WEBVTT

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<v Speaker 1>Part six of Common Sense by Thomas Paine. This LibriVox

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<v Speaker 1>recording is in the public domain Part six Appendix, since

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<v Speaker 1>the publication of the first edition of this pamphlet, or

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<v Speaker 1>rather on the same day on which it came out,

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<v Speaker 1>the King's Speech made its appearance in this city. Had

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<v Speaker 1>the spirit of prophecy directed the birth of this production,

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<v Speaker 1>it could not have brought it forth at a more

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<v Speaker 1>seasonable juncture or a more necessary time. The bloody mindedness

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<v Speaker 1>of the one showed the necessity of pursuing the doctrine

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<v Speaker 1>of the other men read by way of revenge, and

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<v Speaker 1>this speech, instead of terrifying, prepared a way for the

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<v Speaker 1>manly principles of independence. Ceremony or even silence, from whatever

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<v Speaker 1>motive they may arise, have a hurtful tendency when they

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<v Speaker 1>give the least degree of countenance to base and wicked performances. Wherefore,

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<v Speaker 1>if this maxim be admitted, it naturally follows that the

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<v Speaker 1>King's speech, as being a piece of finished villainy, deserved

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<v Speaker 1>and still deserves a general execration, both by the Congress

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<v Speaker 1>and the people. Yet, as the domestic tranquility of a

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<v Speaker 1>nation depends greatly on the chastity of what may properly

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<v Speaker 1>be called national manners. It is often better to pass

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<v Speaker 1>some things over in silent disdain than to make use

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<v Speaker 1>of such new methods of dislike as might introduce the

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<v Speaker 1>least innovation on that guardian of our peace and safety.

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<v Speaker 1>And perhaps it is chiefly owing to this prudent delicacy

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<v Speaker 1>that the King's speech hath not before now suffered a

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<v Speaker 1>public execution. The speech, if it may be called one,

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<v Speaker 1>is nothing better than a wilful, audacious liable against the truth,

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<v Speaker 1>the common good, and the existence of mankind. And it's

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<v Speaker 1>a formal and pompous method of offering up human sacrifices

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<v Speaker 1>to the pride of tyrants. But this general massacre of

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<v Speaker 1>mankind is one of the privileges and the certain consequence

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<v Speaker 1>of kings. Where As nature knows them not, they know

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<v Speaker 1>not her. And although they are beings of our own creating,

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<v Speaker 1>they know not us, and are become the gods of

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<v Speaker 1>their creators. The speech hath one good quality wish is

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<v Speaker 1>that it is not calculated to deceive. Neither can we

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<v Speaker 1>even if we would be deceived by it. Brutality and

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<v Speaker 1>tyranny appear on the face of it. It leaves us

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<v Speaker 1>at no loss, and every line convinces, even in the

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<v Speaker 1>moment of reading, that he who hunts the woods for

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<v Speaker 1>prey the naked and untutored Indian, is less a savage

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<v Speaker 1>than the King of Britain. Sir John Dalrymple, the putative

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<v Speaker 1>father of a whining Jesuitical peace, fallaciously called the Address

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<v Speaker 1>of the People of England to the inhabitants of America. Hath,

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps from a vain supposition that the people here were

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<v Speaker 1>to be frightened at the pomp and description of a king, given,

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<v Speaker 1>though very unwisely on his part, the real character of

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<v Speaker 1>the present one. But says this writer, if you are

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<v Speaker 1>inclined to pay compliments to an administration which we do

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<v Speaker 1>not complain of, meaning the Marquis of Rockingham's at the

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<v Speaker 1>repeal of the Stamp Act, it is very unfair in

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<v Speaker 1>you to withhold them from that prince by whose nod

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<v Speaker 1>alone they were permitted to do anything. This is toryism

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<v Speaker 1>with a witness here is idolatry, even without a mask.

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<v Speaker 1>And he who can calmly hear and digest such a

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<v Speaker 1>doctrine Hath forfeited his claim to rationality and apostate from

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<v Speaker 1>the ardor of manhood, and ought to be considered as

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<v Speaker 1>one who hath not only given up the proper dignity

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<v Speaker 1>of man, but sunk himself beneath the rank of animals,

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<v Speaker 1>and contemptibly crawl through the world like a worm. However,

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<v Speaker 1>it matters very little now what the King of England

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<v Speaker 1>either says or does. He hath wickedly broken through every

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<v Speaker 1>moral and human obligation, trampled nature and conscience beneath his feet,

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<v Speaker 1>and by a steady and constitutional spirit of insolence and

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<v Speaker 1>cruelty procured for himself and universal hatred. It is now

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<v Speaker 1>the interest of America to provide for herself. She hath

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<v Speaker 1>already a large and young family, whom it is more

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<v Speaker 1>her duty to take care of than to be granting

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<v Speaker 1>away her property to support a power who is become

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<v Speaker 1>a reproach to the names of men and Christians, Ye

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<v Speaker 1>whose office it is to watch over the morals of

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<v Speaker 1>a nation, of whatsoever sect or denomination ye are of,

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<v Speaker 1>as well as ye who are more immediately the guardians

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<v Speaker 1>of the public liberty. If ye wish to preserve your

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<v Speaker 1>native country uncontaminated by European corruption, ye must in secret

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<v Speaker 1>wish a separation, But leaving the moral part to private reflection,

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<v Speaker 1>I shall chiefly confine my further remarks to the following heads, First,

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<v Speaker 1>that it is the interest of America to be separated

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<v Speaker 1>from Britain. Secondly, which is the easiest and most practicable

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<v Speaker 1>plan reconciliation or independence. With some occasional remarks in support

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<v Speaker 1>of the first, I would, if I judged it proper,

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<v Speaker 1>produce the opinion of some of the ablest and most

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<v Speaker 1>experienced men on this continent, and whose sentiments on that

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<v Speaker 1>head are not yet publicly known. It is in reality

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<v Speaker 1>a self evident position, or no nation in a state

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<v Speaker 1>of foreign dependence, limited in its commerce and cramped and

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<v Speaker 1>fettered in its legislative powers, can ever arrive at any

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<v Speaker 1>material eminence. America doth not yet know what opulence is.

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<v Speaker 1>And although the progress which she hath made stands unparalleled

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<v Speaker 1>in the history of other nations, it is but childhood

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<v Speaker 1>compared with what she would be capable of arriving at

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<v Speaker 1>had she, as she ought, to have the legislative powers

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<v Speaker 1>in her own hands. England is at this time proudly

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<v Speaker 1>coveting what would do her no good were she to

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<v Speaker 1>accomplish it, and the continent hesitating on a matter which

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<v Speaker 1>will be her final ruin if neglected. It is the commerce,

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<v Speaker 1>and not the conquest of America, by which England is

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<v Speaker 1>to be benefited, and that would in a great measure continue,

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<v Speaker 1>were the countries as independent of each other as France

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<v Speaker 1>and Spain, because in many articles neither can go to

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<v Speaker 1>a better market. But it is the independence of this

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<v Speaker 1>country of Britain or any other, which is now the

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<v Speaker 1>main and only object worthy of contention, and which, like

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<v Speaker 1>all other truths discovered by necessity, will appear clearer and

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<v Speaker 1>stronger every day, First because it will come to that

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<v Speaker 1>one time or other. Secondly, because the longer it is delayed,

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<v Speaker 1>the harder it will be to accomplish. I have frequently

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<v Speaker 1>amused myself, both in public and private companies, with silently

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<v Speaker 1>remarking the specious errors of those who speak without reflecting.

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<v Speaker 1>And among the many which I have heard, the following

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<v Speaker 1>seems the most general, viz. That had this rupture happened

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<v Speaker 1>forty or fifty years hence, instead of now, the continent

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<v Speaker 1>would have been more able to have shaken off the dependents,

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<v Speaker 1>to which I reply that our military ability at this

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<v Speaker 1>time arises from the experience gained in the last war,

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<v Speaker 1>and which in forty our fifty years time would have

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<v Speaker 1>been totally extinct. The continent would not by that time

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<v Speaker 1>have had a general or even a military officer left,

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<v Speaker 1>and we are those who may succeed us would have

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<v Speaker 1>been as ignorant of martial affairs as the ancient Indians.

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<v Speaker 1>And this single position closely attended to, will unanswerably prove

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<v Speaker 1>that the present time is preferable to all others. The

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<v Speaker 1>argument turns thus, at the conclusion of the last war,

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<v Speaker 1>we had experience, but wanted numbers, and forty or fifty

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<v Speaker 1>years hence we should have numbers without experience. Wherefore, the

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<v Speaker 1>proper point of time must be some particular point between

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<v Speaker 1>the two extremes, in which a sufficiency of the former

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<v Speaker 1>remains and a proper increase of the latter is obtained,

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<v Speaker 1>And that point of time is the present time. The

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<v Speaker 1>reader will pardon this digression, as it does not properly

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<v Speaker 1>come under the head I first set out with, and

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<v Speaker 1>to which I again returned by the following position, viz.

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<v Speaker 1>Should affairs be patched up with Britain, and she to

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<v Speaker 1>remain the governing and sovereign power of America, which, as

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<v Speaker 1>matters are now circumstanced, is giving up the point entirely.

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<v Speaker 1>We shall deprive ourselves of the very means of sinking

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<v Speaker 1>the debt we have, or may contract. The value of

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<v Speaker 1>the back lands which some of the provinces are clandestinely

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<v Speaker 1>deprived of by the unjust extension of the limits of Canada,

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<v Speaker 1>valued only at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, amounts

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<v Speaker 1>to upwards of twenty five millions Pennsylvania currency, and the

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<v Speaker 1>quit rents, at one penny sterling per acre to two

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<v Speaker 1>millions yearly. It is by the sale of those lands

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<v Speaker 1>that the debt may be sunk without burden to any

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<v Speaker 1>and the quit rent reserved thereon will always lessen, and

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<v Speaker 1>in time will wholly support the yearly expensive government. It

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<v Speaker 1>matters not how long the debt is in paying, so

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<v Speaker 1>that the lands, when sold, be applied to the discharge

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<v Speaker 1>of it, and for the execution of which the Congress

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<v Speaker 1>for the time being will be the Continental Trustees. I

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<v Speaker 1>proceed now to the second head, viz. Which is the

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<v Speaker 1>easiest and most practicable plan reconciliation or independence. With some

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<v Speaker 1>occasional remarks. He who takes nature for his guide is

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<v Speaker 1>not easily beaten out of his argument, And on that

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<v Speaker 1>ground I answer generally that independence, being a single simple

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<v Speaker 1>line contained within ourselves, and reconciliation, a matter exceedingly perplexed

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<v Speaker 1>and complicated, and in which a treacherous, capricious court is

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<v Speaker 1>to interfere, gives the answer without a doubt. The present

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<v Speaker 1>state of America is truly alarming to every man who

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<v Speaker 1>is capable of reflection without law, without government, without any

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<v Speaker 1>other mode of power than what is founded on and

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<v Speaker 1>granted by courtesy, held together by an unexampled concurrence of sentiment,

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<v Speaker 1>which which is nevertheless subject to change, and which every

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<v Speaker 1>secret enemy is endeavoring to dissolve. Our present condition is

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<v Speaker 1>legislation without law, wisdom without a plan, a constitution without

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<v Speaker 1>a name, and what is strangely astonishing, perfect independence contending

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<v Speaker 1>for dependence. The instance is without a precedent, the case

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<v Speaker 1>never existing before, and who can tell what may be

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<v Speaker 1>the event. The property of no man is secure in

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<v Speaker 1>the present unbraced system of things. The mind of the

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<v Speaker 1>multitude is left at random, and, seeing no fixed object

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<v Speaker 1>before them, they pursue such as fancy or opinion starts.

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<v Speaker 1>Nothing is criminal. There is no such thing as treason.

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<v Speaker 1>Wherefore everyone thinks himself at liberty to act as he pleases.

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<v Speaker 1>Storries dare not have assembled offensively had they known that

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<v Speaker 1>their lives, by that act were forfeited to the laws

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<v Speaker 1>of the state. A line of distinction should be drawn

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<v Speaker 1>between English soldiers taken in battle and inhabitants of America

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<v Speaker 1>taken in arms. The first are prisoners, but the latter traitors.

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<v Speaker 1>The one forfeits his liberty, the other his head. Notwithstanding

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<v Speaker 1>our wisdom, there is a visible feebleness in some of

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<v Speaker 1>our proceedings, which give encouragement to dissensions. The continental belt

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<v Speaker 1>is too loosely buckled, and if something is not done

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<v Speaker 1>in time, it will be too late to do anything,

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<v Speaker 1>and we shall fall into a state in which neither

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<v Speaker 1>reconciliation nor independence will be practicable. The King and his

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<v Speaker 1>worthless adherents are got at their old game of dividing

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<v Speaker 1>the continent, and there are not wanting among us printers

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<v Speaker 1>who will be busy in spreading specious falsehoods. The artful

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<v Speaker 1>and hypocritical letter which appeared a few months ago in

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<v Speaker 1>two of the New York papers, and likewise into others,

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<v Speaker 1>is it evidence that there are men who want either

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<v Speaker 1>judgment or honesty. It is easy getting into holes and

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<v Speaker 1>corners and talking of reconciliation. But do such men seriously

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<v Speaker 1>consider how difficult the task is, and how dangerous it

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<v Speaker 1>may prove should the continent divide their own? Do they

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<v Speaker 1>take within their view all the various orders of men

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<v Speaker 1>whose situation and circumstances, as well as their own are

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<v Speaker 1>to be considered? Therein, do they put themselves in the

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<v Speaker 1>place of the sufferer whose all is already gone, and

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<v Speaker 1>of the soldier who hath quitted all for the defense

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<v Speaker 1>of his country. If their ill judged moderation be suited

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<v Speaker 1>to the their own private situations only, regardless of others,

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<v Speaker 1>the event will convince them that they are reckoning without

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<v Speaker 1>their host. Put us, says some on the footing we

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<v Speaker 1>were on in sixty three, to which I answer, the

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<v Speaker 1>request is not now in the power of Britain to

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<v Speaker 1>comply with, neither will she propose it. But if it were,

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<v Speaker 1>and even should be granted, I ask, as a reasonable question,

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<v Speaker 1>by what means is such a corrupt and faithless court

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<v Speaker 1>to be kept to its engagements another parliament? Nay, even

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<v Speaker 1>the present may hereafter repeal the obligation on the pretense

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<v Speaker 1>of its being violently obtained, are unwisely granted. And in

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<v Speaker 1>that case, where is our redress? No going to law

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<v Speaker 1>with nations canon are the barristers of crowns, and the

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<v Speaker 1>sword not of justice but of war decides the suit

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<v Speaker 1>to be on the footing of sixty three, it is

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<v Speaker 1>not sufficient that the laws only be put on the

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<v Speaker 1>same state, but that our circumstances likewise be put on

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<v Speaker 1>the same state. Our burnt and destroyed towns repaired, are

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<v Speaker 1>built up, our private losses made good, our public debts

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<v Speaker 1>contracted for defense discharged. Otherwise we shall be millions worse

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<v Speaker 1>than we were at that enviable period. Such a request,

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<v Speaker 1>had it been complied with a year ago, would have

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<v Speaker 1>won the heart and soul of the continent. But now

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<v Speaker 1>it is too late. The rubicon is past. Besides, the

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<v Speaker 1>taking up arms merely to enforce the repeal of a

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<v Speaker 1>pecuniary law seems as unwarrantable by the divine law and

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<v Speaker 1>as repugnant to human feelings as the taking up arms

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<v Speaker 1>to enforce obedience. Thereto the object on either side doth

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<v Speaker 1>not justify the means, while the lives of men are

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<v Speaker 1>too valuable to be cast away on such trifles. It

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<v Speaker 1>is the violence which is done and threatened to our persons,

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<v Speaker 1>the destruction of our property by an armed force, the

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<v Speaker 1>invasion of our country by fire and sword, which conscientiously

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<v Speaker 1>qualifies the use of arms, and the incident in which

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<v Speaker 1>such a mode of defense became necessary. All subjection to

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<v Speaker 1>Britain ought to have ceased, and the independence of America

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<v Speaker 1>should have been considered as dating in air form and

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<v Speaker 1>published by the first musket that was fired against her.

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<v Speaker 1>This line is a line of consistency, neither drawn by

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<v Speaker 1>caprice nor extended by ambition, but produced by a chain

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<v Speaker 1>of events of which the colonies were not the authors.

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<v Speaker 1>I shall conclude these remarks with the following timely and

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<v Speaker 1>well intended hints. We ought to reflect that there are

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<v Speaker 1>three different ways by which an independency may hereafter be affected,

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<v Speaker 1>and that one of these three will, one day or

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<v Speaker 1>other be the fate of America, viz. By the legal

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<v Speaker 1>voice of the people in Congress, by a military power,

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<v Speaker 1>or by a mob. It may not always happen that

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<v Speaker 1>our soldiers are citizens, and the multitude a body of

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<v Speaker 1>reasonable men virtue. As I have already remarked, is not hereditary,

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<v Speaker 1>neither is it perpetual. Should an independency be brought about

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<v Speaker 1>by the first of those means, we have every opportunity

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<v Speaker 1>and every encouragement before us to form the noblest, purest

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<v Speaker 1>constitution on the face of the earth. We have it

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<v Speaker 1>in our power to begin the world over again. A

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<v Speaker 1>situation similar to the present. Hath not happened since the

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<v Speaker 1>days of Noah until now the birthday of a new

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00:19:09.279 --> 00:19:13.119
<v Speaker 1>world is at hand, and a race of men, perhaps

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<v Speaker 1>as numerous as all Europe contains, or to receive their

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<v Speaker 1>portion of freedom from the event of a few months.

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<v Speaker 1>The reflection is awful, and in this point of view,

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<v Speaker 1>how trifling, how ridiculous do the little paltry covailings of

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<v Speaker 1>a few week or interested men appear when waited against

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<v Speaker 1>the business of a world. Should we neglect the present

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<v Speaker 1>favorable and inviting period, and an independency be here after

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<v Speaker 1>affected by any other means, we must charge the consequence

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<v Speaker 1>to ourselves, or to those rather whose narrow and prejudiced

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<v Speaker 1>souls are habitually opposing the measure without either inquiring or reflecting.

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<v Speaker 1>There are reasons to be given in support of independence,

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<v Speaker 1>which men should rather privately think of than be publicly

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<v Speaker 1>told of. We ought not now to be debating whether

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<v Speaker 1>we shall be independent or not, but anxious to accomplish

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<v Speaker 1>it on a firm, secure and honorable basis, and uneasy

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<v Speaker 1>rather that it is not yet began upon every day

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<v Speaker 1>convinces us of its necessity. Even the Tories, if such

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<v Speaker 1>beings yet remain among us, should of all men be

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<v Speaker 1>the most solicitous to promote it. Far as the appointment

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<v Speaker 1>of committees at first protected them from popular rage, so

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<v Speaker 1>a wise and well established form of government will be

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<v Speaker 1>the only certain means of continuing it securely to them. Wherefore,

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<v Speaker 1>if they have not virtue enough to be Whigs, they

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<v Speaker 1>ought to have prudence enough to wish for independence. In short,

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<v Speaker 1>independence is the only bond that can tie and keep

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<v Speaker 1>us together. We shall then see our object, and our

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<v Speaker 1>ears will be legally shut against the schemes of an

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<v Speaker 1>intriguing as well as a cruel enemy. We shall then do,

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<v Speaker 1>beyond a proper footing to treat with Britain, For there

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<v Speaker 1>is reason to conclude that the pride of that court

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<v Speaker 1>will be less hurt by treating with the American States.

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<v Speaker 1>For terms of peace than with those whom she dominates

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<v Speaker 1>rebellious subjects for terms of accommodation. It is our delaying

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<v Speaker 1>it that encourages her to hope for conquest, and our

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00:21:38.799 --> 00:21:43.519
<v Speaker 1>backwardness tends only to prolong the war. As we have

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<v Speaker 1>without any good effect, therefrom withheld our trade to obtain

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<v Speaker 1>a redress of our grievances. Let us now try the alternative,

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<v Speaker 1>by independently redressing them ourselves, and then offering to open

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<v Speaker 1>the trade. The mercantile and rear part in England will

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<v Speaker 1>still be with us, because peace with trade is preferable

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<v Speaker 1>to war without it. And if this offer be not accepted,

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<v Speaker 1>other courts may be applied to on these grounds. I

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<v Speaker 1>rest the matter, And as no offer hath yet been

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<v Speaker 1>made to refute the doctrine contained in the former editions

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00:22:23.119 --> 00:22:26.839
<v Speaker 1>of this pamphlet, it is a negative proof that either

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<v Speaker 1>the doctrine cannot be refuted, or that the party in

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00:22:30.880 --> 00:22:34.960
<v Speaker 1>favor of it are too numerous to be opposed. Wherefore,

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<v Speaker 1>instead of gazing at each other with suspicion or doubtful curiosity,

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<v Speaker 1>let each of us hold out to his neighbor the

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<v Speaker 1>hearty hand of friendship and unite in drawing a line which,

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<v Speaker 1>like an act of oblivion, shall bury in forgetfulness every

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<v Speaker 1>former dissension. Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct,

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<v Speaker 1>and let none other be heard among us than those

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<v Speaker 1>of a good citizen, an open and resolute friend, and

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<v Speaker 1>a virtuous supporter of the rights of mankind and of

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<v Speaker 1>the free and independent states of America. To the representatives

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<v Speaker 1>of the religious society of the people called Quakers, are

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<v Speaker 1>to so many of them as were concerned in publishing

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<v Speaker 1>the late piece entitled quote the ancient testimony and principles

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<v Speaker 1>of the people called Quakers, renewed with respect to the

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<v Speaker 1>King and Government, and touching the commotions now prevailing in

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<v Speaker 1>these and other parts of America. Addressed to the people

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<v Speaker 1>in general close quote. The writer of this is one

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<v Speaker 1>of those few who never dishonors religion, either by ridiculing

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<v Speaker 1>or cavaling at any denomination whatsoever to God and not

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<v Speaker 1>to man. Are all men accountable on the score of religion.

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<v Speaker 1>Wherefore this epistle is not so properly addressed to you

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<v Speaker 1>as a religious but as a political body dabbling in

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<v Speaker 1>matters which the professed quietude of your principles instruct you

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<v Speaker 1>not to meddle with as you have without a proper authority.

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<v Speaker 1>For so doing, put yourselves in the place of the

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<v Speaker 1>whole body of the Quakers. So the writer of this,

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<v Speaker 1>in order to be on an equal rank with yourselves,

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<v Speaker 1>is under the necessity of putting himself in the place

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<v Speaker 1>of all those who approve the very writings and principles

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<v Speaker 1>against which your testimony is directed. And he hath chosen

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<v Speaker 1>this singular situation in order that you might discover in

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<v Speaker 1>him that presumption of character which you cannot see in yourselves.

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<v Speaker 1>For neither he nor you can have any claim or

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<v Speaker 1>title to political representation. When men have departed from the

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<v Speaker 1>right way, it is no one that they stumble and fall.

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<v Speaker 1>And it is evident that the manner in which ye

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<v Speaker 1>have managed your testimony, that politics as a religious body

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<v Speaker 1>of men, is not your proper walk. For however well

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00:25:14.279 --> 00:25:18.000
<v Speaker 1>adapted it might appear to you, it is nevertheless a

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<v Speaker 1>jumble of good and bad put unwisely together. And the

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<v Speaker 1>conclusion drawn therefrom both unnatural and unjust. The first two

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<v Speaker 1>pages and the whole doth not make four. We give

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<v Speaker 1>you credit for and expect the same civility from you,

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<v Speaker 1>because the love and desire of peace is not confined

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<v Speaker 1>to Quakerism. It is the natural as well the religious

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<v Speaker 1>wish of all denominations of men. And on this ground,

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<v Speaker 1>as men laboring to establish an independent constitution of our own,

354
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<v Speaker 1>do we exceed all others in our hope, end and aim.

355
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<v Speaker 1>Our plan is peace forever. We are tired of contention

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<v Speaker 1>with Britain and can see no real end to it.

357
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<v Speaker 1>But in a final separation we act consistently, because for

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<v Speaker 1>the sake of introducing an endless and uninterrupted peace do

359
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<v Speaker 1>we bear the evils and burdens of the present day.

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<v Speaker 1>We are endeavoring, and will steadily continue to endeavor, to

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<v Speaker 1>separate and dissolve a connection which hath already filled our

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<v Speaker 1>land with blood, and which, while the name of it remains,

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<v Speaker 1>will be the fatal cause of future mischiefs to both countries.

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<v Speaker 1>We fight neither for revenge nor conquest, neither from pride

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<v Speaker 1>nor passion. We are not insulting the world with our

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<v Speaker 1>fleets and armies, nor ravaging the globe for plunder. Beneath

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<v Speaker 1>the shade of our own vines. Are we attacked in

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<v Speaker 1>our own houses and on our own lands. Is the

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00:27:00.759 --> 00:27:04.599
<v Speaker 1>violence committed against us. We view our enemies in the

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<v Speaker 1>character of highwaymen and house breakers, and, having no defense

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<v Speaker 1>for ourselves in the civil law, are obliged to punish

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<v Speaker 1>them by the military one, and apply the sword in

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<v Speaker 1>the very case where you have before now applied the halter.

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<v Speaker 1>Perhaps we feel for the ruined and insulted sufferers in all,

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<v Speaker 1>in every part of the continent, with a degree of

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<v Speaker 1>tenderness which hath not yet made its way into some

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<v Speaker 1>of your bosoms. But be ye sure that ye mistake

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<v Speaker 1>not the cause and ground of your testimony, call not

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<v Speaker 1>coldness of soul religion, nor put the bigot in the

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<v Speaker 1>place of the Christian O, ye partial ministers of your

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<v Speaker 1>own acknowledged principles. If the bearing arms be sinful, the

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<v Speaker 1>first going to war must be more so by all

383
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<v Speaker 1>the difference between willful attack an unavoidable defense. Wherefore, if

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<v Speaker 1>ye really preach from conscience and mean not to make

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<v Speaker 1>a political hobby horse of your religion, convince the world

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<v Speaker 1>thereof by proclaiming your doctrine to our enemies, for they

387
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<v Speaker 1>likewise bear arms. Give us proof of your sincerity by

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<v Speaker 1>publishing it at Saint James to the commanders in chief

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<v Speaker 1>at Boston, to the admirals and captains who are piratically

390
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<v Speaker 1>ravaging our coasts, and to all the murdering miscreants who

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<v Speaker 1>are acting in authority under him, whom ye profess to serve.

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<v Speaker 1>Had ye the honest soul of Barclay, ye would preach

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<v Speaker 1>repentance to your king, ye would tell the royal wretch

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<v Speaker 1>his sins and warn him of eternal ruin. Ye would

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<v Speaker 1>not spend your partial invectives upon the injured and the

396
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<v Speaker 1>insulted alone, but like faithful ministers, would allowed and spare none.

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<v Speaker 1>Say not that ye are persecuted. Neither endeavor to make

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<v Speaker 1>us the authors of that reproach which ye are bringing

399
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<v Speaker 1>upon yourselves. For we testify unto all men, that we

400
00:29:14.279 --> 00:29:18.200
<v Speaker 1>do not complain against you because ye are Quakers, but

401
00:29:18.359 --> 00:29:23.000
<v Speaker 1>because ye pretend to be and are not Quakers, alas

402
00:29:23.079 --> 00:29:26.440
<v Speaker 1>it seems by the particular tendency of some part of

403
00:29:26.480 --> 00:29:30.680
<v Speaker 1>your testimony and other parts of your conduct, as if

404
00:29:30.880 --> 00:29:35.359
<v Speaker 1>all sin were reduced to and comprehended in the act

405
00:29:35.440 --> 00:29:39.680
<v Speaker 1>of bearing arms, and that by the people only, ye

406
00:29:39.680 --> 00:29:44.279
<v Speaker 1>appear to us to have mistaken party for conscience. Because

407
00:29:44.400 --> 00:29:48.400
<v Speaker 1>the general tenor of your actions wants uniformity. And it

408
00:29:48.480 --> 00:29:51.880
<v Speaker 1>is exceedingly difficult to us to give credit to many

409
00:29:51.960 --> 00:29:55.759
<v Speaker 1>of your pretended scruples, because we see them made by

410
00:29:55.759 --> 00:29:59.079
<v Speaker 1>the same men, who, in the very incident that they

411
00:29:59.079 --> 00:30:03.200
<v Speaker 1>are exclaiming against the mammon of the world, are nevertheless

412
00:30:03.279 --> 00:30:06.079
<v Speaker 1>hunting after it with a step as steady as time

413
00:30:06.680 --> 00:30:12.079
<v Speaker 1>and an appetite as keen as death. The quotation which

414
00:30:12.119 --> 00:30:14.599
<v Speaker 1>ye have made from Proverbs in the third page of

415
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<v Speaker 1>your testimony, that quote, when a man's ways please the Lord,

416
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<v Speaker 1>he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him.

417
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<v Speaker 1>Close quote is very unwisely chosen on your part, because

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<v Speaker 1>it amounts to a proof that the king's ways, whom

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<v Speaker 1>ye are desirous of supporting, do not please the Lord,

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<v Speaker 1>otherwise his reign would be in peace. I now proceed

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<v Speaker 1>to the latter part of your testimony, and that for

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<v Speaker 1>which all the foregoing seems only an introduction viz. Quote.

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<v Speaker 1>It hath ever been our judgment and principle since we

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<v Speaker 1>were called to profess the light of Christ, Jesus manifested

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<v Speaker 1>in our consciences unto this day that thee setting up

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<v Speaker 1>and putting down kings and governments is God's peculiar prerogative

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<v Speaker 1>for causes best known to himself, And that it is

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<v Speaker 1>not our business to have any hand or contrivance therein,

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<v Speaker 1>nor to be busy bodies above our station, much less

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<v Speaker 1>to plot and contrive the ruin or overturn of any

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<v Speaker 1>of them, but to pray for the king and safety

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<v Speaker 1>of our nation and good of all men, that we

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<v Speaker 1>may live a peaceable and quiet life in all godliness

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<v Speaker 1>and honesty, under the government which God is pleased to

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<v Speaker 1>set over us closed. If these are really your principles,

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<v Speaker 1>why do ye not abide by them? Why do ye

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<v Speaker 1>not leave that which ye call God's work to be

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<v Speaker 1>managed by himself? These very principles instruct you to wait

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<v Speaker 1>with patience and humility for the event of all public measures,

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00:32:01.440 --> 00:32:05.720
<v Speaker 1>and to receive that event as the Divine will towards you. Wherefore,

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<v Speaker 1>what occasion is therefore your political testimony if you fully

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<v Speaker 1>believe what it contains, and the very publishing it proves

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<v Speaker 1>that either ye do not believe what ye profess, or

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<v Speaker 1>have not virtue enough to practice what ye believe. The

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<v Speaker 1>principles of Quakerism have a direct tendency to make a

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<v Speaker 1>man the quiet and inoffensive subject of any and every

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<v Speaker 1>government which is set over him. And if the setting

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<v Speaker 1>up and putting down of kings and governments is God's

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<v Speaker 1>peculiar prerogative, he most certainly will not be robbed thereof

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<v Speaker 1>by us. Wherefore the principle itself leads you to approve

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<v Speaker 1>of everything whichever happened or may happen to kings, as

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<v Speaker 1>being his work. Oliver Cromwell, Thanks you. Charles then died

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<v Speaker 1>not by the hand of men, and should the present

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<v Speaker 1>proud imitator of him come to the same untimely end.

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<v Speaker 1>The writers and publishers of the testimony are bound by

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<v Speaker 1>the doctrine. It contains to applaud the fact kings are

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<v Speaker 1>not taken away by miracles, neither are changes in governments

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<v Speaker 1>brought about by any other means than such as are

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<v Speaker 1>common and human, and such as we are now using.

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<v Speaker 1>Even the dispersion of the Jews, though foretold by our Savior,

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<v Speaker 1>was affected by arms. Wherefore, as ye refuse to be

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<v Speaker 1>the means on one side, you ought not to be

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<v Speaker 1>meddlers on the other, but to wait the issue in silence.

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<v Speaker 1>And unless ye can produce divine authority to prove that

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<v Speaker 1>the Almighty, who hath created and placed this new world

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<v Speaker 1>at the greatest distance, who could possibly stand east and

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<v Speaker 1>west from every part of the old doth nevertheless disapprove

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<v Speaker 1>of its being independent of the corrupt and abandoned court

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<v Speaker 1>of Britain. Unless I say, ye can show this, how

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<v Speaker 1>can ye, on the ground of your principles, justify the

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<v Speaker 1>exciting and stirring up the people? Quote firmly to unite

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<v Speaker 1>in the abhorrence of all such writings and measures as

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<v Speaker 1>evidence a desire and design to break off the happy

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<v Speaker 1>connection we have hitherto enjoyed with the Kingdom of Great Britain,

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<v Speaker 1>and our just and necessary subordination to the King and

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<v Speaker 1>those who are lawfully placed in authority under him. Close quote.

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<v Speaker 1>What a slap of the face is here? The men

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<v Speaker 1>who in the very paragraph before have quietly and passively

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<v Speaker 1>resigned up the ordering, altering and disposal of kings and

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<v Speaker 1>governments into the hands of God, are now recalling their

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<v Speaker 1>principles and putting in for a share of the business.

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<v Speaker 1>Is it possible that the conclusion which is here justly

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<v Speaker 1>quoted can any ways follow from their doctrine laid down?

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<v Speaker 1>The inconsistency is too glaring not to be seen, the

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<v Speaker 1>absurdity too great not to be laughed at, and such

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<v Speaker 1>as could only have been made by those whose understandings

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<v Speaker 1>were darkened by the narrow and crabby spirit of a

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<v Speaker 1>despairing political party. For ye are not to be considered

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<v Speaker 1>as the whole body of the Quakers, but only as

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<v Speaker 1>a fractional and fractional part thereof. Here ends the examination

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<v Speaker 1>of your testimony, which I call upon no man to

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<v Speaker 1>abhor as ye have done, but only to read and

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<v Speaker 1>judge a fairly to which I subjoin the following remark

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<v Speaker 1>quote that the setting up and putting down of kings

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<v Speaker 1>close quote most certainly mean the making him a king

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<v Speaker 1>who is not yet so, and the making him no

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<v Speaker 1>king who is already won. And pray, what hath this

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<v Speaker 1>to do in the present case? We neither mean to

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<v Speaker 1>set up nor to pull down, neither to make nor

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<v Speaker 1>to unmake, but to have nothing to do with them. Wherefore,

501
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<v Speaker 1>your testimony, in whatever light it is viewed, serves only

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<v Speaker 1>to dishonor your judgment, and for many other reasons, had

503
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<v Speaker 1>better have been let alone than published first, because it

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<v Speaker 1>tends to the decrease and reproach of all religion whatever,

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<v Speaker 1>and is of the utmost danger to society to make

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<v Speaker 1>it a party in political disputes. Secondly, because it exhibits

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<v Speaker 1>a body of men, numbers of whom disavow the publishing

508
00:36:49.400 --> 00:36:56.800
<v Speaker 1>political testimonies as being concerned therein, and approves thereof. Thirdly,

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<v Speaker 1>because it hath a tendency to undo that continental harmony

510
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<v Speaker 1>and friendship which yourselves, by your late liberal and charitable donations,

511
00:37:07.280 --> 00:37:10.760
<v Speaker 1>hath lent a hand to establish, and the preservation of

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<v Speaker 1>which is of the utmost consequence to us all. And

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<v Speaker 1>here without anger or resentment, I bid you farewell, sincerely,

514
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<v Speaker 1>wishing that, as men and Christians, ye may always fully

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<v Speaker 1>and uninterruptedly enjoy every civil and religious right, and be

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<v Speaker 1>in your turn the means of securing it to others.

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<v Speaker 1>But that the example which ye have unwisely set of

518
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<v Speaker 1>mingling religion with politics may be disavowed and reprobated by

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00:37:41.719 --> 00:37:46.960
<v Speaker 1>every inhabitant of America. End of Part six end of

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<v Speaker 1>Common Sense by Thomas Paine, read by Phil Schinevert
