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<v Speaker 1>Chapter twenty six of Public Opinion by Walter Littman. This

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<v Speaker 1>is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the

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<v Speaker 1>public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit

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<v Speaker 1>LibriVox dot org. Recorded by the Progressing America Project. Public Opinion,

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<v Speaker 1>Chapter twenty six. Intelligence work. The practice of democracy has

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<v Speaker 1>been ahead of its theory. For the theory holds that

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<v Speaker 1>the adult electors, taken together, make decisions out of a

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<v Speaker 1>will that is in them. But just as there grew

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<v Speaker 1>up governing hierarchies which were invisible in theory, so there

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<v Speaker 1>has been a large amount of constructive adaptation also unaccounted for.

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<v Speaker 1>In the large image of democracy. Ways have been found

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<v Speaker 1>to represent many interests and functions that are normally out

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<v Speaker 1>of sight. We are most conscious of this in our

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<v Speaker 1>theory of the courts when we explain their legislative powers

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<v Speaker 1>and their vetos on the theory that there are interests

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<v Speaker 1>to be guarded which might be forgotten by the elected

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<v Speaker 1>offas officials. But the Census Bureau, when it counts, classifies,

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<v Speaker 1>and correlates people, things, and changes, is also speaking for

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<v Speaker 1>unseen factors in the environment. The geological survey makes mineral

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<v Speaker 1>resources evident. The Department of Agriculture represents in the Councils

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<v Speaker 1>of the nation factors of which each farmer sees only

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<v Speaker 1>an infinitesimal part. School authorities, the Tariff Commission, the Consular Service,

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<v Speaker 1>the Bureau of Internal Revenue give representation to persons, ideas,

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<v Speaker 1>and objects which would never automatically find themselves represented in

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<v Speaker 1>this perspective by an election. The Children's Bureau is the

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<v Speaker 1>spokesman of a whole complex of interests and functions not

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<v Speaker 1>ordinarily visible to the voter, and therefore incapable of becoming

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<v Speaker 1>spontaneously a part of his public opinions. Thus, the printing

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<v Speaker 1>of comparative statistics of infant mortality is often followed by

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<v Speaker 1>a reduction of the death rate of babies. Municipal officials

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<v Speaker 1>and voters did not have, before publication a place in

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<v Speaker 1>their picture of the environment for those babies. The statistics

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<v Speaker 1>made them visible, as visible as if the babies had

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<v Speaker 1>elected an aldermen to air their grievances in the State Department.

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<v Speaker 1>The government maintains a division of Far Eastern Affairs. What

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<v Speaker 1>is it for The Japanese and the Chinese governments both

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<v Speaker 1>maintain ambassadors in Washington. Are they not qualified to speak

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<v Speaker 1>for the Far East? They are its representatives. Yet nobody

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<v Speaker 1>would argue that the American government could learn all that

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<v Speaker 1>it needed to know about the Far East by consulting

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<v Speaker 1>these ambassadors. Supposing them to be as candidate as they

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<v Speaker 1>know how to be, they are still limited channels of information. Therefore,

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<v Speaker 1>to supplement them, we maintain embassies in Tokyo and Peking

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<v Speaker 1>and consular agents at many points. Also, I assume some

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<v Speaker 1>secret agents. These people are supposed to send reports which

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<v Speaker 1>pass through the Division of Far Eastern Affairs to the

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<v Speaker 1>Secretary of State. Now what does the Secretary expect of

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<v Speaker 1>the division? I know one who expected it to spend

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<v Speaker 1>its appropriation, But there are secretaries to whom special revelation

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<v Speaker 1>is denied, and they turn to their divisions for help.

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<v Speaker 1>The last thing they expect to find is a neat

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<v Speaker 1>argument justifying the American position. What they demand is that

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<v Speaker 1>the experts shall bring the Far East to the Secretary's desk,

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<v Speaker 1>with all the elements in such relation that it is

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<v Speaker 1>as if he were in contact with the Far East itself.

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<v Speaker 1>The expert must translate, simplify, generalize, but the inference from

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<v Speaker 1>the result must apply in the East, not merely on

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<v Speaker 1>the premises of the report. If the Secretary is worth

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<v Speaker 1>his salt, the very last thing he will tolerate in

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<v Speaker 1>his experts is the suspicion that they have a policy.

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<v Speaker 1>He does not want to know from them whether they

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<v Speaker 1>like Japanese policy in China. He wants to know what

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<v Speaker 1>different classes of Chinese and Japanese, English, Frenchmen, Germans and

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<v Speaker 1>Russians think about it, and what they are likely to

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<v Speaker 1>do because of what they think. He wants all that

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<v Speaker 1>represented to him as the basis of his decision. The

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<v Speaker 1>more faithfully the division represents what is not otherwise represented

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<v Speaker 1>either by the Japanese or American ambassadors or the senators

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<v Speaker 1>in congressmen from the Pacific coast, the better secretary of

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<v Speaker 1>State he will be. He may decide to take his

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<v Speaker 1>policy from the Pacific Coast, but he will take his

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<v Speaker 1>view of Japan from Japan. It is no accident that

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<v Speaker 1>the best diplomatic service in the world is the one

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<v Speaker 1>in which the divorce between the assembling of knowledge and

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<v Speaker 1>the control of policy is most perfect. During the war,

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<v Speaker 1>in many British embassies and in the British Foreign Office,

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<v Speaker 1>there were nearly always men permanent officials or else special appointees,

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<v Speaker 1>who quite successfully discounted the prevailing war mind. They discarded

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<v Speaker 1>the regamarole of being pro and khan of having favorite

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<v Speaker 1>nationalities and pet aversions and undelivered perorations in their bosoms.

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<v Speaker 1>They left that to the political chiefs. But in an

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<v Speaker 1>America an embassy, I once heard an ambassador say that

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<v Speaker 1>he never reported anything to Washington which would not cheer

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<v Speaker 1>up the folks at home. He charmed all those who

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<v Speaker 1>met him, helped many a stranded war worker, and was

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<v Speaker 1>superb when he unveiled a monument. He did not understand

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<v Speaker 1>that the power of the expert depends upon separating himself

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<v Speaker 1>from those who make the decisions, upon not caring in

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<v Speaker 1>his expert self what decision is made. The man who,

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<v Speaker 1>like the ambassador, takes a line and meddles with the

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<v Speaker 1>decision is soon discounted. There He is just one more

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<v Speaker 1>on that side of the question. For when he begins

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<v Speaker 1>to care too much, he begins to see what he

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<v Speaker 1>wishes to see, and by that fact, ceases to see

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<v Speaker 1>what he is there to see. He is there to

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<v Speaker 1>represent the unseen. He represents people who are not voters,

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<v Speaker 1>functions of voters that are not evident. Events that are

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<v Speaker 1>out of sight, mute people, unborn people, relations between things

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<v Speaker 1>and people. He has a constituency of intangibles, and intangibles

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<v Speaker 1>cannot be used to form a political majority, because voting is,

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<v Speaker 1>in the last analysis, a test of strength, a sublimated battle,

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<v Speaker 1>and the expert represents no strength available in the immediate

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<v Speaker 1>But he can exercise force by disturbing the line up

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<v Speaker 1>of the forces. By making the invisible visible, he confronts

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<v Speaker 1>the people who exercise material force with a new environment,

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<v Speaker 1>sets ideas and feelings at work in them, throws them

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<v Speaker 1>out of position, and so in the profoundest way, affects

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<v Speaker 1>the decision. Men cannot long act in a way that

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<v Speaker 1>they know is a contradiction of the environment as they

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<v Speaker 1>conceive it. If they are bent on acting in a

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<v Speaker 1>certain way, they have to reconceive the environment. They have

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<v Speaker 1>to censor out to rationalize. But if in their presence

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<v Speaker 1>there is an inconsistent fact which is so obtrusive that

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<v Speaker 1>they cannot explain it away, one of three courses is open.

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<v Speaker 1>They can perversely ignore it, though they will cripple themselves

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<v Speaker 1>in the process, will overreact their part and come to grief.

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<v Speaker 1>They can take it into account, but refuse to act.

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<v Speaker 1>They pay an internal discomfort and frustration, or, and I

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<v Speaker 1>believe this to be the most frequent case, they adjust

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<v Speaker 1>their whole behavior to the enlarged environment. The idea that

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<v Speaker 1>the expert is an ineffectual person because he lets others

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<v Speaker 1>make the decisions is quite contrary to experience. The more

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<v Speaker 1>subtle the elements that enter into the decision, the more

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<v Speaker 1>irresponsible power the expert wields. He is certain moreover to

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<v Speaker 1>exercise more power in the future than ever he did before,

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<v Speaker 1>because increasingly the relevant facts will elude the voter and

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<v Speaker 1>the administrator. All governing agencies will tend to organize bodies

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<v Speaker 1>of research and information which will throw out tentacles and expand,

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<v Speaker 1>as have the intelligence departments of all the armies in

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<v Speaker 1>the world. But the experts will remain human beings. They

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<v Speaker 1>will enjoy power, and their temptation will be to appoint

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<v Speaker 1>themselves censors and so absorb the real function of decision.

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<v Speaker 1>Unless their function is correctly defined. They will tend to

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<v Speaker 1>pass on the facts they think appropriate and to pass

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<v Speaker 1>down the decisions they approve. They will tend, in short

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<v Speaker 1>to become a bureaucracy. The only institutional safeguard is to

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<v Speaker 1>separate as absolutely as it is possible to do so,

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<v Speaker 1>the staff which executes from the staff which investigates. The

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<v Speaker 1>two should be parallel, but quite distinct bodies of men,

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<v Speaker 1>recruited differently paid, if possible, from separate funds, responsible to

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<v Speaker 1>different heads, intrinsically uninterested in each other's personal success. In industry,

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<v Speaker 1>the auditors, accountants and inspectors should be independent of the manager,

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<v Speaker 1>the superintendents foreman, and in time, I believe we shall

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<v Speaker 1>come to see that, in order to bring industry under

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<v Speaker 1>social control, the machinery of record will have to be

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<v Speaker 1>independent of the boards of directors and the shareholders. But

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<v Speaker 1>in building the intelligence sections of industry and politics, we

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<v Speaker 1>do not start on cleared ground, And apart from insisting

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<v Speaker 1>on this basic separation of function, it would be cumbersome

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<v Speaker 1>to insist too precisely on the form which, in any

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<v Speaker 1>particular instance the principle shall take. There are men who

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<v Speaker 1>believe in intelligence work and will adopt it. There are

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<v Speaker 1>men who do not understand it but cannot do their

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<v Speaker 1>work without it. And there are men who will resist,

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<v Speaker 1>but provided the principle has a foothold somewhere in every

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<v Speaker 1>social agency, it will make progress. And the way to

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<v Speaker 1>begin is to begin in the federal government. For example,

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<v Speaker 1>it is not necessary to straighten out the administrative tangle

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<v Speaker 1>and the illogical duplications of a century's growth in order

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<v Speaker 1>to find a neat place for the intelligence bureaus, which

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<v Speaker 1>Washington so badly needs. Before election, you can promise to

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<v Speaker 1>rush bravely into the breach. But when you arrive there,

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<v Speaker 1>all out of breath, you find that each absurdity is

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<v Speaker 1>invested with habits, strong interests, and chummy congressmen attack all

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<v Speaker 1>along the line, and you engage every force of reaction.

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<v Speaker 1>You go forth to battle, as the poet said, and

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<v Speaker 1>you always fall. You can lop off an antiquated bureau here,

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<v Speaker 1>a covey of clerks. There, you can combine two bureaus,

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<v Speaker 1>and by that time you are busy with the tariff

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<v Speaker 1>in the railroads, and the era of reform is over. Besides,

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<v Speaker 1>in order to effect a truly logical reorganization of the government,

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<v Speaker 1>such as all candidates always promise, you would have to

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<v Speaker 1>disturb more passions than you have time to quell. And

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<v Speaker 1>any new scheme supposing you had one ready, would require

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<v Speaker 1>officials to man it. Say what one will about office holders.

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<v Speaker 1>Even Soviet Russia was glad to get many of the

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<v Speaker 1>old ones back. And these old officials, if they are

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<v Speaker 1>too ruthlessly treated, will sabotage utopia itself. No administrative scheme

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<v Speaker 1>is workable without good will, and good will about strange

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<v Speaker 1>practices is impossible without education. The better way is to

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<v Speaker 1>introduce into the existing machinery wherever you can find an opening,

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<v Speaker 1>agencies that will hold up a mirror week by week,

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<v Speaker 1>month by month. You can hope then to make them

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<v Speaker 1>Miss Machen visible to those who work it, as well

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<v Speaker 1>as to the chiefs who are responsible, and to the

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<v Speaker 1>public outside. When the office holders begin to see themselves,

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<v Speaker 1>or rather when the outsiders, the chiefs, and the subordinates

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<v Speaker 1>all begin to see the same facts, the same damning facts,

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<v Speaker 1>if you like, the obstruction will diminish. The reformer's opinion

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<v Speaker 1>that a certain bureau is inefficient is just his opinion,

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<v Speaker 1>not so good, an opinion in the eyes of the

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<v Speaker 1>bureau as its own. But let the work of that

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<v Speaker 1>bureau be analyzed and recorded, and then compared with other

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<v Speaker 1>bureaus and with private corporations. And the argument moves to

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<v Speaker 1>another plane. There are ten departments at Washington represented in

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<v Speaker 1>the cabinet. Suppose then there was a permanent intelligence section

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<v Speaker 1>for each. What would be some of the conditions of

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<v Speaker 1>effectiveness beyond all others, That the intelligence officials should be

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<v Speaker 1>independent both of the congressional committees dealing with the department

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<v Speaker 1>and the secretary at the head of it. That they

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<v Speaker 1>should not be entangled, either in decision or in action.

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<v Speaker 1>Independence then would turn mainly on three points on funds, tenure,

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<v Speaker 1>and access to the facts. For clearly, if a particular

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<v Speaker 1>congress or departmental official can deprive them of money, dismiss them,

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<v Speaker 1>or close the files, the staff becomes its creature. The

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<v Speaker 1>question of funds is both important and difficult. No agency

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<v Speaker 1>of research can be really free if it depends upon

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<v Speaker 1>annual doles from what may be a jealous or a

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<v Speaker 1>parsimonious Congress. Yet the ultimate control of funds cannot be

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<v Speaker 1>removed from the legislature. The financial arrangement should insure the

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<v Speaker 1>staff against left handed joker and writer attack against slight destruction,

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<v Speaker 1>and should at the same time provide for growth. The

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<v Speaker 1>staff should be so well entrenched that an attack on

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<v Speaker 1>its existence would have to be made in the open.

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<v Speaker 1>It might perhaps work behind a federal charter, creating a

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<v Speaker 1>trust fund and a sliding scale over a period of

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<v Speaker 1>years based on the appropriation for the department to which

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<v Speaker 1>the Intelli Diligence Bureau belonged. No great sums of money

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<v Speaker 1>are involved anyway. The trust fund might cover the overhead

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<v Speaker 1>and capital charges for a certain minimum staff. The sliding

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<v Speaker 1>scale might cover the enlargements at any rate. The appropriation

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<v Speaker 1>should be put beyond accident, like the payment of any

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<v Speaker 1>long term obligation. This is a much less serious way

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<v Speaker 1>of tying the hands of Congress than is the passage

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<v Speaker 1>of a constitutional amendment or the issuance of government bonds.

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<v Speaker 1>Congress could repeal the charter, but it would have to

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<v Speaker 1>repeal it, not throw monkey wrenches into it. Tenure should

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<v Speaker 1>be for life, with provision for retirement on a liberal pension,

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<v Speaker 1>with sabbatical years set aside for advanced study and training,

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<v Speaker 1>and with dismissal only after a trial by professional colleagues.

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<v Speaker 1>The conditions which apply to any non profit making intellectual

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<v Speaker 1>career should apply here. If the work is to be salient,

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<v Speaker 1>the men who do it must have dignity, security, and

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<v Speaker 1>in the upper ranks at least that freedom of mind

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<v Speaker 1>which you find only where men are not too immediately

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<v Speaker 1>concerned in practical decision. Access to the materials should be

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<v Speaker 1>established in the organic Act. The Bureau should have the

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<v Speaker 1>right to examine all papers and to question any official

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<v Speaker 1>or any outsider. Continuous investigation of this sort would not

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<v Speaker 1>at all resemble the sensational legislative inquiry and the spasmodic

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<v Speaker 1>fishing expedition which are now a common feature of our government.

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<v Speaker 1>The Bureau should have the right to propose accounting methods

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<v Speaker 1>to the Department, and if the proposals rejected or violated

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<v Speaker 1>after it has been accepted, to appeal under its charter

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<v Speaker 1>to Congress. In the first instance, each intelligence Bureau would

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<v Speaker 1>be the connecting link between Congress and the Department, a

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<v Speaker 1>better link, in my judgment, than the appearance of Cabinet

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<v Speaker 1>officers on the floor of both House and Senate, though

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<v Speaker 1>the one proposal in no way excludes the other. The

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<v Speaker 1>Bureau would be the congressional eye on the execution of

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<v Speaker 1>its policy. It would be the departmental answer to Congressional criticism,

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<v Speaker 1>and then, since operation of the department would be permanently visible.

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<v Speaker 1>Perhaps Congress would cease to feel the need of that

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<v Speaker 1>minute legislation born of distrust and a false doctrine of

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<v Speaker 1>the separation of powers, which does so much to make

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<v Speaker 1>efficient administration difficult. But of course, each of the ten

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<v Speaker 1>bureaus could not work in a watertight compartment. In their

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<v Speaker 1>relation to one another lies the best chance for that

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<v Speaker 1>co ordination in which so much is heard and so

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<v Speaker 1>little seen. Clearly, the various staffs would need to adopt,

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<v Speaker 1>wherever possible, standards of measurement that were comparable. They would

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<v Speaker 1>exchange their records. Then, if the War Department and the

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<v Speaker 1>Post Office both by lumber higher carpenters or construct brick walls,

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<v Speaker 1>they need not necessarily do them through the same agency,

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<v Speaker 1>for that might mean cumbersome overcentralization. But they would be

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<v Speaker 1>able to use the same measure for the same things,

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<v Speaker 1>be conscious of the comparisons, and be treated as competitors.

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<v Speaker 1>And the more competition of this sort the better, for

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<v Speaker 1>the value of competition is determined by the value of

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<v Speaker 1>the standards used to measure it. Instead, then of asking

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<v Speaker 1>ourselves whether we believe in competition, we should ask ourselves

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<v Speaker 1>whether we believe in that for which the competitors compete.

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<v Speaker 1>No one in his senses expects to abolish competition, For

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<v Speaker 1>when the last vestige of emulation had disappeared, social effort

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<v Speaker 1>would consist in mechanical obedience to a routine, tempered in

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<v Speaker 1>a minority by native inspiration. Yet no one expects to

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<v Speaker 1>work out competition to its logical conclusion, in a murderous

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<v Speaker 1>struggle of each against all. The problem is to select

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<v Speaker 1>the goals of competition and the rules of the game.

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<v Speaker 1>Almost always, the most visible and obvious standard of measurement

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<v Speaker 1>will determine the rules of the game, such as money, power, popularity,

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<v Speaker 1>applause or mister Veblin's conspicuous waste. What other standards of

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<v Speaker 1>measurement does our civilization normally provide? How does it measure efficiency, productivity, service,

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<v Speaker 1>for which we are always clamoring. By and large, there

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<v Speaker 1>are no measures, and there is therefore not so much

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<v Speaker 1>competition to achieve these ideals. For the difference between the

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<v Speaker 1>higher and the lower motives is not as men often assert,

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<v Speaker 1>a difference between altruism and selfishness footnote c. Chapter twelve.

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<v Speaker 1>It is a difference between acting for easily understood aims

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<v Speaker 1>and for aims that are obscure and vague. Exhort a

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<v Speaker 1>man to make more profit than his neighbor, and he

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<v Speaker 1>knows that what to aim? Exhort him to render more

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<v Speaker 1>social service? And how is he to be certain? What

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<v Speaker 1>service is social? What is the test? What is the measure?

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<v Speaker 1>A subjective feeling, somebody's opinion. Tell a man in time

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<v Speaker 1>of peace that he ought to serve his country, and

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<v Speaker 1>you have uttered a pious platitude. Tell him in time

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<v Speaker 1>of war, and the word service has a meaning. It

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<v Speaker 1>is a number of concrete acts enlistment or buying bonds,

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<v Speaker 1>or saving food, or working for a dollar a year.

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<v Speaker 1>And each one of these services he sees definitely as

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<v Speaker 1>part of a concrete purpose to put at the front

303
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<v Speaker 1>an army larger and better armed than the enemies. So

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<v Speaker 1>the more you are able to analyze administration and work

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<v Speaker 1>out elements that can be compared, the more you invent

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<v Speaker 1>quantitative measures for the qualities you wish to promote, The

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<v Speaker 1>more you can turn competition to ideal ends. If you

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<v Speaker 1>can contrive the right index numbers. Footnote I am not

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<v Speaker 1>using the term index numbers in its purely technical meaning,

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<v Speaker 1>but to cover any device for the comparative measurement of

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<v Speaker 1>social phenomenon. You can set up a competition between individual

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<v Speaker 1>workers in a shop, between shops, between factories, between schools.

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<v Speaker 1>Footnote see for example, an index number for state school

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<v Speaker 1>systems by Leonard p Ayres russell Sage Foundation, nineteen twenty.

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<v Speaker 1>The principle of the quota was very successfully applied in

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<v Speaker 1>the Liberty loan campaigns, and under very much more difficult

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<v Speaker 1>circumstances by the Allied Maritime Transport Council, between government departments,

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<v Speaker 1>between regiments, between divisions, between ships, between states, counties, cities,

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<v Speaker 1>and the better you index numbers, the more useful to competition.

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<v Speaker 1>The possibilities that lie in the exchange of material are evident.

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<v Speaker 1>Each department of government is all the time asking for

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<v Speaker 1>information that may already have been obtained by another department,

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<v Speaker 1>though perhaps in a somewhat different form. The state department

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<v Speaker 1>needs to know let us say, the extent of the

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<v Speaker 1>Mexican oil reserves, their relation to the rest of the

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<v Speaker 1>world's supply, the present ownership of Mexican oil lands, the

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<v Speaker 1>importance of oil to warships now under construction or planned,

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<v Speaker 1>the comparative costs in different fields. How does it secure

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<v Speaker 1>such information. Today, the information is probably scattered through the

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<v Speaker 1>departments of Interior, Justice, Commerce, Labor, and Navy. Either a

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<v Speaker 1>clerk in the State department looks up Mexican oil in

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<v Speaker 1>a book of reference, which may or may not be accurate,

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<v Speaker 1>or somebody's private secretary telephones some way body else's private

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<v Speaker 1>secretary asks for a memorandum, and in the course of

335
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<v Speaker 1>time a darky messenger arrives with an armful of unintelligible reports.

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<v Speaker 1>The department should be able to call on its own

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<v Speaker 1>intelligence bureau to assemble the facts in a way suited

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<v Speaker 1>to the diplomatic problem up for decision. In these facts,

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<v Speaker 1>the Diplomatic Intelligence Bureau would obtain from the Central Clearinghouse. Footnote.

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<v Speaker 1>There has been a vast development of such services among

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<v Speaker 1>the trade associations. The possibilities of a perverted use were

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<v Speaker 1>revealed by the New York Building Trades Investigation of nineteen

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<v Speaker 1>twenty one. This establishment would pretty soon become a focus

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<v Speaker 1>of information of the most extraordinary kind, and the men

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<v Speaker 1>in it would be made aware of what the problems

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<v Speaker 1>of government really are. They would deal with problems of definition,

347
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<v Speaker 1>of terminology, of statistical technique of logic. They would traverse

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<v Speaker 1>concretely the whole gamut of the social sciences. It is

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<v Speaker 1>difficult to see why all this material, except a few

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<v Speaker 1>diplomatic and military secrets, should not be opened to the

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<v Speaker 1>scholars of the country. It is there that the political

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<v Speaker 1>scientists would find the real nuts to crack and the

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<v Speaker 1>real researches for his students to make. The work need

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<v Speaker 1>not all be done in Washington, but it could be

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<v Speaker 1>done in reference to Washington. The Central Agency would thus

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<v Speaker 1>have in it the makings of a national university. The

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<v Speaker 1>staff could be recruited there for the bureaus from among

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<v Speaker 1>college graduates. They would be working on thesies selected after

359
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<v Speaker 1>consultation between the curators of the National University and teachers

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<v Speaker 1>scattered over the country. If the Association was as flexible

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<v Speaker 1>as it ought to be, there would be, as a

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<v Speaker 1>supplement to the permanent staff, a steady turnover of temporary

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<v Speaker 1>and specialist appointments from the universities and exchange lectures called

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<v Speaker 1>out from Washington. Thus, the training and the recruiting of

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<v Speaker 1>the staff would go together. A part of the research

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<v Speaker 1>itself would be done by students, and political science in

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<v Speaker 1>the universities would be associated with politics and in America in

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<v Speaker 1>its main outlines. The principle is equally applicable to state governments,

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<v Speaker 1>to cities, and to rural counties. The work of comparison

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<v Speaker 1>and interchange could take place by federations of state, city

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<v Speaker 1>and county bureaus, and within those federations any desirable regional

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<v Speaker 1>combination could be organized. So long as the accounting systems

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<v Speaker 1>were comparable, a great deal of duplication would be avoided.

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<v Speaker 1>Regional coordination is especially desirable for legal frontiers often do

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<v Speaker 1>not coincide with the effective environments, yet they have a

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<v Speaker 1>certain basis and custom that it would be costly to disturb.

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<v Speaker 1>By co ordinating their information, Several administrative areas could reconcile

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<v Speaker 1>autonomy of decision with co operation. New York City, for example,

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<v Speaker 1>is already an unwieldy unit for good government from the

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<v Speaker 1>city Hall, yet for many purposes such as health and transportation,

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<v Speaker 1>the metropolitan district is the true unit of administration in

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<v Speaker 1>that district. However, there are large cities like Yonkers, Jersey City, Patterson, Elizabeth, Hoboken, Bayon.

383
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<v Speaker 1>They could not all be managed from one center, and

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<v Speaker 1>yet they should act together for many functions. Ultimately, perhaps

385
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<v Speaker 1>some such flexible scheme of local government, as Sydney and

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<v Speaker 1>Beatrice Webb have suggested, may be the proper solution footnote

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<v Speaker 1>the Reorganization of local government Chapter four in a Constitution

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<v Speaker 1>for the Socialist Commonwealth of Great Britain. But the first

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<v Speaker 1>step would be a co ordination, not a decision in action,

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<v Speaker 1>but of information and research. Let the officials of the

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<v Speaker 1>various municipalities see their common problems in the light of

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<v Speaker 1>the same facts. It would be idle to deny that

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<v Speaker 1>such a network of intelligence bureaus in politics and industry

394
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<v Speaker 1>might become a dead weight and a perpetual irritation. One

395
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<v Speaker 1>can easily imagine its attraction for men in search of

396
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<v Speaker 1>soft jobs, for pedants, for mettlers. One can see red tape,

397
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<v Speaker 1>mountains of papers, questionnaires, ad nauseum, seven copies of every document, endorsements, delays,

398
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<v Speaker 1>lost papers, the use of Form one thirty six instead

399
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<v Speaker 1>of Form two g B, the return of the document

400
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<v Speaker 1>because pencil was used instead of ink, or black ink

401
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<v Speaker 1>instead of red ink. The work could be done very badly.

402
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<v Speaker 1>There are no fool proof institutions. But if one could

403
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<v Speaker 1>assume that there was circulation through the whole system between

404
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<v Speaker 1>government departments, factories, offices, and the universities. A circulation of men,

405
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<v Speaker 1>a circulation of data and of criticism. The risks of

406
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<v Speaker 1>dry rot would not be so great, Nor would it

407
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<v Speaker 1>be true to say that these intelligence bureaus will complicate life.

408
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<v Speaker 1>They will tend, on the contrary, to simplify by revealing

409
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<v Speaker 1>a complexity now so great as to be humanly unmanageable.

410
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<v Speaker 1>The present, fundamentally invisible system of government is so intricate

411
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<v Speaker 1>that most people have given up trying to follow it,

412
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<v Speaker 1>and because they do not try, they are tempted to

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<v Speaker 1>think it comparatively simple. It is, on the contrary, elusive, concealed, opaque.

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<v Speaker 1>The employment of an intelligence system would mean a reduction

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<v Speaker 1>of personnel per unit of result, because by making available

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<v Speaker 1>to all the experience of each it would reduce the

417
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<v Speaker 1>amount of trial and error, and because by making the

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<v Speaker 1>social process visible, it would assist the personnel to self criticism.

419
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<v Speaker 1>It does not involve a great additional band of officials

420
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<v Speaker 1>if you take into account the time now spent vainly

421
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<v Speaker 1>by special investigating committees, grand juries, district attorneys, reform organizations,

422
00:25:36.480 --> 00:25:39.559
<v Speaker 1>and bewildered officeholders in trying to find their way through

423
00:25:39.599 --> 00:25:43.039
<v Speaker 1>a dark muddle. If the analysis of public opinion and

424
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<v Speaker 1>of the democratic theories in relation to the modern environment

425
00:25:46.559 --> 00:25:49.119
<v Speaker 1>is sound and principle, then I do not see how

426
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<v Speaker 1>one can escape the conclusion that such intelligence work is

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<v Speaker 1>the clue to betterment. I am not referring to the

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00:25:55.599 --> 00:26:00.119
<v Speaker 1>few suggestions contained in this chapter. They are merely illustrations.

429
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<v Speaker 1>The task of working out the technique is in the

430
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<v Speaker 1>hands of men trained to do it, and not even

431
00:26:05.599 --> 00:26:09.400
<v Speaker 1>they can today completely foresee the form, much less the details.

432
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<v Speaker 1>The number of social phenomena which are now recorded is small.

433
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<v Speaker 1>The instruments of analysis are very crude, the concepts are

434
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<v Speaker 1>often vague and uncriticized. But enough has been done to demonstrate.

435
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<v Speaker 1>I think that unseen environments can be reported effectively, that

436
00:26:25.799 --> 00:26:28.319
<v Speaker 1>they can be reported to divergent groups of people in

437
00:26:28.400 --> 00:26:31.319
<v Speaker 1>a way which is neutral to their prejudice and capable

438
00:26:31.359 --> 00:26:35.319
<v Speaker 1>of overcoming their subjectivism. If that is true, then in

439
00:26:35.359 --> 00:26:38.200
<v Speaker 1>working out the intelligence principle, men will find the way

440
00:26:38.240 --> 00:26:41.880
<v Speaker 1>to overcome the central difficulty of self government, the difficulty

441
00:26:41.880 --> 00:26:45.720
<v Speaker 1>of dealing with an unseen reality. Because of that difficulty,

442
00:26:46.039 --> 00:26:49.200
<v Speaker 1>it has been impossible for any self governing community to

443
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<v Speaker 1>reconcile its need for isolation with the necessity for wide contact,

444
00:26:53.359 --> 00:26:56.720
<v Speaker 1>to reconcile the dignity and individuality of local decision with

445
00:26:56.799 --> 00:27:02.039
<v Speaker 1>security and wide coordination, to secure effective leaders without sacrificing responsibility,

446
00:27:02.480 --> 00:27:06.559
<v Speaker 1>to have useful public opinions, without attempting universal public opinions

447
00:27:06.599 --> 00:27:09.720
<v Speaker 1>on all subjects. As long as there was no way

448
00:27:09.720 --> 00:27:13.400
<v Speaker 1>of establishing common versions of unseen events, common measures for

449
00:27:13.440 --> 00:27:16.559
<v Speaker 1>separate actions, the only image of democracy that would work,

450
00:27:16.839 --> 00:27:20.039
<v Speaker 1>even in theory was one based on an isolated community

451
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<v Speaker 1>of people whose political faculties were limited, according to Aristotle's

452
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<v Speaker 1>famous maxim by the range of their vision. But now

453
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<v Speaker 1>there is a way out, a long one, to be sure,

454
00:27:29.519 --> 00:27:32.759
<v Speaker 1>but a way. It is fundamentally the same way that

455
00:27:32.799 --> 00:27:35.799
<v Speaker 1>which has enabled a citizen of Chicago, with no better

456
00:27:35.839 --> 00:27:38.440
<v Speaker 1>eyes or ears than an Athenian to see and hear

457
00:27:38.519 --> 00:27:42.680
<v Speaker 1>over great distances. It is possible today, it will become

458
00:27:42.720 --> 00:27:45.319
<v Speaker 1>more possible when more labor has gone into it to

459
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<v Speaker 1>reduce the discrepancies between the conceived environment and the effective environment.

460
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<v Speaker 1>As that is done, federalism will work more and more

461
00:27:53.279 --> 00:27:57.559
<v Speaker 1>by consent less and less by coercion. For while federalism

462
00:27:57.680 --> 00:28:00.880
<v Speaker 1>is the only possible method of union among self governing groups.

463
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<v Speaker 1>Footnote see Herald J. Laski, The Foundations of Sovereignty and

464
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<v Speaker 1>other essays, particularly the essay of this name, as well

465
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<v Speaker 1>as the problems of administrative areas, the theory of popular

466
00:28:11.799 --> 00:28:16.480
<v Speaker 1>sovereignty and the pluralistic state. Federalism swings either towards imperial

467
00:28:16.519 --> 00:28:20.599
<v Speaker 1>centralization or towards parochial anarchy wherever the union is not

468
00:28:20.680 --> 00:28:24.039
<v Speaker 1>based on correct and commonly accepted ideas of federal matters.

469
00:28:24.799 --> 00:28:28.599
<v Speaker 1>These ideas do not arise spontaneously. They have to be

470
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<v Speaker 1>pieced together by generalization based on analysis, and the instruments

471
00:28:32.720 --> 00:28:35.720
<v Speaker 1>for that analysis have to be invented and tested by research.

472
00:28:36.640 --> 00:28:40.640
<v Speaker 1>No electoral device, no manipulation of areas, no change in

473
00:28:40.680 --> 00:28:43.240
<v Speaker 1>the system of property, goes to the root of the matter.

474
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<v Speaker 1>You cannot take more political wisdom out of human beings

475
00:28:47.359 --> 00:28:51.440
<v Speaker 1>than there is in them, and no reform. However, sensational

476
00:28:51.720 --> 00:28:54.920
<v Speaker 1>is truly radical, which does not consciously provide a way

477
00:28:54.960 --> 00:28:58.359
<v Speaker 1>of overcoming the subjectivism of human opinion based on the

478
00:28:58.400 --> 00:29:03.079
<v Speaker 1>limitation of individual experience. There are systems of government, of voting,

479
00:29:03.279 --> 00:29:07.519
<v Speaker 1>of representation which extract more than others, but in the end,

480
00:29:07.640 --> 00:29:10.279
<v Speaker 1>knowledge must come not from the conscience, but from the

481
00:29:10.400 --> 00:29:14.000
<v Speaker 1>environment with which the conscience deals. When men act on

482
00:29:14.079 --> 00:29:16.759
<v Speaker 1>the principle of intelligence, they go out to find the

483
00:29:16.799 --> 00:29:20.000
<v Speaker 1>facts and to make their wisdom. When they ignore it,

484
00:29:20.400 --> 00:29:23.000
<v Speaker 1>they go inside themselves and find only what is there.

485
00:29:23.839 --> 00:29:28.599
<v Speaker 1>They elaborate their prejudice instead of increasing their knowledge. End

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<v Speaker 1>of Chapter twenty six
