Speaker 1: Judicial activism, immigration. Have we reached a party where it's
too hard to put the genie back into the bottle?
Can it be done? And where is it going? All
that more? Stay tuned, Welcome back to the Jeremy Ryan
Slate Show. I am your host, Jeremy Ryan Slate, the
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decline and fall like Rome over at Command your Empire
dot com. And before you jump, we jump into this conversation.
It'll like this video, leave us comment and smash the
subscribe button. Sport liberty, freedom and want to build a
better future. And I am excited about the conversation we're
going to have today. I had the pleasure of being
on today's guest show a bit ago as we kind
of started talking about the Roman Empire, and it's been
kind of a fun and interesting year and we're going
to dive into some really important issues around immigration and
some other things as well. So Peter Kunones, thanks for
hanging out with me today.
Speaker 2: Man, thanks for inviting me on. I appreciate it. You've
actually been on twice. You've been on the shows, have
been on twice.
Speaker 1: Oh geez, man, I didn't realize that was that cool. Yeah,
my parents don't even let me on twice.
Speaker 2: The first time was actually we talked about immigration and
how it affected the Roman Empire. But I think now
that now that we've gotten beyond and Trump's been elected
the I think there's a lot more to dive into
and the other reaction that we've seen following his election
and some of the things that he's tried to do.
Speaker 1: So for people that may not be familiar with you
and what you do, and I just tell us about
who you are, what you do, more we can find you.
Speaker 2: This is my eighth year. Podcasting started in July twenty seventeen.
It's called The Freeman Beyond the Wall podcast. Back then
and I decidedly libertarian anarco capitalists bent. I'd been questioning
those priors around twenty nineteen and when covid hit pretty
much decided that nobody that the majority of people, the
overwhelming majority of people in all ages, do not want liberty.
They want to be told what to do. So I
started looking upon libertarianism and constitutionalism and even like a
lot of the Founding Principles as well. I mean that's
for some people, it's for an elite, but everybody else
wants to be told what to do, and libertarians are like,
we just want to be left alone. So I basically
decided to delve into history and look at more realistic
kind of politics, the Italian elite school, people like James Burnham,
and then going back then starting to get into the classics,
more Catholic history, European history of Thomas Aquinas, and coming forward,
I just started concentrating more on history, more on philosophy
and revisionist history, which is I think something that is
becoming very popular, and you can see that by there
are factions, especially on the quote unquote right, that are
calling revisionist history now woke. So yeah, that's uh, I'm
one of those. I'm one of those people that they
call the woke right, and I you know, it's a
it's a ridiculous pejorative. There are must there are much
worse things. There are much better things you should call
me that are historical pejoratives. But yeah, it's still funny.
Speaker 1: It's you know. The thing that's interesting though, is there's
been a weird cycle of action with this I guess
second Trump election, right, it was a very overwhelming victory, right,
that's what we saw initially, and then there's been kind
of this very strange division on the right, like you
were just alluding to, and it kind of seems like
the power base is really disappearing in a lot of ways,
if that makes sense. Where it's kind of hard to follow,
well what is the correct narrative here? Where are we
going with things? And I've actually, frankly, I don't know
about you, I found it hard to follow how are
we actually even doing? That's been the hard thing for
me to kind of take a look at what have
you looked at as as we've kind of come into
the second term.
Speaker 2: Well, to me coming in, the first thing that I
wanted to see was the January sixth tourists pardoned completely,
and we got that. That was really good. I wanted
to see things like Usaide addressed. Now that's one of
those things where it's like I think the power of
it handed over to the State Department and they haven't
really said what they're doing with it. So that's a question.
Although we do see there are certain we have reports
that there are certain offices that were closed because their
funding disappeared, and most people assume that has to do
with USAID, and hopefully it is. But it was always
about immigration. It was as some people have pointed out.
I think I can't remember the name of the account
on Twitter, but someone posted last week and it's probably
the best. The best summary of immigration when it comes
to this regime is a Democrat gets elected and they
let in fifteen million illegal immigrants undocumented. Don't know where
they are. Some of them, you do know where they are.
They make them legal in ways that is against any
way of part of the law, so they technically are legal,
but according to the law they're illegal. And then a
Republican gets in and they don't they are still, you know,
just stalled in doing anything, whether it's biactivist judges. I mean,
I think I read something about almost half of the
judges in the district Court weren't even born in the
United States, and you're basically seeing Yeah, I mean, I
think about you know, my great grandparents came here in
nineteen ten from Poland, and I'm thinking if they asked
my great granddad, if he you know, you want to
be a judge, he'd be like no, he'd be like, no,
I just got here. I need to get my feet
on the ground. Who am I to tell these people?
Who am I to judge these people? So you know,
not only do you have to look at who the
regime puts in charge, but you also have to look
at the character of somebody who wasn't born here who
would want that position, want a position of power over
people that they have really no connection to ethnically or
you know, philosophically. And so if a republic if a
Republican gets in and then they can't get rid of
the fifteen million, and then a Democrat gets picking and
they let in another ten million, and we don't have
after a while, the country is completely replaced the or
it's overcrowded, and that argument can be made. I don't
like the overcrowding argument. I do think the overcrowding argument
definitely goes towards home prices and goes towards prices in general.
But you're just basically importing people where there was a
time when people came here that they really integrated. Now
you have people who come here who their whole purpose
of coming here is to send money home, is to
send money back to where and that's not taxed, And
it just doesn't seem I mean, there are there's a
lot more you can talk about with immigration, especially the
immigration that we're we're experiencing, but just the fact that
if this is a good thing, this is something that's
going to make make the line go up, make line
go up when it comes to GDP, this is something
that's going to increase our tax base. Well, basically, if
you're making those arguments, then we don't live in a country,
we live in a bank. We're just a gigantic bank.
We're just a gigantic financial institution. And if we're just
a gigantic financial institution, financial institutions fall all the time.
So it's just a matter of time. And historically when
you look at countries, when you look at policies, they
survive because the people are tight knit and they have
something in common, and they have a common goal, and
they actually share a common language, common lineage, common blood
in most cases. And we're just fat. I mean, we're
but at this I don't know if it's reversible. At
this point, I mean, I don't know if it's reversible,
because you could support thirty million people who don't belong
here and you're still not fixing the philosophy, the philosophy,
you're still not eliminating the philosophy that brought them here.
So you know, I think we're seriously at a crossroads.
And you know, really, when it comes down to it, now,
it's just a matter of how do you how do
you mitigate that, how do you continue to live and
how do you know? How do you live within a
aquolity that's just basically become financialized there's nothing social about anymore?
Speaker 1: Well, I know even as well, Peter, I was talking
to my wife about this yesterday. Is if you look
at it, there's also some very I think that the
point you hit on about the judiciary is really important,
and you mentioned judges because you even look at in Brazil, right,
one of the big ways they've handled things in Brazil
is through the judiciary. And the issue that we're dealing
with here is we've seen almost like a judicial coup
in a lot of ways, right, like the executive decides
this is the policy we're going to do, or the
Congress decides this is the policy we're going to have,
and the judiciary just decides no, we're not going to
do that or we're not going to follow that policy.
And then I don't know the full background of this,
but there was a judge that was arrested. Was it
in Ohio or something like that last week? And Wisconsin
there we go, thank you. I knew it was someplace
in the central but and people were crying at about oh,
you know, well, Trump is a rest sting judges now,
and they seem to forget I guess what happened to
Trump d Trump and many Republicans during the Biden administration,
which was way worse. But this person was actually breaking
the law as it relates to immigration in some ways.
So I guess the question I would have is it
seems like there's a cultural problem as it relates to
the judiciary, if that makes sense. And I'm curious how
you've viewed that and how this relates to this whole
situation we're dealing with the moment.
Speaker 2: Well, I mean I think we're I think we're at
one of those historical times that, unfortunately you would consider
to be you'd have to use a term revolutionary. I
spent last month, I spent eight days in El Salvador,
and El Salvador fifteen years ago was the murder capital
of the world. And I felt safer in sen solid
the door, their capital city, walking around with my wife
that I do walking in New York City or walking
in Atlanta. And he took revolutionary measures. And one of
the things he did, if you go and read, people
have done they've tried to keep this out of the
press exactly how he did this, but you know, there
are some sub stackers out there who have detailed diaries
of how you know, lu Kelly cleaned it up. Well.
One of the first things he did was he had
to basically get rid of all of these activist judges
and in someimes some ways sometimes he walked into meetings
with the military and said you're all fired. You all
do not have a job anymore. And he's cleaned his
act up. When you go there, people, you talk to people,
talk to normal people. They're just having a good time
pardying in the streets, and you there's a presence of
force there. They have some civil guard, they have military,
but at this point it's more just now a show
a show of force to be like don't even try it.
But he had to go above and beyond. And I
think that what the answer to that. If you started
doing that here, the response you would get was that
you're ignoring the Constitution. You're not. I'm sorry, these things
are done. The Constitution stopped mattering twenty million illegals ago.
You one side cannot one side cannot absolutely destroy everything
that the country was founded upon. And then when someone
tries to fix it, say, oh, you're destroying the constitution.
And you know, there is the same way, Peter. They
try to have it both ways though as well.
Speaker 1: Right, like there's they'll use the argument of you're destroying
the constitution, but then they'll also make the argument if
they don't feel it can be used to support their
actions that well we meet a new document. This document
is old and or it's a living, breathing document. Right,
so it's it's it seems like this thing is supposed
to be rigid, but they use it very flexibly depending on,
you know, what they're trying to accomplish. I poetess for
interrupting you, but I just want to add that there no.
Speaker 2: No, not at all the well, yeah, that whole thing,
I mean, the Constitution. Is sure, the Constitution was made
to be amended, but the Constitution also an article too vested.
All power to the executive is all the power and
all the powers that are listed or to the executive,
and that hasn't been used since Basically FDR, FDR was
a king. If you look at the amount of I
always say this, I say that I think FDR did
three to four times the amount of executive or at
any other president, and people will be like, oh, well,
you know he served four terms. It's like this was
all in like the first term and a half. So yeah.
He Basically FDR restructured the New Deal. The New Deal
movement was basically a revolution. It was a turning of
the regime. If you want to quote court cases in
court that are older than the New Deal regime for precedent,
you will get you will get pushback because basically everything's
been rewritten when you know, and if you try to say, oh,
well this thing from the eighteen this court case from
the eighteen forties, well we had slavery. Then you have
stuff like that where it's just like, well, none of that.
It wasn't until the New Deal regime. And even more
so the civil rights regime of nineteen sixty four and
nineteen sixty five, that we really became a country because
now everyone was in Now everyone's included it. Well, and
how are we doing since then? How's that worked out?
And I just don't the constitutional arguments just don't stand
up anymore. And I know that conserve conservatives who you know,
we can argue this all day long and you're not
going to change my mind. They're leftists, they're liberals. Liberals
are leftists. Comes from the French, it comes from France. Produn,
Produn and Bastiat sat on the same side, the left
side in the French, in the French Parliament. That's where
we get left and right from. They're leftists and they
believe in liberalism. Liberalism is what brought us here. Liberalism
is it basically is oh one team. If one team
plays for keeps, the other team, if the other team
doesn't play for keeps too, then that team dominates that team.
That the you know, the group that wants the person
that wants to just be left alone, is always going
to be dominated by the person who wants to rule
over them. If they're given the power, if they have
the power. And that's another thing is you know, the
whole thing about oh, you know, if the Republicans should
be careful about the power that they're using because that
will just be used against them. What's the what of
this regime? I mean, I consider Republicans and Democrats be
basically it's the same thing. It's all the regime. And
you can see that when they vote. A friend of
mine says, you know, you have the you have the
stupid You have the stupid side, which is the Republicans.
You have the evil side, which is Democrats. Every once
in a while they get together and they vote on
the same thing, which is both evil and stupid. Well,
that's when you realize that this is basically all one team,
and you're basically you're allowed to you know, you're allowed
to what did I think Chomsky talked about it? Where
you it's a box and they put a whole bunch
of things in this box, and those are the things
who are allowed to argue over. But the things outside
of the box you're not allowed to argue over. You
have to be able to you're going to agree on those. So,
I mean, what is the constitution anymore? It doesn't unless
anybody enforces it unless anybody uses it. And I had somebody,
I know, a lawyer who told me they used to
use a constitution in court all the time, and they
were like the only only lawyer they knew who would
actually quote the Constitution in time, and it actually worked
most of the time when they actually used it. Nobody
uses it anymore. I mean, we had a Supreme Court justice,
the last Supreme Court justice, I mean, didn't know what
was in Article two. So it's like, Okay, what are
we doing here? The country's being flooded. Springfield, Ohio is
basically destroyed forever. There are cities all over this country
that are basically destroyed forever. What the Constitution? Because of
the Constitution, we can't fix that. No. I think if that,
if you're using the Constitution as some kind of excuse
to allow your destruction, well then the constitution is there's
something wrong with the Constitution, or you're using it, or
it's just there as an excuse for whoever needs to
wield power over somebody else. Because most of the time
when people are screaming the Constitution, the outcome usually is
against the Constitution. So I think these courts, all these
courts seem to be since the New Deal regime is
some kind of Talmudic network to circumvent the Constitution and
make arguments that it doesn't mean this and it doesn't
mean that, and we can do whatever we want.
Speaker 1: Where does that come from then, because if you look
at it, you know there's I'm sure remember listen to
a podcast too long ago that kind of looked at
I think it was like Earl Warren and some other
things after this, how they looked at how judicial activism
changed dramatically. And I guess when you look at it,
is it post New Deal? Is it nineteen sixties? When
did the viewpoint of how a judge handled these things changed?
Speaker 2: Right?
Speaker 1: Because if you look at that, that is what we're seeing,
is we're seeing the furthest extent of judicial activism.
Speaker 2: Well, I think the New Deal, the New Deal set
up so the best way I've ever heard it described
is that FDR had the power of a king. Every
bit of power that the government had he wielded, he
drew to himself. And normally when you have a king,
what does the king do? He prepares for the next
person so that they can wield that power as well.
Usually a son or a daughter. But I mean, in
this case we have oh so precious democracy. Well he
didn't pass it to anybody. So what it looks like
when you look back in history is that all of
that power when he left just went down into all
of the departments that were created. So what you have
is you have the creation of the deep state. You
have the creation of the permanent I mean, and deep
state sounds nefarious. It's just an execut It's just a
like an executive body. It's just like a permanent state.
People who are not the.
Speaker 1: Ones that don't change election to election. They're just this
is their.
Speaker 2: Job, yeah, yeah, and their job is to perpetuate the state,
to make sure the state keeps doing what it's doing.
So the best way you can do that is to
take control of the judicial the process of choosing judges,
and you have as much influence around the president to
appoint judges who will perpetuate this executive this well, a
better term managerial state. That's what the term James Burnham used,
the managerial revolution, the managerial state. So you just have
this permanent state of managers who have no interest once
they leave in whether the state state they made the
state better, They made their department better, they made governance
in this country better than it was. And so they
just make it so that they always have a job
while they're while they want a job, and then the
next person gets to piggyback off of that. And that's
where we're at now. And I heard rumblings pretty clearly
that the people who were surrounding Trump for this election
were people who were who were aware of that, who
are aware of the manager or revolution, who had read
James Burnham and different people who are written on this,
and that they were going to attempt to try to
dismantle it as much as possible. Problem is is that,
I mean, you're talking about something that has entrenched itself
for one hundred years, and if you have one hundred
years to plant roots, and those roots get deep and
they get you know, and these are sentient roots. These
are roots that are that will fight back, that know
how to fight back, that know how to hide, that
know how to destroy the information that they the information
that can take them down. So, you know, I don't
really know that I have much faith that the manager
that this managerial regime will be, you know, will be
taken down. Now, the other thing that a group can
do if they take paswer whereas they can try and
take that managerial power and wield it themselves, but they
always end up wielding it. For this, they're always going
to succumb to the same impulses to perpetuate itself, not
to reduce themselves, not to destroy it, not too That's
why I think you hear those go we're going to
get rid of to get rid of too trillion, and
then it's like, oh no, we're going to get rid
of five hundred billion, Oh no, we're and you just
hear it. To me, that just says we didn't know
what this deep, We didn't know want this deep, and
we're you know, we don't know that we can do
this well.
Speaker 1: And that's that's the struggle. When I look at it,
and I said it like to me, it feels like,
you know, we came out of the gate ht and
it starts to feel like we're losing because we're reducing it.
We're seeing and you know, once again, I don't know
how big of a fan I am of pte Hegseth,
but we see like the Defense Department is suddenly seeming
like they're they're turning on him in an attempt to
push him out. And so it does seem like the
barriers are are really showing themselves, and you start to question, well,
can this team get this done or is it too entrenched?
And just so I can correct myself from a few
minutes ago, just because I was trying to remember where
this was related to, the podcast I listened to was
one Glenn Becka did like last July, and it was
about three Supreme Court justices under Fdr Oliver Wendell Holmes,
Lewis Brandeis, and Felix Frankfurter. So if people get a
chance to check that out, like that really explains a
lot of how the judiciary got where it currently is.
Speaker 2: That's a demonic father, son and holy ghost right there.
It's like the inversion of the Trinity right there. Yeah,
I just don't know that this can be, that this
can be fixed. The one thing I guess, the one
place that I'm looking at right now. Sure there can
still be some there could be some deportations, but I mean,
when you really like, okay at it, we don't really
know for sure how many people are in this country
that don't belong here. I think it could be forty
or fifty million, if that's true. If that's true, it's
like you need the will to do that, and I
don't know that anybody has the will to do that.
So the one thing that I do see them doing
through things that I see from Scott Bissent, I've been
tracking Jerome Powell at the FED for a couple of
years now because of my friend Tom Luongo, and it
looks like they've, like Powell and Bescent and a couple
other people, are really intent on strengthening the dollar, strengthening
the American economy. There have been some things that I
don't want to really want to get into because we'll
just it's rabbit trail after rabbit trail. But basically they said, yeah,
Powell's gone to war on the Euro and you know
the World Economic Forum and yeah, he's basically done more
to weeken the euro and weeke in the British pound
than anyone in history. And yeah, he just.
Speaker 1: That's interesting because publicly, I feel like Powell gets a
lot of he gets a lot of grief publicly. It's interesting.
Speaker 2: I know that's it's k fib Bessent last week said
said last week, I think he let it slip that
he has he has lunch with Powell every Monday.
Speaker 1: Yeah, it's interesting, it's cap.
Speaker 2: It's ca fab.
Speaker 1: What does that that term term mean. I haven't heard
that term before.
Speaker 2: It's used for wrestling, professional wrestling. Like it's fake, like
like the the the opponents are, you know, have a
fake kind of thing going where you're.
Speaker 1: Okay, so kind of like the storyline yes, okay.
Speaker 2: Yeah. So so Powell has been doing has been doing this,
and he's done amazing things. I mean, just our interest
rate are the interest rates on our loans used to
be used to be dictated by London, by the City
of London. He basically shut that down and now it's
dictated out of Chicago. I mean, it's He's done wonderful things.
So that one thing that I'm really hoping for, and
the thing that I'm following the most, is that we
really fix the financial system here. Now that sounds completely
antithetical to what I talked about in the beginning, where
I said we don't want you know, we were seen
as a bank, we're completely financialized. But the way I
look at it is if this thing can't be fixed,
then I want to be able to I want myself
and the people I care about and the people who
you know, share my values, to be as prosperous as
possible for the future, because I don't see the future
as being yeah, I see it as we're I'm not
saying that there's going to be like a civil war
that's going to like cover the whole country, But I
see violence in the future. I mean, we saw it
in twenty twenty. We've seen it in the past. We've
seen insane violence. I mean, Seattle nineteen ninety nine. We
have insane people that are ready to commit revolutionary violence
in this country.
Speaker 1: And I think we've also seen it historically as well,
you know, whether it's you know, the brown Shirts before
before kind of the Nazi revolution, and I know if
you'd call it revolution, but it was more like a
gradual changeover. In Germany, there's a great book called In
the Garden of Beasts. I don't know if you read it,
but it details the ten years of life of the
American ambassador to Germany and like what his life was
like and how he kind of gradually sees a lot
of these things take over. So we have kind of
that background of evidence. You could go back even further.
And I know I've kind of beat the kind of
beat this thing to death. But you look at even
the Western Roman Empire when it fell in four seventy six,
is there was nothing left to fall right it had
you know, four to ten when all Aric sacts Rome,
there's really nothing left to sack at that point in time.
The two hundreds and three hundreds, it kind of destroyed
what it meant to be Roman and have Roman. But
this comes down to two things, right, comes down to
a lack of strong currency fifteen thousand percent inflation by
two eighty four a d. And then you also have
Rome had been using foreigners to fight wars for years, right,
so then you would have this idea of well, if
Rome can't pay me, then I'll go back to the
Visigoths or the Ostrogoths or whatever it might be, and
will we'll get Rome to give us what we want.
And the thing you have to look at is if
you don't handle economics, if you don't handle currency, especially
with all these people here that you don't know, did
they really buy into the system anyway? Once there's no money,
they have no reason to respect whatever's left of the system.
Does that does that make sense.
Speaker 2: Sure, Yeah, and I don't believe that his repeats itself,
but I believe it's it goes in cycles, more Heglian
than anything else. But I also don't believe that all
revolutionary violence is wrong. Sometimes you need revolutionary violence, and
you know, it's just a matter of if I think
the revolutionary you know, you when you compare the revolution
in this country and the revolution in France, a lot
of people, a lot of people are like, oh, yeah,
much rather have the revolutionary violence here. But it was violence.
It was you know, it was not it wasn't at
the level of what happened in France, but it was
still violent. It was bloody, people died. You know, there
were terrorist acts committed. I mean, there was a lot
of things were done. We can't get past that. Yes,
but you know, I mean, you know, I look at
Spanish Civil War and that's when I think that probably
relates the most to us because the Spanish Civil War
or what the Republicans quote unquote republicans who sided with
the anarchists and sided with the left libertarians and sided
with the communists did, was they sought to destroy the
Catholic Church. And that's what I see here is I see,
it's a just a basic kind of secular humanist impulse
by people with people who are inspired by the same
people who are inspired by in the Spanish Civil War
and even even in you know, the Russian Revolution, the
Russian Civil War. That the they're the ones who are
looking for violence here, and they're the ones who are
willing to kill, and they're the ones who are willing
to they do not care about human life. And so
I mean, I see that in our future. I do.
I mean, people say, oh, that's impossible. It's like, oh,
you know, you're too fat, you can't even that doesn't matter.
That doesn't matter. It's just look at the look at
the any kind of revolutionary activity that happened in the
twentieth century, sixty sixty year olds, you know, twelve year olds.
I mean, when it happens, everyone's involved. I think it'd
be more localized here and wed just be certain areas.
But I think it's happening. So to head to circle
back as a terrible former press seers are used to say,
we you know, I'm hoping that.
Speaker 1: I just got that. I'm sorry, I'm a little slow
on the uptake.
Speaker 2: Peter I apologize that's all right, I do this for
a living. The uh, the I'm hoping the financial gets
fixed and especially for the next four years, four to
eight years, maybe twelve years, so that you know, the
people that I care about and the people that that
me and the most to me, and the people I
share values with, and the people that I collectivize with,
and that I I make plans for the future with
that we can make we can acquire property, and we
can set ourselves up to best weather this and to
survive it, because people will survive it. And the people
who survive at the best are the ones that can
come out on the other side actually having the most influence.
And you know, even being in charge.
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this show. Thanks again. So where do you think that goes?
Speaker 2: Then?
Speaker 1: In terms of you know, we've seen a lot of
these policy chaines. You mentioned a lot of what Jerome
Powell has been doing. You know, it's done damage to
the euro and to the British pound and things like that.
So but where where does this in order to be successful?
Where does this have to go?
Speaker 2: It really has to go to ice, isolationism in the
in the in the immediate, we need to not worry
about what Israel is doing. We need to not worry
about what's going on in Ukraine. We need to not
worry about what's going on in Europe. And if you
pay attention to Europe, and you really are somebody who
watches the European Union meetings and reads their reads, their
briefings and stuff like that, there are our.
Speaker 1: Enemies on this show. We like to call the the
the EU Starfleet Command. They just makes it a little
bit more funny. But anyway, yeah, we have are the
grand Queen or slav underlion over there. Anyways, there are enemies.
I mean, they've declared us. That doesn't mean that every
BRIT's our enemy. That doesn't mean every Germans our enemy.
But they're the leaders that they've allowed to take charge
their our enemy. So I don't know what that looks like.
I don't know.
Speaker 2: I don't see that as a hot war kind of thing.
But really the thing that I see right now that's
most important is we have to get our manufacturing back
if we're going to make it in the short term,
and you know, that's something needs to be done about China.
And I don't want war with China. That's just ridiculous.
It's it's stupid. I've heard from people that I know,
who know people who you know, who have lunch with
presidents and have dinner with presidents, and they're saying that
they're expecting some kind of some kind of conflict that
could possibly be armed by the end of the year
with China. Whether that's I would tend to think that
would start on the seas, maybe a couple of ships
firing at each other, something like China China deciding that
all Taiwanese goods, imports and exports have to go through
mainland China first, which would cause a real, a real tension.
And I could see a Chinese ship in an American
ship trading volleys or something like that, and you know
that's going to do. What does that do? It's going
to send oil through the roof. It's going to have
put everybody into war fever. Also, what is our I
mean China makes our prescription drugs. Are we right now
setting it up so that we can manufacture if they
cut off prescription drugs, what happens. Chinese are not like
the Russians. The Russians if you declare war on them,
if you have a cold war, they'll still trade with you.
Most people don't realize during the Cold War we had
we traded with Russia all the time. That's why when
Carter imposed a grain embargo on the Soviet Union, everybody
freaked out and most people and most people would be like,
hear that, and they're like, we gave the Soviet Union
grain while the Cold War was gone. Yeah, And that
was the first thing Reagan did when he got elected
was lift the grand embargo. There are still countries that
we can be in conflict with and we can still
keep trading. I don't know that China is one of those.
They're not a Christian country. Russia is a Christian country,
for better or for worse. Even when it was the
Soviet Union, you still had the Orthodox Church who had
some kind of that historic influence was still there, especially
after Stalin and most of the horrible Bolsheviks got out
of there and it just basically became another managerial state
in the fifties. You can still deal with these people
and they you know, but yeah, I mean that's I
guess that's my worry is if we're going to be
financially prosperous to the point where, you know, we have
maybe a decade and a half to sinch up what
we need to for what is eventually going to come
to a head here, which is the fact that when
another Democrat gets elected, they were going to look to
not imprison people, I think they're going to look to
kill people. Chris Murphy has Chris Murphy the the I
can't remember if he's a congressman or a senator from
from Connecticut.
Speaker 1: From Connecticut, I can't remember the Congressman Center.
Speaker 2: He he's basically said, I mean he I just saw
Mike Shelby on his Twitter account shared a video of
him this morning basically talking to a college a college
auditorium and saying, essentially, now is not the time. There's
coming a time.
Speaker 1: Even Al Gore two weeks ago was speaking to somebody
even from the perspective of climate action as well, it's
it's there. They're they're really amping up the vitriol, and
that's what you have to worry about because that that
destroys minds.
Speaker 2: Well, January, let's remember January sixth, they were throwing people.
They threw people into the hole who weren't there they threw.
They were throwing grand grand grandmothers into the hole. They
let's remember the four people that committed suicide because they
were arrested and thrown into jail because they walked around
the capital, you know, and let's not talk about who
planted the who planted the dynamite, who they saw plants
in the dynamite, and all that stuff that we that
you know, is for another is for another show. They
did that. They arrested mothers who were basically close to
close to death for praying outside of abortion clinics, and
when the judge, when the judge sentenced her, and they said, well,
you know, she's sick and she doesn't have much longer
to live, the judge left. Okay, we watched this. We
watched we watched the President of the United States get
in front of to a speech in Philadelphia with a
red background with two soldiers who looked like stormtroopers, and
he basically said, forty percent of the country was semi fascist.
You know what I know about this country. If you're
a fascist in this country, people want you dead. You're
not allowed to believe that. Oh, maybe Mussolini has some
good ideas. If you hold that belief, people want to
kill you. Okay, So what happens the next time a
Democrat gets elected off? That's the problem with this whole administration.
That's the problem why I'm in the planning stage where
it's like, because they're not making it so that a
Democrat never gets elected again, because if one of these
regime people gets elected again, they are going to seek retribution.
Speaker 1: They have said it openly. The problem is, Peters, is
the stakes are very high right now, and they're playing
this game like we're playing for another midterm election. That's
exactly what they're doing. What we're supposed to be is
putting the country back together. Do you get what I'm saying,
like putting there what is supposed to be there. So
instead they're looking at the midterms, and I think that
is why we continually lose again and again and again
and again, because we're just looking at the next election
in two years rather than how do we solve things?
Speaker 2: Yeah, which is one thing that Americans don't want to hear,
and people who are constitutionalists don't want to hear is
and you have those elections over and over again, there's
all your that's that's it. Everything can change, someone can,
It's you're never going to have any permanent change, which
is why having an emperor or having a king was preferable.
I mean I make that argument, and people who know me.
Speaker 1: That argument too, that that that the best type of
government has benevolent monarchy, and people get kind of upset
with me.
Speaker 2: Yeah, I mean it's like one person who rules. I mean,
if things go bad, you know who's heads to chop off.
I mean, you know who you know who to point
the rifle at. There's no central people say this is
a centralized government. It's completely just centralized. Where would you
even start, Yeah, I mean try to overthrow.
Speaker 1: The we'll see what you have to fix. Doesn't even
get elected every two for whatever years, right, right, So
it's impossible. Calling for revolution in this country is impossible
because I mean it's like, what do you what are
you doing? Where would you even start? But you know,
if you have if you have one person in charge,
one person who wants to leave it to their sons
so that it's in their best interest that you know,
they don't completely rape the treasury before they leave office,
you know, it makes more sense. But we're not. We're
that's not us, which is why I say we're headed
to a very very dark place because if you do
not destroy these people, you have to utterly destroy these people.
They can't they can never be allowed to have power again,
they can never be allowed to have wealth again, or
else they are going to come back and they're going
to come back with a vengeance, which no one's going
to do that. And so no one who's elected is
going to do that. So we need to be prepared
for the next time some lunatic gets in office. And
I mean, if you don't let me go back circle
back to the managerial state. If you don't believe there's
a managerial state, what was Biden's presidency? What was the
electronic the electronic pen? What was the guy wasn't right now?
Why is nothing being done about that?
Speaker 2: Though?
Speaker 1: Is what is what I don't understand because basically, in
the waning hours of a presidency, they were giving out
get out of jail free cards to people that they
you know, they tell us they hadn't committed crimes, but
at the same time they still needed they still felt
they needed get out of jail free cards. And the
guy that was supposedly driving the bus didn't sign him anyway.
So it's like like, like where are we?
Speaker 2: And Alexander Vinman's wife goes on Twitter and is like,
how come we didn't get one? I mean, like, wait
a minute, what if that's not a tell? It's like
all of these people, all of these criminals, I mean
the criminals who orchestrated the Ukraine War. I mean people
are like, oh, Putin's a dictator. I would have done
the same thing Putin did, except I would have done
it in twenty fifteen, and I didn't have done it piecemeal.
I would have went in and leveled Kiev and just
take and just been like, this is over. You're not
killing my people anymore. You're not killing Russians anymore. Russians
in your country need to be treated like guests, not
like targets. You're not going to kill them anymore. And
people are like, oh, Putin's a dictator. Putin's benevolent compared
to the people who started, who orchestrated that whole thing.
People who orchestrated that whole thing. Unfortunately, you know, only
the good die young, so they'll probably die old. But
I mean they they should be on trial and they
should be in jail for the rest of their lives.
I mean I know their names. I mean, most people
who are educated in this know their names. It's like,
these people should be in Gitmo, or they should be
in Seacot in El Salvador.
Speaker 1: You and Susan Rice, you know that that whole cabal.
Speaker 2: Individuals, Yeah, I mean these people are Here's another way.
You know, there's a managerial state. Victoria Nowlan worked for
George W. Bush and Barack Obama. I mean, has that happened?
How's that? If we're not a war state? If we're
not a state that is one of its main functions
is to declare war and Victoria. Nowland Is has been
there for two for a Republican president and a Democrat
president to help push the war and push the wars
and basically design it so that you have a country
feels like they have to invade in order to in
order to stop suffering. What do you How are we
not a how are we not a an executive state?
If the president if one, if a Republican president can't
say no to her and a Democrat president can't say
no to her, Well, notice what she did when she
knew that Donald Trump was going to get elected. She
stepped down.
Speaker 1: Yeah, but she stepped down, but she joined an NGO,
which also the same of course.
Speaker 2: And there's another thing that needs to be destroyed. NGOs.
I mean, I have I know people who worked for NGOs.
You know, I've I have personal friends who've worked for NGOs,
and they will tell they will tell you there's no accountability.
They're basically like you know NGOs, like like the National
Endowment for Democracy. When they were formed, they did an
article there was an article with their with their founder
in the New York times if he said, basically, we're
going to do the job now that the CIA does.
We're gonna be taking We're gonna be we're gonna be
taking away work from the CIA so they can concentrate
on other things. What was the first thing they did
seed to destroy you? The Slavia?
Speaker 1: Well, and then you look at it and then uh,
it's It's why I like to call Victoria Newlan the
Angel of Death. You look at every place they show up.
You have the Arab spring, you have the might on revolution,
you have all these different things start to happen wherever
the woman pops up, right, And I think that's what
we have to really consider, is this whole sphere of
like kind of the NGO world. We're basically our government
is just paying for coverall color revolutions around the planet.
And at the same time they've lost so much control
on it. It's come back on us right like, and
now we're seeing color revolutions within our own country.
Speaker 2: Mhmm. Yeah. I mean I think it was for as
a disgusting human being as he was, Michelle full Co.
You know, he talked about that, he called that, he
said the countries, and he was talking about the United states,
it goes looking for wars overseas. They will eventually run
out of wars, and then it will they will come
home and they will declare war on their own people.
That's what we see. Yes, that's what we've seen. I
mean is I don't know how anybody has faith in
democracy anymore. I mean, I think that Donald Trump, whether
people who voted for Donald.
Speaker 1: I think, what what what we have isn't democracy anymore?
If that makes sense, But continue your thought. The people
who voted for Donald.
Speaker 2: Trump, sure, sure, no, we don't have democracy. It's an oligarchy.
But it's it's it's a bastardization even of a classical oligarchy.
I mean, there was oligarchy in Athens, so I mean,
but this is a complete bastardization. The people who voted
for Donald Trump. A lot of the people, whether they
even know it or not, and they if you tell
them right now that this is what they were doing,
a lot of them will go, no, no, that's not
what I was doing. This is subconsciously, this is what
they were doing. They're voting for king. Please come in
and save this, please come in and clean this up.
And then as soon as he decided, well, I mean,
what's the biggest thing we have to do. We have
to become a manufacturer again. We have to we basically
have to control trade. Trade in this country has been
used to benefit a very small minority and then foreign interests.
So we're going to put tariffs center. And then the
people how many people voted for Trump, were like, look
at my ira and everything. I have investments too. They
went down. I wasn't crying. It's going to take you.
If anything is going to be fixed, it's going to
be there's going to be pain. And anyone who anyone
knows that, anybody who's ever really been out of shape
and needed to get back in shape, knows how painful
it is to do that, you know, So they start
crying as soon as it affects them. That's the problem.
That's one of the main problems here is they people
here have been conditioned to think, if I just vote
for the right person, I don't have to do anything.
They do everything, and it's not and it better not
affect me, you know. I Mean I was at the
point where I was like, I don't care what it says,
I don't care what the market does. I don't care
if the if the market goes down fifty percent, I
don't care. If oil goes up to one hundred and fifty,
I don't care if gas is seven eight nine dollars
a gallon. Just fix this. But people just aren't. They're
not like I guess they're not at the point that
I am, and I'm at the point where I'm not
looking at this and being like, oh, I'm not looking
at this as a house that's falling down and being like, well,
that beam up there is infested with termites, and the
studs behind this wall, or you know, we have a
lot of problem. No, the foundation is broken. The foundation
is completely cracked. It's falling apart, it's sliding. There's no
foundation anymore. And until you figure out what the foundation
is or seek to, you know, rebuild that foundation, or
demand that that foundation be rebuilt, or more importantly, rebuild
your own foundation, because that's where it starts, nothing's going
to be fixed. And even if it can be fixed,
that's the point people think that it's just people think
that this is oh, you know, it's like any to
a company before that was having some problems. We just
have to do tweak here, tweak there. Things will get
back to normal. I'm sorry, what what movie are you watching?
We're watching two different movies, and I mean the the
plot I'm seeing, Oh that this plot is It's The
Roads a hell, it's the It's the It's the Exorcist.
But the demon never gets excessed.
Speaker 1: I think we're gonna have to have another conversation about
this too, because I think that there's there's so many
other directions we could go in this and including I
think we do have to do a Spanish Civil War episode,
so we'll definitely schedule that after this conversation. But I
guess some some parting thoughts before we kind of wind
down here and tell people where they can find you.
Speaker 2: Yeah, the Peak and Yona show them on all podcatchers.
I throw some episodes on YouTube. I mostly do like
little clips on YouTube pointing to the podcast on you Apple, Spotify,
all the podcasters everything. I have Pete, substack dot com.
That's where people can support me. I have Patreon, I
have many ways that you can financially support. But I
also a member of the Old Glory Club. Back in
twenty twenty two, a bunch of us got together foresaw
what was happening things we were talking about here and
just decided we needed a fraternity. We needed for a
nationwide fraternity, people getting together locally and coming together of
the same values to plan, think about local politics, think
about a lot of different things that are coming. And
we just in three years we have We've almost twenty
chapters now all over the country, three hundred and fifty
official official members. I mean, this is something where we're registered,
you know, five o' one c ten, So we make it.
If you want to be a part of it, you
have to go and do that yourself. We help you
with it, but you have to go and do that yourself.
And we're having our first event. We're having our second
event official event in a couple of weeks. Sold out
in less than twelve hours. So yeah, we're doing amazing
things there. We do a live stream every every Thursday
night at eight Eastern on YouTube on the Old Worry
Club channel. Come and check it out. I'm usually there.
I usually am able to hit three at least three
a month. Usually usually I'm there, and you know, we
talk about the highlights of the week, and we talk
about stories that are in the news, and we try
to you know, instill put in as many Founding principles
as many foundational principles as we can. While we do that,
we do three substack, we really three sub stacks a week.
But one of our founding members just wrote a book
basically and put it. We put it on our substack,
and you know, on the Whiskey Rebellion, Little West Pennsylvania
history as far a lot of my family actually is.
And yeah, so doing a lot of things. I release
episodes pretty much every day. And I'm actually going through
an Alexander Socialistan book now with a Russian with a
Russian scholar two hundred years together, which is about the
from seventeen ninety five to nineteen ninety five, the history
of Jewish Russian relations in the in the Russian Empire,
in the Soviet Union. And we're on episode thirty one.
Now it may that may go one hundred. It's probably
going to go one hundred and twenty five, two hundred
and thirty episodes that I see because we're reading every
word of it and he's providing Doctor Matthew Rafael Johnson
is providing historical analysis on exactly what was happening at
that time. So yeah, yeah, yeah, a lot just start
a continental philosophy. Just started a Continental philosophy series with
my friend Thomas, and it's only three.
Speaker 1: That are that are university. That might be the next step.
I don't know, yeah, oh no, that's believe me. You know,
if the if the id W types can have their
university in Austin, US revisionists and you know, right wingers
can have our own, it's just a matter of time.
Thank you, Jeremy, thank you for having me on. Absolutely well,
like I said, we'll definitely do something on Spanish civil
war coming up. But for those out they're watching, reminder
to like this video, leave us a comment, smash the
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better future. I will catch you guys next time.