memoir. At least one teacher at Germany's National

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<v Speaker 1>Political Institutes of Education, boarding schools established to groom the

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<v Speaker 1>next generation of Nazi leaders, was known to play the

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<v Speaker 1>stations for his students, and their big band music was

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<v Speaker 1>popular in the officer's mess at the Wolf's Lair, Hitler's

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<v Speaker 1>military headquarters on the Eastern Front. The Furor himself was

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<v Speaker 1>briefed on the broadcasts. For Hitler, the real threat was

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<v Speaker 1>not the station's lies, but their truths. The Allied broadcasters

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<v Speaker 1>had such accurate information that Nazi leaders feared there was

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<v Speaker 1>a mole among his closest advisers. Dispatches from the stations

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<v Speaker 1>quoted as reliable news sources were also a regular fixture

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<v Speaker 1>on the front pages of American newspapers. This concludes readings

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<v Speaker 1>from the Smithsonian Magazine for today. Your reader has been

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<v Speaker 1>Rebecca Shore. Thank you for listening, and have a great day.
