WEBVTT

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<v Speaker 1>Part five of Common Sense by Thomas Payne. This LibriVox

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<v Speaker 1>regarding is in the public domain of the present ability

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<v Speaker 1>of America, with some miscellaneous reflections. I have never met

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<v Speaker 1>with a man, either in England or America, who hath

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<v Speaker 1>not confessed his opinion that a separation between the countries

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<v Speaker 1>would take place one time or another. And there is

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<v Speaker 1>no instance in which we have shown less judgment than

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<v Speaker 1>in endeavoring to describe what we call the ripeness or

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<v Speaker 1>fitness of the continent for independence. As all men allow

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<v Speaker 1>the measure and very only in their opinion of the time.

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<v Speaker 1>Let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a general

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<v Speaker 1>survey of things, and endeavor, if possible, to find out

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<v Speaker 1>the very time. But we need not go far. The

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<v Speaker 1>inquiry ceases at once far the time hath found us

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<v Speaker 1>the general concurrence, the glorious union of all things prove

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<v Speaker 1>the fact it is not in numbers, but in unity

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<v Speaker 1>that our great strength lies. Yet our present numbers are

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<v Speaker 1>sufficient to repel the force of all the world. The

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<v Speaker 1>continent hath at this time the largest body of armed

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<v Speaker 1>and disciplined men of any power under heaven, and is

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<v Speaker 1>just arrived at that pitch of strength in which no

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<v Speaker 1>single colony is able to support itself, and the whole,

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<v Speaker 1>when united, can accomplish the matter, and either more or

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<v Speaker 1>less than this might be fatal in its effects. Our

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<v Speaker 1>land force is already sufficient, and as to naval affairs,

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<v Speaker 1>we cannot be insensible that Britain would never suffer an

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<v Speaker 1>American man of war to be built while the continent

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<v Speaker 1>remained in her hands. Wherefore we should be no forwarder

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<v Speaker 1>and one hundred years hence in that branch than we

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<v Speaker 1>are now. But the truth is we should be less so,

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<v Speaker 1>because the timber of the country is every day diminishing,

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<v Speaker 1>and that which will remain at last will be far

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<v Speaker 1>off and difficult to procure. Were the continent crowded with inhabitants,

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<v Speaker 1>her sufferings under the present circumstances would be intolerable. The

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<v Speaker 1>more seaport towns we had, the more we should have

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<v Speaker 1>both to defend and to lose. Our present numbers are

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<v Speaker 1>so happily proportioned to our wants that no man need

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<v Speaker 1>be idle. The diminution of trade affords an army, and

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<v Speaker 1>the necessities of an army creates a new trade debts

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<v Speaker 1>we have none, and whatever we may contract on this

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<v Speaker 1>account will serve as a glorious memento of our virtue.

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<v Speaker 1>Can we but leave posterity with a settled form of government,

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<v Speaker 1>an independent constitution of its own The purchase at any

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<v Speaker 1>price will be cheap. But to expend millions for the

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<v Speaker 1>sake of getting a few vile acts repealed and routing

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<v Speaker 1>the present ministry only is unworthy the charge, and is

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<v Speaker 1>using posterity with the utmost cruelty, because it is leaving

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<v Speaker 1>them the great work to do, and a debt upon

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<v Speaker 1>their backs from which they derive no advantage. Such a

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<v Speaker 1>thought is unworthy of a man of honor, and is

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<v Speaker 1>the true characteristic of a narrow heart and a paddling politician.

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<v Speaker 1>The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard,

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<v Speaker 1>if the work be but accomplished. No nation ought to

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<v Speaker 1>be without a debt. A national debt is a notional bond,

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<v Speaker 1>and when it bears no interest, is in no case

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<v Speaker 1>a grievance. Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards

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<v Speaker 1>of one hundred and forty millions sterling, for which she

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<v Speaker 1>pays upwards of four millions interest, and as a compensation

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<v Speaker 1>for her debt, she has a large navy. America is

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<v Speaker 1>without debt and without a navy, yet for the twentieth

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<v Speaker 1>part of the English national debt could have a navy

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<v Speaker 1>as large. Again, the Navy of England is not worth

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<v Speaker 1>at this time more than three millions and a half sterling.

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<v Speaker 1>The first and second editions of this pamphlet were published

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<v Speaker 1>without the following calculations, which are now given as a

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<v Speaker 1>proof that the above estimation of the navy is just

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<v Speaker 1>the charge of building a ship of each rate and

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<v Speaker 1>furnishing her with masts, yards, sails and rigging, together with

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<v Speaker 1>a proportion of eight months boatsins and carpenter's sea stores,

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<v Speaker 1>as calculated by mister Burchett, Secretary of the Navy, for

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<v Speaker 1>a ship of one hundred guns pound sterling, thirty five thousand,

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<v Speaker 1>five fifty three ninety guns, twenty nine thousand, eight eighty

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<v Speaker 1>six eighty guns, twenty three thousand, six thirty eight seventy guns,

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<v Speaker 1>seventeen thousand, seven hundred ninety five sixty guns, fourteen thousand,

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<v Speaker 1>one hundred ninety seven fifty guns, ten thousand, six hundred

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<v Speaker 1>six forty guns, seven thousand, five hundred fifty eight thirty guns,

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<v Speaker 1>five thousand, eight hundred forty six twenty guns three thousand,

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<v Speaker 1>seven hundred and ten, and from hence it is easy

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<v Speaker 1>to sum up the value or cost rather of the

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<v Speaker 1>whole British Navy, which in the year seventeen fifty seven,

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<v Speaker 1>when it was at its greatest glory, consisted of the

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<v Speaker 1>following ships and guns. Six ships one hundred guns cost

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<v Speaker 1>of one thirty five thousand, five hundred and fifty three,

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<v Speaker 1>cost of all two hundred and thirteen thousand, three hundred

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<v Speaker 1>and eighteen twelve ships of ninety guns, cost of one

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<v Speaker 1>twenty nine thousand, eight hundred and eighty six. Cost of

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<v Speaker 1>all three hundred and fifty eight thousand, six hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>thirty two twelve ships of eighty guns, cost of one

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<v Speaker 1>twenty three thousand, six hundred and thirty eight. Cost of

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<v Speaker 1>all two hundred and eighty three thousand, six hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>fifty six forty three ships of seventy guns, cost of

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<v Speaker 1>one seventeen thousand, seven hundred and eighty five. Cost of

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<v Speaker 1>all seven hundred and sixty four thousand, seven hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>fifty five thirty five ships of sixty guns, cost of

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<v Speaker 1>one fourteen thousand, one hundred ninety seven cost of all

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<v Speaker 1>four hundred and ninety six six thousand, eight hundred and

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<v Speaker 1>ninety five forty ships of fifty guns cost of one

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<v Speaker 1>ten thousand, six hundred and six. Cost of all four

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<v Speaker 1>hundred and twenty four thousand, two hundred and forty forty

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<v Speaker 1>five ships of forty guns, cost of one seven thousand,

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<v Speaker 1>five hundred and fifty eight. Cost of all three hundred

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<v Speaker 1>forty thousand, one hundred and ten fifty eight ships of

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<v Speaker 1>twenty guns, cost of one three thousand, seven hundred and ten.

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<v Speaker 1>Cost of all two hundred and fifteen thousand, one hundred

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<v Speaker 1>eighty eighty five sloops, bombs and fire ships one with

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<v Speaker 1>another cost of one two thousand. Cost of all one

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<v Speaker 1>hundred and seventy thousand total cost three million, two hundred

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<v Speaker 1>and sixty six thousand, seven hundred and eighty six remains

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<v Speaker 1>for guns two hundred and thirty three thousand, two one

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<v Speaker 1>hundred and fourteen costs of all three million, five hundred thousand.

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<v Speaker 1>No country on the globe is so happily situated, or

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<v Speaker 1>so internally capable of raising a fleet as America. Tar, timber,

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<v Speaker 1>iron and cordage are her natural produce. We need go

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<v Speaker 1>abroad for nothing whereas the Dutch, who make large profits

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<v Speaker 1>by hiring out their ships of war to these Spaniards

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<v Speaker 1>and Portuguese are obliged to import most of their materials

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<v Speaker 1>they use. We ought to view the building of fleet

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<v Speaker 1>as an article of commerce, it being the natural manufactory

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<v Speaker 1>of this country. It is the best money we can

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<v Speaker 1>lay out. A navy, when finished is worth more than

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<v Speaker 1>it cost. And is that nice point in national policy

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<v Speaker 1>in which commerce and protection are united. Let us build

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<v Speaker 1>if we want them not, we can sell, and by

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<v Speaker 1>that means replace our paper currency with ready gold and silver.

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<v Speaker 1>In point of many a fleet, people in general run

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<v Speaker 1>into great errors. It is not necessary that one fourth

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<v Speaker 1>part should be sailors. The terrible privateer kept in Death

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<v Speaker 1>stood the hottest engagement of any ship last year, yet

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<v Speaker 1>had not twenty sailors on board, though her complement of

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<v Speaker 1>men was upwards of two hundred. A few able and

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<v Speaker 1>social sailors will soon instruct a sufficient number of active

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<v Speaker 1>landmen in the common work of a ship. Wherefore, we

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<v Speaker 1>never can be more capable to begin on maritime matters

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<v Speaker 1>than now, while our timber is standing, our fisheries blocked up,

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<v Speaker 1>and our sailors and shipwrights out of employ men of

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<v Speaker 1>war of seventy and eighty guns were built forty years

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<v Speaker 1>ago in New England, and why not the same now.

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<v Speaker 1>Ship Building is America's greatest pride, and in which she

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<v Speaker 1>will in time excel the whole world. The great empires

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<v Speaker 1>of the East are mostly inland, and consequently excluded from

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<v Speaker 1>the possibility of rivaling her. Africa is in a state

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<v Speaker 1>of barbarism and no power. In Europe. Hath either such

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<v Speaker 1>an extent of coast or such an internal supply of materials?

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<v Speaker 1>Where nature hath given the one, she has withheld the

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<v Speaker 1>other to America, only hath she been liberal on both.

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<v Speaker 1>The vast empire of Russia is almost shut out from

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<v Speaker 1>the sea, wherefore her boundless forests, her tar, iron, and cordage,

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<v Speaker 1>are only articles of commerce. In point of safety, ought

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<v Speaker 1>we be without a fleet? We are not the little

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<v Speaker 1>people now which we were sixty years ago. At that

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<v Speaker 1>time we might have trusted our property in the streets

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<v Speaker 1>or fields, rather and slept securely without locks or bolts

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<v Speaker 1>to our doors or windows. The case now is altered,

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<v Speaker 1>and our methods of defense ought to improve with our

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<v Speaker 1>increase of property. A common pirate twelve months ago might

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<v Speaker 1>have come up the Delaware and laid the city of

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<v Speaker 1>Philadelphia under instant contribution for what sum he pleased, And

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<v Speaker 1>the same might have happened to other places. Nay, any

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<v Speaker 1>daring fellow in a brig of fourteen or sixteen guns

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<v Speaker 1>might have robbed the whole continent and carried off half

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<v Speaker 1>a million of money. These are circumstances which demand our

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<v Speaker 1>attention and point out the necessity of naval protection. Some

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps will say that after we have made it up

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<v Speaker 1>with Britain, she will protect us. Can we be so

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<v Speaker 1>unwise as to mean that she shall keep a navy

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<v Speaker 1>in our harbors for that purpose? Common sense will tell

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<v Speaker 1>us that the power which hath endeavored to subdue us is,

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<v Speaker 1>of all others the most improper to defend us. Conquest

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<v Speaker 1>may be effected under the pretense of friendship, and ourselves,

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<v Speaker 1>after a long and brave resistance, be at last cheated

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<v Speaker 1>into slavery. And if her ships are not to be

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<v Speaker 1>admitted into our harbors, I would ask how is she

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<v Speaker 1>to protect us? A navy three or four thousand miles

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<v Speaker 1>off can be of little use, and on sudden emergencies

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<v Speaker 1>none at all. Wherefore, if we must hereafter protect ourselves,

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<v Speaker 1>why not do it for ourselves? The English list of

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<v Speaker 1>ships of war is long and formidable, but not a

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<v Speaker 1>tenth part of them are at any one time fit

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<v Speaker 1>for service, numbers of them not in being yet their

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<v Speaker 1>names are pompously continued in the list. If only a

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<v Speaker 1>plank be left of the ship, and not a fifth

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<v Speaker 1>part of such as are fit for service, can be

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<v Speaker 1>spared on any one stationed at one time. The East

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<v Speaker 1>and West Indies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts over which

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<v Speaker 1>Britain extends her claim make large demands upon her navy.

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<v Speaker 1>From a mixture of prejudice and in attention, we have

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<v Speaker 1>contracted a false notion respecting the navy of England, and

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<v Speaker 1>have talked as if we should have the whole of

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<v Speaker 1>it to encounter it once, and for that reason supposed

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<v Speaker 1>that we must have one as large, which, not being

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<v Speaker 1>instantly practicable, have been made use of by a set

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<v Speaker 1>of disguised tories to discourage our beginning their own. Nothing

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<v Speaker 1>can be farther from the truth than this, For if

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<v Speaker 1>America had only a twentieth part of the naval force

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<v Speaker 1>of Britain, she would be by far and overmatch for her,

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<v Speaker 1>because as we neither have nor claim any foreign dominion,

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<v Speaker 1>our whole force would be employed on our own coast,

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<v Speaker 1>where we should, in the long run have two to

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<v Speaker 1>one the advantage of those who had three or four

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<v Speaker 1>thousand miles to sail over before they could attack us,

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<v Speaker 1>and the same distance to return in order to refit

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<v Speaker 1>and recruit. And although Britain, by her fleet hath a

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<v Speaker 1>check over our trade to Europe, we have as large

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<v Speaker 1>a one over her trade to the West Indies, which,

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<v Speaker 1>by laying in the neighborhood of the continent, is entirely

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<v Speaker 1>at its mercy. Some method might be fallen on to

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<v Speaker 1>keep up a navy force in time of peace, if

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<v Speaker 1>we should not judge it necessary to support a constant navy.

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<v Speaker 1>If premiums were to be given to merchants to build

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<v Speaker 1>and employ in their service ships mounted with twenty thirty,

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<v Speaker 1>forty or fifty guns, the premiums to be in proportion

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<v Speaker 1>to the loss of bulk to the merchants, fifty or

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<v Speaker 1>sixty of those ships, with a few guardships on constant duty,

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<v Speaker 1>would keep up a sufficient navy, And that without burdening

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<v Speaker 1>ourselves with the evil so loudly complained of in England,

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<v Speaker 1>of suffering their fleet in time of peace, to lie

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<v Speaker 1>rotting in the docks. To unite the sinews of commerce

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<v Speaker 1>and defense is sound policy, for when our strength and

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<v Speaker 1>our riches play into each other's hand, we need fear

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<v Speaker 1>no external enemy. In almost every article of defense we

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<v Speaker 1>abound hemp flourishes even to rightness, so that we need

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<v Speaker 1>not want cordage. Our urn is superior to that of

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<v Speaker 1>other countries. Our small arms equal to any in the world.

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<v Speaker 1>Cannon we can cast at pleasure, saltpeter and gunpowder we

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<v Speaker 1>are every day producing. Our knowledge is hourly improving. Resolution

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<v Speaker 1>is our inherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us. Wherefore,

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<v Speaker 1>what is it that we want? Why is it that

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<v Speaker 1>we hesitate from Britain? We can expect nothing but ruin.

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<v Speaker 1>If she is once admitted to the government of America again,

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<v Speaker 1>this continent will not be worth living in. Jealousies will

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<v Speaker 1>be always rising, insurrections will be constantly happening, And who

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<v Speaker 1>will go forth to quell them? Who will venture his

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<v Speaker 1>life to reduce his own countrymen to a foreign obedience?

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<v Speaker 1>The difference between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, respecting some unlocated lands

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<v Speaker 1>shows the insignificance of a British government, and fully proves

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<v Speaker 1>that nothing but continental authority can regulate continental matters. Another

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<v Speaker 1>reason why the present time is preferable to all others

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<v Speaker 1>is that the fewer our numbers are, the more land

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<v Speaker 1>there is yet unoccupied, which, instead of being lavished by

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<v Speaker 1>the king on his worthless dependence, may be hereafter applied

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<v Speaker 1>not only to the discharge of the present debt, but

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<v Speaker 1>to the constant support of our government. No nation under

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<v Speaker 1>heaven hath such an advantage at this The infant state

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<v Speaker 1>of the colonies, as it is called, so far from

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<v Speaker 1>being against, is an argument in favor of independence. We

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<v Speaker 1>are sufficiently numerous, and were we more so, we might

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<v Speaker 1>be less united. It is a matter worthy of oportion

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<v Speaker 1>that the more a country is peopled, the smaller their

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<v Speaker 1>armies are. In military numbers, the ancients far exceeded the moderns,

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<v Speaker 1>and the reason is evident, for trade being the consequence

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<v Speaker 1>of population. Men become too much absorbed thereby to attend

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<v Speaker 1>to anything else. Commerce diminishes the spirit both of patriotism

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<v Speaker 1>and military defense, and history sufficiently informs us that the

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<v Speaker 1>bravest achievements were always accomplished in the non age of

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<v Speaker 1>a nation. With the increase of commerce, England hath lost

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<v Speaker 1>its spirit. The city of London, notwithstanding its numbers, submits

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<v Speaker 1>to continued insults with the patience of a coward. The

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<v Speaker 1>more men have to lose, the less willing they are

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<v Speaker 1>to venture. The rich are in general slaves to fear

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<v Speaker 1>and submit to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of

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<v Speaker 1>us spaniel. Youth is the see time of good habits,

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<v Speaker 1>as well in nations as in individuals, it might be difficult,

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<v Speaker 1>if not impossible, to form the continent into one government

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<v Speaker 1>half a century. Hence, the vast variety of interests occasioned

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<v Speaker 1>by an increase of trade and population would create confusion.

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<v Speaker 1>Colony would be against colony, each being able might scorn

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<v Speaker 1>each other's assistance. And while the proud and foolish gloried

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<v Speaker 1>in their little distinctions, the wise would lament that the

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<v Speaker 1>union had not been formed before. Wherefore the present time

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<v Speaker 1>is the true time for establishing it. The intimacy which

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<v Speaker 1>is contracted in infancy, and the friendship which is formed

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<v Speaker 1>in misfortune or of all others, the most lasting and

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<v Speaker 1>unalterable present union is marked with both these characters. We

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<v Speaker 1>are young, and we have been distressed. But our concord

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<v Speaker 1>hath withstood our troubles and fixes a memorable area for

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<v Speaker 1>posterity to glory in the present time. Likewise is that

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<v Speaker 1>peculiar time which never happens to a nation but once viz.

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<v Speaker 1>The time of forming itself into a government. Most nations

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<v Speaker 1>have let slip the opportunity, and by that means have

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<v Speaker 1>been compelled to receive laws from their conquerors instead of

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<v Speaker 1>making laws for themselves. First they had a king and

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<v Speaker 1>then a form of government, whereas the articles or charter

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<v Speaker 1>of government should be formed first and men delegated to

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<v Speaker 1>execute them afterward. But from the errors of other nations,

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<v Speaker 1>let us learn wisdom and lay hold of the present

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<v Speaker 1>opportunity to begin government at the right end. When William

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<v Speaker 1>the conqueror subdued England, he gave them law at the

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<v Speaker 1>point of a sword. And until we consent that the

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<v Speaker 1>seat of government in America be legally and authoritatively occupied,

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<v Speaker 1>we shall be in danger of having it filled by

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<v Speaker 1>some fortunate ruffian who may treat us in the same manner.

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<v Speaker 1>And then where will be our freedom, where our property?

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<v Speaker 1>As to religion. I hold it to be the indispensable

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<v Speaker 1>duty of all government to protect all conscientious professors thereof,

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<v Speaker 1>And I know of no other business which government hath

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<v Speaker 1>to do therewith. Let a man throw aside that narrowness

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<v Speaker 1>of soul, that selfishness of principle, which the niggards of

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<v Speaker 1>all professions are so unwilling to part with, and he

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<v Speaker 1>will be delivered of his fears. On that head. Suspicion

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<v Speaker 1>is the companion of mean souls and the bane of

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<v Speaker 1>all good society. For myself, I fully and conscientiously believe

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<v Speaker 1>that it is the will of the Almighty that there

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<v Speaker 1>should be diversity of religious opinions among us. It affords

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<v Speaker 1>a larger feel for our Christian kindness. Were we all

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<v Speaker 1>of one way of thinking, our religious dispositions would want

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<v Speaker 1>matter for probation. And on this liberal principle, I look

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<v Speaker 1>on the various denominations among us to be like children

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<v Speaker 1>of the same family, differing only in what is called

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<v Speaker 1>their Christian names. In page forty I threw out a

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<v Speaker 1>few thoughts on the propriety of a continental charter, for

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<v Speaker 1>I only presume to offer, hence not plans, And in

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<v Speaker 1>this place I take the liberty of rementioning the subject

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<v Speaker 1>by observing that a charter is to be understood as

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<v Speaker 1>a bond of solemn obligation, which which the whole enters

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<v Speaker 1>into to support the right of every separate part, whether

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<v Speaker 1>of religion, personal freedom, or property. A firm bargain and

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<v Speaker 1>a right reckoning makes long friends. In a former page,

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<v Speaker 1>I likewise mentioned the necessity for a large and equal representation,

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<v Speaker 1>and there is no political matter which more deserves our attention.

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<v Speaker 1>A small number of electors or a small number of

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<v Speaker 1>representatives are equally dangerous. But if the number of the

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<v Speaker 1>representatives be not only small but unequal, the danger is increased.

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<v Speaker 1>As an instance of this, I mentioned the following. When

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<v Speaker 1>the associator's petition was before the House of Assembly of Pennsylvania,

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<v Speaker 1>twenty eight members only were present, All the Bucks County

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<v Speaker 1>members being eight, voted against it, and had seven of

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<v Speaker 1>the Chester members done the same. The whole province had

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<v Speaker 1>been governed by two counties only. And this danger it

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<v Speaker 1>is always exposed to the unwarrantable stretch, likewise, which that

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<v Speaker 1>House made in their last sitting to gain an undue

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<v Speaker 1>authority over the delegates of that province. Or to warn

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<v Speaker 1>the people at large how they trust power out of

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<v Speaker 1>their own hands. A set of instructions to the delegates

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<v Speaker 1>were put together, which, in point of sense in business,

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<v Speaker 1>would have dishonored a schoolboy, And after being approved by

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<v Speaker 1>a few, a very few without doors, were carried into

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<v Speaker 1>the House, and there passed in behalf of the whole colony.

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<v Speaker 1>Whereas did the whole colony know with what ill willed

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<v Speaker 1>that house hath entered on some necessary public measures, they

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<v Speaker 1>would not hesitate a moment to think them unworthy of

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<v Speaker 1>such a trust. Imediate necessity makes many things convenient, which,

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<v Speaker 1>if continued, we grow into oppression. Expedients and right are

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<v Speaker 1>different things. When the calamities of America required a consultation,

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<v Speaker 1>there was no methods so ready, or at that time

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<v Speaker 1>so proper as to appoint persons from these several houses

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<v Speaker 1>of Assembly for that purpose. And the wisdom with which

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<v Speaker 1>they have proceeded hath preserved this continent from ruin. But

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<v Speaker 1>as it is more than probable that we shall never

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<v Speaker 1>be without a Congress, every well wisher to good order

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<v Speaker 1>must own that the mode for choosing members of that

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<v Speaker 1>body deserves consideration. And I put it as a question

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<v Speaker 1>to those who make a study of mankind whether representation

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<v Speaker 1>and election is not too great a power for one

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<v Speaker 1>and the same body of men to possess. When we

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<v Speaker 1>are planning for posterity, we are to remember that virtue

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<v Speaker 1>is not hereditary. It is from our enemies that we

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<v Speaker 1>often gain excellent maxims, and are frequently surprised into reason

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<v Speaker 1>by their mistakes. Mister Cornwall, one of the Lords of

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<v Speaker 1>the Treasury, treated the petition of the New York Assembly

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<v Speaker 1>with contempt because that house, he said, consisted but of

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<v Speaker 1>twenty six members, which trifling number, he argued, could not

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<v Speaker 1>with decency be put for the whole. We thank him

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<v Speaker 1>for his involuntary honesty to conclude, however strange it may

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<v Speaker 1>appear to some, or how unwilling they may be to

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<v Speaker 1>think so, matters not. But many strong and striking reasons

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<v Speaker 1>may be given to show that nothing can settle our

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<v Speaker 1>affairs so expeditiously as an open and determined declaration for independence,

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<v Speaker 1>some of which are first. It is the custom of nations,

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<v Speaker 1>when any too are at war, or some other powers

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<v Speaker 1>not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as mediators

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<v Speaker 1>and bring about the preliminaries of a peace. But while

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<v Speaker 1>America calls herself the subject of Great Britain, no power,

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<v Speaker 1>however well disposed she may be, can offer her mediation. Wherefore,

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<v Speaker 1>in our present state we may quarrel on forever. Secondly,

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<v Speaker 1>it is unreasonable to suppose that France or Spain will

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<v Speaker 1>give us any kind of assistance if we mean only

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<v Speaker 1>to make use of that assistance for the purpose of

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<v Speaker 1>repairing the breach and strengthening the connection between Britain and America,

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<v Speaker 1>because those powers would be sufferers by the consequences. Thirdly,

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<v Speaker 1>while we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we must,

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<v Speaker 1>in the eye of foreign nations, be considered as rebels.

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<v Speaker 1>The precedent is somewhat dangerous to their peace, for men

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<v Speaker 1>to be in arms under the name of subjects. We

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<v Speaker 1>on the spot can solve the paradox, But to unite

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<v Speaker 1>resistance and subjection requires an idea much to refined for

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<v Speaker 1>common understanding. Fourthly, were a manifesto to be published and

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<v Speaker 1>dispatched to foreign courts, setting forth the miseries we have

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<v Speaker 1>endured and the peaceable methods we have ineffectually used for redress,

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<v Speaker 1>declaring at the same time, that, not being able any

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<v Speaker 1>longer to live happily or safely under the cruel disposition

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<v Speaker 1>of the British Court, we had been driven to the

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<v Speaker 1>necessity of breaking off all connections with her, at the

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<v Speaker 1>same time assuring all such courts of our peaceable disposition

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<v Speaker 1>toward them, and of our desire of entering into trade

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<v Speaker 1>with him. Such a memorial would produce more more good

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<v Speaker 1>effects to this continent, that if a ship were freighted

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<v Speaker 1>with petitions to Britain under our present denomination of British subjects,

398
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<v Speaker 1>we can neither be received nor heard abroad. The custom

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<v Speaker 1>of all courts is against us, and will be so until,

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<v Speaker 1>by an independence we take rank with other nations. These

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00:29:23.920 --> 00:29:28.519
<v Speaker 1>proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult, but like

402
00:29:28.599 --> 00:29:32.279
<v Speaker 1>all other steps which we have already passed over, will

403
00:29:32.440 --> 00:29:36.720
<v Speaker 1>in a little time become familiar and agreeable. And until

404
00:29:36.759 --> 00:29:41.680
<v Speaker 1>an independence is declared, the continent will feel itself like

405
00:29:41.720 --> 00:29:45.960
<v Speaker 1>a man who continues putting off some unpleasant business from

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<v Speaker 1>day to day, yet knows it must be done, hates

407
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<v Speaker 1>to set about it, wishes it over, and is continually

408
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<v Speaker 1>haunted with the thoughts of its necessity. End Part five,
