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<v Speaker 1>What's up, everyone, and welcome to another episode of the

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<v Speaker 1>Epstein Chronicles. There's something profoundly dishonest about pretending that Jeffrey

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<v Speaker 1>Epstein's crimes we're simply the private depravity of one wealthy

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<v Speaker 1>sexual predator who occasionally received assistance from Glenn Maxwell. The

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<v Speaker 1>federal government's own allegations describe something much larger, because prosecutors

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<v Speaker 1>at Epstein work with employees and associates to maintain a

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<v Speaker 1>steady supply of underage victims, paid victims to recruit additional girls,

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<v Speaker 1>and used an organized appointment and payment system to keep

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<v Speaker 1>that machine operating. Does that sound like a random criminality

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<v Speaker 1>to you that's just happening around one man? Or does

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<v Speaker 1>it sound like organization, continuity, coordination, money, personnel, recruitment, transportation,

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<v Speaker 1>and criminal purpose. In July of twenty nineteen, the Southern

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<v Speaker 1>District of New York itself ud that employees and associates

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<v Speaker 1>scheduled appointments and participated in the system through which victims

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<v Speaker 1>were recruited and paid. The government can't plausibly claim it

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<v Speaker 1>lackt evidence of an organization surrounding Epstein, while simultaneously relying

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<v Speaker 1>on that organization to describe how is trafficking scheme functioned?

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<v Speaker 1>Federal RICO law exists precisely because criminal enterprises often the

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<v Speaker 1>vibe tasks among different people instead of requiring every participant

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<v Speaker 1>to personally commit every underlying offense. So for me, the

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<v Speaker 1>astonishing question is not why anyone would have considered RICO

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<v Speaker 1>against Epstein, but why federal prosecutors apparently never forced the

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<v Speaker 1>Epstein investigation through the full racketeering framework. RICO would have

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<v Speaker 1>required investigators to identify the enterprise, map its membership catalog,

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<v Speaker 1>its predicate crimes, trace its money, identify its logistical infrastructure,

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<v Speaker 1>and determine who knowingly helped keep it functioning. And that

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<v Speaker 1>process would have to move the investigation away from the

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<v Speaker 1>politically convenient question of what Jeffrey Epstein personally did and

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<v Speaker 1>toward the far more dangerous question of how Jeffrey Epstein

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<v Speaker 1>was able to keep doing it. RICO is frequently discussed

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<v Speaker 1>as though it's some exotic mafia statute reserved for cigar

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<v Speaker 1>smoking mob bosses meeting in dark restaurants, but that has

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<v Speaker 1>not been federal law for decades. The statute criminalizes conducting

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<v Speaker 1>an enterprise affairs through a pattern of qualifying racketeering activity.

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<v Speaker 1>An enterprise can consist of people associated together for a

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<v Speaker 1>common purpose, even when they also engage in legitimate activity,

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<v Speaker 1>and even when the organization has no formal membership card

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<v Speaker 1>or a corporate charter. Epstein had residences, corporations, aircraft employees, assistants, recruiters, schedulers, pilots,

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<v Speaker 1>financial professionals, lawyers, property managers, and a social apparatus spread

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<v Speaker 1>across jurisdictions and international boarders. Was never whether every one

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<v Speaker 1>of those people was guilty, because RICO does not criminalize

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<v Speaker 1>mere association. The relevant question was which people knowingly participated

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<v Speaker 1>in an enterprise whose affairs were furthered through qualifying criminal acts.

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<v Speaker 1>Once that question is asked seriously, the investigation necessarily becomes

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<v Speaker 1>broader than Epstein and Maxwell. It becomes an investigation of recruiting, trafficking,

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<v Speaker 1>transportation payments, financial concealment, immigration activity, obstruction, witness manipulation, documentary fraud,

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<v Speaker 1>and every person who knowingly participated in those functions. That

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<v Speaker 1>was exactly the sort of investigative pressure the government aggressively

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<v Speaker 1>applied to organizations headed by R. Kelly and Keith Rayniery.

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<v Speaker 1>But as usual, Epstein received something dramatically different. I think

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<v Speaker 1>that the case for a rico enterprise becomes stronger when

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<v Speaker 1>the longevity of Epstein's operations considered. Maxwell's prosecution is stablished

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<v Speaker 1>that the relationship between Epstein and Maxwell involved the grooming, recruitment, transportation,

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<v Speaker 1>and exploitation of girls over approximately a decade from the

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<v Speaker 1>nineties into the two thousands. Epstein's criminal conduct consequently did

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<v Speaker 1>not resemble temporary conspiracy formed to accomplish one offense before dissolving.

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<v Speaker 1>It was a functioning system that survived changes in victims, residences, employees, jurisdictions,

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<v Speaker 1>and years. Victims describe recruitment methods that reproduce themselves because

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<v Speaker 1>girls were paid to bring additional girls into Epstein's orbit.

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<v Speaker 1>Money therefore did not merely purchase access to victims. Money

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<v Speaker 1>helped regenerate the victim pool itself. Employees allegedly scheduled deployments,

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<v Speaker 1>associates helped maintain the operation, Residences supplied controlled environments, and

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<v Speaker 1>travel infrastructure allowed activity to cross state and national boundaries.

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<v Speaker 1>That structure is precisely why calling Epstein simply a serial

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<v Speaker 1>offender understates what prosecutors themselves said happened. A serial offender

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<v Speaker 1>acts repeatedly, but a criminal enterprise develops mechanisms that allow

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<v Speaker 1>criminal conduct to be repeated efficiently through other people. Epstein

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<v Speaker 1>hath host mechanisms in abundance. The paid recruitment system alone

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<v Speaker 1>should have caused federal racketeering specialists to descend on the

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<v Speaker 1>Epstein investigation. Epstein allegedly paid girls after sexualized encounters, and

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<v Speaker 1>then paid them again when they recruited additional underage girls.

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<v Speaker 1>That arrangement created a criminal supply chain in which exploited

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<v Speaker 1>teenagers could themselves become conduits through which new victims entered

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<v Speaker 1>the system. The fact that some recruiters were also victims

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<v Speaker 1>makes prosecution decisions morally and legally complicated, but it doesn't

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<v Speaker 1>make the organizational structure disappear. To the contrary, trafficking enterprises

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<v Speaker 1>routinely exploit vulnerable people as instruments for recruiting or controlling

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<v Speaker 1>other vulnerable people. A serious enterprise investigation would have separated

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<v Speaker 1>exploited recruiters from adult organizers, knowing employees, financial facilitators, and

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<v Speaker 1>decision makers. It would have asked who designed the payment arrangements,

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<v Speaker 1>who supplied the cash, who maintained records, whose scheduled appointments,

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<v Speaker 1>who knew the age is involved, and who responded when

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<v Speaker 1>complaints or investigations threatened the operation. Those questions are the

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<v Speaker 1>bread and butter of racketeering investigations. Instead, the public ultimately

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<v Speaker 1>received an indictment depicting a trafficking machine and charging essentially

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<v Speaker 1>the man sitting at its center. The government's handling of

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<v Speaker 1>Epstein becomes even more difficult to defend when viewed against

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<v Speaker 1>its own reco charging policy. DJ says that RICO may

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<v Speaker 1>be appropriate when it more accurately reflects the nature and

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<v Speaker 1>extent of criminal conduct, combines related offenses that might be

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<v Speaker 1>otherwise prosecuted in separate jurisdictions, improves prosecution of defendants or

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<v Speaker 1>code defendants, or creates appropriate forfeiture consequences. Epstein's operation checked

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<v Speaker 1>those boxes with almost embarrassing neatness. The conduct crossed Florida

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<v Speaker 1>and New York and extended into New Mexico, the Virgin Islands,

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<v Speaker 1>and foreign travel. Maxwell's later conviction established criminal conduct connected

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<v Speaker 1>to several of those locations. While Epstein maintained an extensive

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<v Speaker 1>web of entities and assets, a recal indictment could have

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<v Speaker 1>told jurors that this was not an assortment of disconnected

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<v Speaker 1>sexual offenses, but a continuing enterprise using money, personnel, travel, properties,

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<v Speaker 1>and recruitment to facilitate repeated exploitation. It could have unified

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<v Speaker 1>activities that otherwise a period geographically fragmented. It could have

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<v Speaker 1>enabled prosecutors to present participants according to their respective functions

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<v Speaker 1>within the same criminal ecosystem. Most importantly, it would have

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<v Speaker 1>campeld the government to explain how that ecosystem actually worked.

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<v Speaker 1>And that is precisely whatever happened. The first grade federal

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<v Speaker 1>betrayal occurred during the two thousand and six through two

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<v Speaker 1>thousand and eight investigation in South Florida. Federal investigators did

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<v Speaker 1>not have some thin file containing one frightened teenager and

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<v Speaker 1>a rich defendant denying everything. By two thousand and seven,

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<v Speaker 1>prosecutors had developed an extensive prosecution memorandum and a massive

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<v Speaker 1>draft federal indictment containing scores of contemplated charges against Epstein.

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<v Speaker 1>Djay's later professional responsibility review conceded that Alexander Acosta exercised

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<v Speaker 1>poor judgment in resolving the federal investigation through the notorious

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<v Speaker 1>non prosecution agreement. The federal case was therefore not abandoned

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<v Speaker 1>because agents had nothing to work with. It was abandoned

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<v Speaker 1>after a substantial investigative work had already produced the architecture

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<v Speaker 1>for a serious prosecution. When prosecutors possess evidence broad enough

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<v Speaker 1>to contemplate dozens of federal accounts, the natural law enforcement

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<v Speaker 1>question should be whether the conduct reveals an enterprise larger

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<v Speaker 1>than one defendant. Instead, the government negotiated its way downward.

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<v Speaker 1>The two thousand and seven non prosecution Agreement is perhaps

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<v Speaker 1>the single most damning piece of evidence supporting the argument

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<v Speaker 1>that the government deliberately contained the Epstein case. Prosecutors did

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<v Speaker 1>not merely agree to spare Epstein from federal prosecution. Instead,

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<v Speaker 1>they extended protection to named alleged co conspirators and extraordinarily

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<v Speaker 1>to potential co conspirators. That language did something much more

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<v Speaker 1>consequential than reducing Epstein's personal exposure. They removed prosecutorial leverage

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<v Speaker 1>against other people before the public had any meaningful account

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<v Speaker 1>of who those people were or what they have done.

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<v Speaker 1>A normal enterprise investigation uses pressure on low level or

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<v Speaker 1>peripheral participants to climb the organ danizational ladder. Immunizing an

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<v Speaker 1>undefined category of potential co conspirators moves exactly in the

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<v Speaker 1>opposite direction. It shuts doors before investigators have publicly demonstrated

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<v Speaker 1>what lies behind them. Whatever motive one assigns to the decision,

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<v Speaker 1>its institutional effect was obvious. The government turned an expanding

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<v Speaker 1>criminal investigation into a containment agreement, and I think that

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<v Speaker 1>containment mattered because regal investigations feed on cooperation. Prosecutors identify participants,

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<v Speaker 1>charge provable crimes, offer agreements where appropriate, obtain testimony, subpoena records,

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<v Speaker 1>follow money, and use one participant's knowledge to expose another

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<v Speaker 1>participant's role. Epstein's non prosecution agreement undermine that process. At

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<v Speaker 1>the moment it could have been most productive, People who

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<v Speaker 1>might otherwise have faced federal exposure suddenly had far less

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<v Speaker 1>incentive to describe the operation. Potential witnesses who had helped

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<v Speaker 1>Epstein could reasonably received that the government's principal objective was

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<v Speaker 1>ending the case rather than dismantling the network. The government

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<v Speaker 1>did not publicly roll up the recruiters, administrators, financiers, immigration facilitators,

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<v Speaker 1>or other knowing participants through successive waves of charges. It

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<v Speaker 1>secured Epstein's limited state plea and then allowed the federal

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<v Speaker 1>matter to disappear. That's the antithesis of the way prosecutors

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<v Speaker 1>attack organizations they genuinely intend to dismantle. They didn't dismantle

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<v Speaker 1>Epstein's enterprise. They negotiated peace with its center. The treatment

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<v Speaker 1>of victims makes that narrowing even uglier. The DOJ's own

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<v Speaker 1>Office of Professional Responsibility concluded that victims were not treated

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<v Speaker 1>with forthrightness and sensitivity expected of the department. The government

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<v Speaker 1>negotiated the agreement without giving those victims the transparent participation

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<v Speaker 1>they reasonably expected from federal authorities who spent months investigating

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<v Speaker 1>their accounts. This wasn't some minor bureaue at a communication

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<v Speaker 1>failure occurring at the edge of the case. Keeping victims

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<v Speaker 1>outside the process made it easier to close the investigation

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<v Speaker 1>without sustained resistance from the people who understood the scope

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<v Speaker 1>of Epstein's conduct. Most intimately, victims were potential sources of names, locations, patterns,

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<v Speaker 1>recruitment practices, staff behavior, payments, conversations, and corroborating evidence. An

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<v Speaker 1>enterprise minded prosecutor should have regarded those witnesses as windows

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<v Speaker 1>into the structure surrounding Epstein. Instead, the process treated them

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<v Speaker 1>as problems to be managed. While the government negotiated finality,

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<v Speaker 1>that approach did not merely disrespect survivors, It sacrificed investigative opportunity. Folks,

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<v Speaker 1>we're going to wrap up the first episode right here,

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<v Speaker 1>and in the next episode, we're going to pick up

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<v Speaker 1>where we left off. All the information that goes with

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<v Speaker 1>this episode can be found in the description box.
