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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and Welcome to Western civ. Episode four hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>eighty two, The Boiling Pot. The year seventeen sixty three

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<v Speaker 1>should have been a year for Celebration and her colonies.

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<v Speaker 1>The Treaty of Paris ended the French and Indian War

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<v Speaker 1>with a resounding British victory. France seated all territory east

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<v Speaker 1>of the Mississippi River, Spain traded Florida for Havana, and

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<v Speaker 1>the British Empire now stretched across a vast swath of

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<v Speaker 1>North America. But the war had been ruinously expensive. Of

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<v Speaker 1>Britain's national debt had nearly doubled, rising from seventy five

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<v Speaker 1>million to more than one hundred and thirty million. Interest

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<v Speaker 1>alone consumed over half of the government's budget. Prime Minister

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<v Speaker 1>George Grenville and other ministers believed the American colonies, which

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<v Speaker 1>had gained protection and new economic opportunities from the war,

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<v Speaker 1>ought to help pay for the empire's defense. As Grenville

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<v Speaker 1>later told Parliament, quote, the nation has run itself into

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<v Speaker 1>an immense expense to give them protection, and now that

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<v Speaker 1>they are called upon to contribute a small share toward

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<v Speaker 1>the public expense, they grudge to contribute anything now. Even

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<v Speaker 1>before the peace was finalized, there were other issues. Of course,

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<v Speaker 1>Native First nations across the Great Lakes in Ohio Valley

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<v Speaker 1>resisted sudden British encroachment in what turned into Pontiac's rebellion

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<v Speaker 1>in the aftermath of the French and Indian War. Britain's

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<v Speaker 1>victory brought not only vast new territory, but also a

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<v Speaker 1>deep unease among the Native nations of the Great Lakes.

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<v Speaker 1>The removal of France as a colonial power didn't mean

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<v Speaker 1>peace for them. British traders replaced French ones, but often

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<v Speaker 1>with higher prices, stricter terms, and less diplomatic generosity for

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<v Speaker 1>its garrisoned by redcoats, sprang up in Native homelands, while

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<v Speaker 1>settlers quickly pressed into lands belonged the Appalachians. Many Native

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<v Speaker 1>leaders saw this as a threat to their sovereignty and

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<v Speaker 1>their way of life, and so in seventeen sixty three,

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<v Speaker 1>an Ottawa war chief named Pontiac emerged as a central

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<v Speaker 1>figure in uniting disparate tribes the Ottawa, the Delaware, the Shawnee,

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<v Speaker 1>the Miami, and others in a coordinated effort to expel

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<v Speaker 1>the British from their newly conquered lands, Pontiac delivered an

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<v Speaker 1>impassioned speech urging resistance. Quote it is important to us,

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<v Speaker 1>my brothers, that we exterminate from our lands this nation,

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<v Speaker 1>which only seeks to kill us. End quote. His follower,

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<v Speaker 1>is inspired by both traditional religious visions and political necessity,

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<v Speaker 1>struck British forts and settlements. In a sudden wave of

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<v Speaker 1>attacks from May to October seventeen sixty three, Native forces

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<v Speaker 1>captured or destroyed nine of eleven British forts in the region,

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<v Speaker 1>killing or driving off hundreds of settlers. The most famous

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<v Speaker 1>siege was at Fort Detroit, where Pontiac himself directed months

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<v Speaker 1>of attacks. While British troops eventually relieved some of the

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<v Speaker 1>strongholds and counterattacked, the rebellion revealed the fragility of Britain's

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<v Speaker 1>hold on the interior. In seventeen sixty four, British expeditions

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<v Speaker 1>pushed west to reassert control, but peace was gradual and incomplete.

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<v Speaker 1>Formal agreements were reached in seventeen sixty six, but the

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<v Speaker 1>conflict left a lasting impact. There were thousands of people

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<v Speaker 1>who had died as a result of this uprising that

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<v Speaker 1>had in reality only lasted a year and a half.

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<v Speaker 1>Or so, and frontier settlements had been destroyed. British policymakers,

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<v Speaker 1>who were already dealing with the incredible weight of the

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<v Speaker 1>war with France, realized that they had to prevent further

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<v Speaker 1>costly wars, and to do that, what they had to

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<v Speaker 1>do was restrict colonial expansion, because overall, what all of

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<v Speaker 1>these first nations wanted was sovereignty, and that meaning that

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<v Speaker 1>they had to keep English colonists from invading their lands.

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<v Speaker 1>It was the only way to try to secure some

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<v Speaker 1>sort of fragile peace, and as a result, what happened

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<v Speaker 1>was the passing of the Royal Proclamation of seventeen sixty three. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>if you are an American history buff you probably learned

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<v Speaker 1>the Royal Proclamation of seventeen sixty three as the proclamation line,

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<v Speaker 1>because that's what we call it in US history. But

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<v Speaker 1>really what this meant was George the Third had issued

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<v Speaker 1>a proclamation seeing settlement west of the Appalachian Mountains was

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<v Speaker 1>now forbidden without royal permission. So this is a direct

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<v Speaker 1>consequence of Pontiac's rebellion. Now, to British officials, this was

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<v Speaker 1>simply pragmatic. It prevented another costly frontier war, but For

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<v Speaker 1>many colonists, it felt like a betrayal. They had fought

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<v Speaker 1>alongside British troops with the goal of expelling the French

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<v Speaker 1>to get access to these lands. George Washington, who had

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<v Speaker 1>speculated heavily in Western property, lamented privately that the proclamation

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<v Speaker 1>would quote in effect and null every grant made for

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<v Speaker 1>these lands end quote. And there was more to come, because,

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<v Speaker 1>as I mentioned, Grenville and others believed that the colonists

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<v Speaker 1>needed to shoulder some responsibility for the cost of the

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<v Speaker 1>French and Indian War in North America the Seven Years'

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<v Speaker 1>War in Europe, and so his first was a sugar act,

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<v Speaker 1>Grenville's Sugar Act of seventeen sixty four. This actually ironically

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<v Speaker 1>reduced the duty or tax on foreign molasses, but it

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<v Speaker 1>gave customs officers much greater power to enforce it. Suddenly,

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<v Speaker 1>colonial merchants saw it less as a tax break and

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<v Speaker 1>more than an efficient way to catch smugglers. In other words,

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<v Speaker 1>they were used to paying no tax because they were

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<v Speaker 1>getting their molasses illegally. Molasses, by the way, a byproduct

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<v Speaker 1>of sugar production, which is generally useless, but in this

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<v Speaker 1>particular case very useful to the colonial economy, because the

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<v Speaker 1>colonists were using it to create cheap rum, which they

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<v Speaker 1>could then sell back to participate in the slave trade

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<v Speaker 1>and all the other ingencies of the Triangle trade, or

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<v Speaker 1>the North Atlantic trade as we still call it today. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>while that was going on, at the same time, Grenville

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<v Speaker 1>passed what was called a Currency Act, and this restricted

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<v Speaker 1>the colonies from issuing their own paper money, which worsened

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<v Speaker 1>an already existing shortage of hard currency. Boston Town leaders

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<v Speaker 1>were quick to petition Parliament, warning that quote the trade

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<v Speaker 1>of the province must most inevitably be ruined end quote

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<v Speaker 1>if these restrictions were not eased. While opposition was initially

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<v Speaker 1>economic rather than ideological, the seeds of resistance were clearly

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<v Speaker 1>being planted. Now this got worse because it was followed

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<v Speaker 1>up by another act, the infamous Stamp Act of seventeen

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<v Speaker 1>sixty five. And again I called this episode the boiling

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<v Speaker 1>pot because I think what you have to imagine is

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<v Speaker 1>a situation between the British and their American colonists, much

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<v Speaker 1>like a pot on the stove, and it's getting close

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<v Speaker 1>to boiling over. Every once in a while it'll start

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<v Speaker 1>to go down a little bit, but the heat just

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<v Speaker 1>keeps getting turned up. Year and year things seem to

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<v Speaker 1>get a little bit worse. And the Stamp Act of

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<v Speaker 1>sixty five is a huge part of that because it

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<v Speaker 1>required now that all newspapers, legal documents, licenses, even playing

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<v Speaker 1>cards carry a revenue stamp. This was the first direct

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<v Speaker 1>internal tax Parliament had ever levied on the colonies. And

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<v Speaker 1>let me explain the clarity. What I mean by that

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<v Speaker 1>is colonists were used to paying duties, so import dues

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<v Speaker 1>on things that they got from colonies that belonged to

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<v Speaker 1>maybe France or Spain, that they had never paid attax

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<v Speaker 1>on something that went from the colony of New York

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<v Speaker 1>to the colony of Massachusetts. This was the first time

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<v Speaker 1>the British Parliament had ever attempted to do such a thing.

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<v Speaker 1>And we're still from the colonists perspective, they're not even

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<v Speaker 1>getting anything for it. At least, when you pay a

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<v Speaker 1>duty on molasses, you get the molasses. Here, you just

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<v Speaker 1>have to put a stamp on something that was created

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<v Speaker 1>in the colonies. So from the colonist perspective, they're not

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<v Speaker 1>getting jack for this. Patrick Henry, speaking before the Virginia

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<v Speaker 1>House of Burgesses, electrified the Chamber by declaring Caesar had

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<v Speaker 1>his brutus, Charles the first, his Cromwell, and George the

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<v Speaker 1>third Trees and treason, cried several members, according to the records,

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<v Speaker 1>may profit by their example. If this be treason, make

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<v Speaker 1>the most of it. In Boston, the Sons of Liberty,

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<v Speaker 1>a loose network led by Samuel Adams on effigies of

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<v Speaker 1>stamp distributors from the Liberty Trees. Andrew Oliver, Massachusetts designated

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<v Speaker 1>stamp Agent, resigned after his house was quite literally besieged.

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<v Speaker 1>When delegates from nine colonies met at the Stamp Act

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<v Speaker 1>Congress in New York, they adopted the Declaration of Rights

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<v Speaker 1>and Grievances, asserting that quote no taxes have ever been,

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<v Speaker 1>or ever can be constitutionally imposed on them, but by

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<v Speaker 1>their respective legislatures. The economic boycott that followed hit Britain hard.

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<v Speaker 1>London merchants petitioned Parliament to repeal the law, warning of

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<v Speaker 1>quote the great injury to our trade and loss of

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<v Speaker 1>our manufacturers end quote. Parliament did repeal the Stamp Act

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<v Speaker 1>in seventeen sixty six, but it paired it with an

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<v Speaker 1>important declaratory Act, insisting that it had full power and

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<v Speaker 1>authority to make laws to bind the colonies and people

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<v Speaker 1>of America in all cases whatsoever. And so the pot

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<v Speaker 1>continued to boil. And this was all with them good,

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<v Speaker 1>but it still left to Great Britain in desperate need

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<v Speaker 1>of tax revenue. And so in seventeen sixty seven a

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<v Speaker 1>new Chancellor, Charles Townsend, proposed new import duties on glass, lead,

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<v Speaker 1>paper and tea. He insisted that these were external taxes

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<v Speaker 1>and therefore not objectionable. The colonists disagreed. John Dickinson's widely

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<v Speaker 1>read Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania countered the Parliament

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<v Speaker 1>unquestionably possesses a legal authority to regulate the trade of

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<v Speaker 1>Great Britain and her colonies. I have looked at every

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<v Speaker 1>other statue relating to these colonies, find every one of

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<v Speaker 1>them founded on this principle. Tell the Stamp Act administration,

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<v Speaker 1>all duties for the purpose of raising a revenue are illegal.

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<v Speaker 1>End quote. Colonial assemblies revived hitherto unused non importation agreements

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<v Speaker 1>in efforts to boycott British goods and therefore force the

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<v Speaker 1>mother country into submission. British officials in Boston found the

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<v Speaker 1>situation so fraught that they had to call for Redcoat reinforcements.

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<v Speaker 1>In seventeen sixty eight, two regiments of Redcoats marched into

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<v Speaker 1>the city of Boston, an armed reminder of Imperial power,

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<v Speaker 1>but the presence of troops in Boston created a tense

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<v Speaker 1>powder keg atmosphere. On the evening of March the fifth,

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<v Speaker 1>seventeen seventy, an argument between a soldier in a wigmaker's

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<v Speaker 1>apprentice drew a crowd Snowballs gave way to rocks and clubs,

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<v Speaker 1>and the confusion soldiers fired into the crowd, killing five,

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<v Speaker 1>including Crispus Attics, a man of both African and Native

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<v Speaker 1>descent who's often cited as the first casualty of the

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<v Speaker 1>American Revolution. Paul Revere's engraving, which was widely circulated, depicted

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<v Speaker 1>disciplined Redcoats simply firing into an unarmed crowd. Samuel Adams

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<v Speaker 1>called it a massacre, using the event to rally public opinion. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>the British captain Thomas Preston insisted that he had not

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<v Speaker 1>ordered his men to fire future Patriot leader, though John

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<v Speaker 1>Adams actually defended the British soldiers in court, and he

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<v Speaker 1>reminded the jury that quote facts are stubborn things end quote,

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<v Speaker 1>and that the law needed to apply evenly, even to enemies,

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<v Speaker 1>that most of the soldiers were in fact acquitted. On

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<v Speaker 1>that same day, Parliament quietly repealed most of the Townsend duties,

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<v Speaker 1>retaining only the tax on tea. Oh, if only that

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<v Speaker 1>were enough. The next flashpoint came with the t Act

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<v Speaker 1>of seventeen seventy three, designed to aid the struggling British

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<v Speaker 1>East India Company. It allowed the company to sell tea

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<v Speaker 1>directly to the colonies, cheaper than smuggled British tea, but

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<v Speaker 1>still taxed under the Townsend Acts. In a pamphlet, Samuel

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<v Speaker 1>Adams warned that quote the monopoly on tea is a

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<v Speaker 1>very dangerous precedent. If they have a right to tax

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<v Speaker 1>us without our consent, they have a right to tax

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<v Speaker 1>us in all things. On December sixteenth, seventeen seventy three,

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<v Speaker 1>a group of men disguised as Mohawk Indians boarded three

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<v Speaker 1>ships in Boston Harbor and dumped three hundred and forty

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<v Speaker 1>two chests of tea into the water. One participant later

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<v Speaker 1>recalled quote, we were merry in an undertone. But no

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<v Speaker 1>one uttered a word above his breath, and no one

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<v Speaker 1>in the course of the whole transaction appeared to be

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<v Speaker 1>under any apprehension of danger. Parliament's response to the Boston

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<v Speaker 1>Tea Party was swift and punitive. The coercive acts, which

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<v Speaker 1>get called the intolerable acts if you are in America,

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<v Speaker 1>closed Boston Harbor until the tea was paid for, which,

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<v Speaker 1>if you're interested in knowing, the price tag on that

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<v Speaker 1>in today's dollars was tens of millions of dollars. They

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<v Speaker 1>also altered the Massachusetts Charter to limit town meetings. They

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<v Speaker 1>allowed royal officials accused of crimes to be tried not

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<v Speaker 1>in the Americas but back in Britain, and they expanded

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<v Speaker 1>the ordering of British troops. The Quebec Act, passed at

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<v Speaker 1>the exact same time, extended Quebec's boundaries into the Ohio

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<v Speaker 1>Valley and recognized Kipolicism as an official religion, which was

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<v Speaker 1>deeply upsettling to many Protestant colonists in the Americas. In Virginia,

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<v Speaker 1>George Washington wrote to a friend that quote, the cause

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<v Speaker 1>of Boston, the cause of America is now and ever

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<v Speaker 1>will be considered as the cause of every virtuous American.

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<v Speaker 1>In September of seventeen seventy four, delegates from twelve colonies

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<v Speaker 1>met in Philadelphia at the First Continental Congress. They agreed

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<v Speaker 1>to a colonial boycott of British goods, issued a declaration

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<v Speaker 1>of rights and grievances, and called on each colony to

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<v Speaker 1>prepare its militia. But King George the Third was on move.

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<v Speaker 1>Before we go any further in this story, let's take

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<v Speaker 1>a moment and let's go ahead and introduce George the Third,

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<v Speaker 1>because obviously he's going to be an important character coming forward.

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<v Speaker 1>George William Frederick was born on June fourth, seventeen thirty

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<v Speaker 1>eight at Norfolk House in London. He was the son

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<v Speaker 1>of Frederick, Prince of Wales, and Augusta of Saxy Gotha.

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<v Speaker 1>As the grandson of George the Second, George was not

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<v Speaker 1>initially the heir apparent. His father was young and healthy,

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<v Speaker 1>in the line of succession seemed secure. George's childhood was

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<v Speaker 1>shaped by his mother's influence and a sheltered, moralistic upbringing.

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<v Speaker 1>Augusta instilled in him a sense of duty, frugality, and

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<v Speaker 1>religious devotion, qualities that would mark his reign as both

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<v Speaker 1>virtues and sometimes limitations. He was also an unusually diligent

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<v Speaker 1>student for a royal child, with early tutors noting his

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<v Speaker 1>keen interest in science, agriculture and philosophy. When George was twelve, though,

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<v Speaker 1>tragedy changed his destiny. In seventeen fifty one, his father

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<v Speaker 1>died unexpectedly from a lung injury, making George the new

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<v Speaker 1>heir to the throne. His mother, fiercely protective, oversaw his

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<v Speaker 1>education and surrounded him with advisers that she trusted, most

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<v Speaker 1>notably a man by the name of John Stuart. He

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<v Speaker 1>was the Earl of Brute. He would become George's political

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<v Speaker 1>mentor and of course, one of the most famous political

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<v Speaker 1>scientists of the eighteenth century. And so it was that,

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<v Speaker 1>on the twenty fifth of October in the year seventeen sixty,

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<v Speaker 1>George the Third ascended the throne at the age of

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<v Speaker 1>only twenty two, following the death of his grandfather. His

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<v Speaker 1>coronation marked a break from his Hanoverian predecessors in one

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<v Speaker 1>crucial respect. He was actually born in Britain, and he

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<v Speaker 1>spoke English as his first language, the first of the

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<v Speaker 1>Hanoveran day and estey to do so. In his first

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<v Speaker 1>address to Parliament, he famously declared born and educated in

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<v Speaker 1>this country, a glory in the name of Britain. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>the early years of his reign, of course, were dominated

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<v Speaker 1>by the end of the Seven Years' War, which ended

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<v Speaker 1>in seventeen sixty three, and that, of course, was when

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<v Speaker 1>under William Pitt the Elder, Britain secured major victories against

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<v Speaker 1>France in North America, Indian and on the seas. George,

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<v Speaker 1>eager to assert royal influence over foreign policy, supported the

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<v Speaker 1>peace negotiations that led to the Treaty of Paris in

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<v Speaker 1>seventeen sixty three. While the Treaty, of course expanded Britain's

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<v Speaker 1>colonial empire, it also sattled the government with significant war debts. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>to be fair to George, he believed in upholding Parliament's

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<v Speaker 1>authority over the empire, so he completely supported the efforts

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<v Speaker 1>to try to get some tax revenue out of the colonies,

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<v Speaker 1>including the Sugar Act, the Stamp Acts on and so forth.

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<v Speaker 1>That being said, George's domestic politics were quite turbulent. He

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<v Speaker 1>faced accusations of favoring John Stewart and interfering with parliamentary independence.

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<v Speaker 1>Factionalism in the House of Commons saw ministries rise and

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<v Speaker 1>fall with dizzying speed. Between seventeen sixty and seventeen seventy,

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<v Speaker 1>no fewer than seven different prime ministers served under George

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<v Speaker 1>the Third. The Boston massacre in that same year seventeen

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<v Speaker 1>seventy deepened the rift with America, but at that point

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<v Speaker 1>George still believed that the unrest could be contained through

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<v Speaker 1>firmness and gradual conciliation. Now, the early seventeen seventies brought

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<v Speaker 1>some moments of calm, but as of course we know,

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<v Speaker 1>the t Act and subsequent Tea Party rekindled crisis, and

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<v Speaker 1>all of the actions that Parliament took, including the coercive

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<v Speaker 1>acts aka in tolerable acts, were backed by George, who

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<v Speaker 1>ordered the imperial authority of Parliament and believed that all

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<v Speaker 1>of this was necessary to maintain order. And that takes

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<v Speaker 1>us up to early seventeen seventy five. In early seventeen

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<v Speaker 1>seventy five, General Thomas Gage, the military governor of Massachusetts,

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<v Speaker 1>ordered troops to seize colonial arms at Conquerd in Massachusetts.

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<v Speaker 1>On the night of April eighteenth, seventeen seventy five, British

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<v Speaker 1>General Thomas Gage ordered roughly seven hundred regulars to march

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<v Speaker 1>from Boston to Concord, Massachusetts, to seize colonial military supplies

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<v Speaker 1>stored there. Colonial intelligence networks, organized largely by the group

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<v Speaker 1>the Sons of Liberty, had been watching British movements very closely.

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<v Speaker 1>When the Redcoats began their march, Boston silversmith and patriot

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<v Speaker 1>Paul Revere, along with William Dawes and later Samuel Prescott,

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<v Speaker 1>set out to warn the countryside. Revere had arranged a

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<v Speaker 1>pre arranged signal from the Old North Church in Boston

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<v Speaker 1>two lanterns to indicate the troops were crossing the Charles River,

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<v Speaker 1>and then rode swiftly to alert John Hancock and Samuel Adams,

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<v Speaker 1>who were stationed in Lexington. Along the way, he stopped

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<v Speaker 1>at homes and taverns, spreading the alarm the regulars are

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<v Speaker 1>coming out. Although Revere was detained by a British patrol

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<v Speaker 1>before he reached Concord, his mission had succeeded. Local militias

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<v Speaker 1>were awake and mobilizing before dawn. At sunrise on April eighteen,

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<v Speaker 1>seventy seventy five British troops arrived in Lexington to find,

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<v Speaker 1>to their great surprise, seventy militiamen just simply waiting on

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<v Speaker 1>the village, Green Captain John Parker, facing overwhelming arms against

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<v Speaker 1>the British regular redcoats, reportedly turned and told to his men,

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<v Speaker 1>quote stand your ground, don't fire unless fired upon. But

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<v Speaker 1>if they need to have a war, let it begin

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<v Speaker 1>here end quote a shot. Its source is still disputed

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<v Speaker 1>rang and the British fired a ali killing eight colonists.

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<v Speaker 1>The troops rushed on to Conquered where they destroyed some supplies,

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<v Speaker 1>but faced armed resistance at the North Bridge. There, colonial

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<v Speaker 1>militiamen exchanged fire with British soldiers, forcing them into a retreat.

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<v Speaker 1>All along the road back to Boston, militiamen fought much

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<v Speaker 1>like the indigenous peoples they had been fighting against in

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<v Speaker 1>the woods and across the hills of Massachusetts for years

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<v Speaker 1>and decades. They poured fire in from behind stone walls

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<v Speaker 1>and trees, running away and melting into the woods before

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<v Speaker 1>the British regulars could form up, and all along inflicted

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<v Speaker 1>heavy casualties on the retreating British. By the day's end,

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<v Speaker 1>the British had lost over two hundred and seventy men,

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<v Speaker 1>and the colonies were effectively at war with their mother country.

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<v Speaker 1>The ride of Revere and his companions, and the skirmishes

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<v Speaker 1>at Lexington and Concord became immortalized as the spark of

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<v Speaker 1>the American Revolution, what Ralph Waldo Emerson later called the

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<v Speaker 1>shot heard around the world. In just over a decade,

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<v Speaker 1>Britain and her colonies had moved from partnership to estrangement,

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<v Speaker 1>from estrangement to war. The disputes began over taxation and policy,

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<v Speaker 1>but each act, protest and reprisal deepened the mistrust until

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<v Speaker 1>reconciliation seemed impossible. As Thomas Paine would later write in

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<v Speaker 1>common Sense, quote, the cause of America is, in a

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<v Speaker 1>great measure the cause of mankind.
