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<v Speaker 1>Hello, and welcome to Western civ Episode four seventy eight Pirates.

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<v Speaker 1>But first a quick foray back to Peter the Great

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<v Speaker 1>in the winter of seventeen ten. We need to start

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<v Speaker 1>to turn our attention to the real conflict that's going

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<v Speaker 1>to define Russia's relationship to Europe and the rest of

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<v Speaker 1>the world, that with the Ottoman Empire. Because in seventeen

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<v Speaker 1>sen a conflict started to flare up along the frontiers

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<v Speaker 1>of Europe and Asia. Czar Peter the Great of Russia

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<v Speaker 1>and Saltan Ahmed the Third of the Ottoman Empire drew

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<v Speaker 1>their mighty realms together for a brief but important prelude

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<v Speaker 1>to the conflicts that we're going to come. This was

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<v Speaker 1>not a border skimmish, I want to be clear. This

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<v Speaker 1>was The Russo Turkish War of seventeen ten to seventeen eleven.

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<v Speaker 1>Was a brief but dramatic escalation in the long saga

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<v Speaker 1>of confrontation between the Christian Orthodox Russians and the Muslim

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<v Speaker 1>Mottoman Empire, each of which wanted supremacy over the contested

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<v Speaker 1>lands of Eastern Europe and critically access to the Black Sea. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>the war's spark did not ignite in Moscow or Constantinople,

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<v Speaker 1>but in the fields of Poltava a battle, and we

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<v Speaker 1>mentioned a couple of times. That was when in July

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<v Speaker 1>of seventeen oh nine, Peter the Great delivered a crushing

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<v Speaker 1>defeat to Charles the twelfth of Sweden, a battle that

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<v Speaker 1>marked a turning point in the Great Northern War. Humiliated

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<v Speaker 1>and wounded, Charles fled with a small band of royal

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<v Speaker 1>retainers across the Neper River and into Ottoman territory. What

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<v Speaker 1>he wanted was two things, refuge and revenge. Charles presence

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<v Speaker 1>at the Ottoman court provided a volatile mix, a restless

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<v Speaker 1>and charismatic figure. He constantly berated the Sultan and his ministers,

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<v Speaker 1>portraying Peter as this growing threat to Islam, to the

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<v Speaker 1>balance of power, and to the Ottoman Empire and its dignity.

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<v Speaker 1>He urged Amid the Third to take up arms, not

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<v Speaker 1>only to defend the sanctuary of an honored guest, but

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<v Speaker 1>to strike a blow against Russian ambition. While Peter was

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<v Speaker 1>still entangled in European conflicts and the Ottomans frankly had

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<v Speaker 1>cause to be concerned here, Russian influence was expanding southward

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<v Speaker 1>into the Step and the Ukrainian lands, once ruled by

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<v Speaker 1>the Crimean Tartars and Ottoman vassals. The fortress of Asov,

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<v Speaker 1>captured by Peter in sixteen ninety six, stood as a

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<v Speaker 1>symbol of Russian encroachment toward the Black Sea. Now, with

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<v Speaker 1>Charles the twelfth whispering in his ear and Peter's power

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<v Speaker 1>on the rise, the Sultan was persuaded the time had

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<v Speaker 1>come for the Ottoman to make a stand now. Peter,

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<v Speaker 1>for his part, believed that he could cow the Ottomans

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<v Speaker 1>into neutrality with diplomacy, but his emissaries, ill timed, over

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<v Speaker 1>confidence and maybe just a bit too blunt, failed to

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<v Speaker 1>ease tensions. When the Saltan declared war in late seventeen ten,

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<v Speaker 1>Peter responded with surprising boldness. Rather than wait for the

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<v Speaker 1>Ottomans to strike, he led a Russian army of nearly

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<v Speaker 1>forty thousand men into Madavia in the summer of seventeen eleven.

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<v Speaker 1>It was bold, yeah, sure, it was also extremely dangerous.

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<v Speaker 1>Peter intended to join forces with the Moldovian ruler Dmitri Cantemer,

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<v Speaker 1>who had pledged his support and promised local supplies, but

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<v Speaker 1>the Ottomans were prepared and they moved decisively. Grand Vizier

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<v Speaker 1>Baltaki Memet Pasha led a force at least twice as big,

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<v Speaker 1>supported by Crimean Tartar cavalry and irregulars, and they were

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<v Speaker 1>able to complet depletely encircled the Russian advance. By July,

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<v Speaker 1>Peter's forces found themselves trapped on the banks of the

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<v Speaker 1>Pruth River. The Moldovian countryside proved barren and unsupportive, and

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<v Speaker 1>the promised provisions never arrived in sufficient quantity. Heat, hunger, disease,

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<v Speaker 1>it all racked the Russian camp. As Peter wrote in

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<v Speaker 1>his letter to his wife Katherine, quote, our army is

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<v Speaker 1>in a most desperate situation, with no hope but in

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<v Speaker 1>God and in your courage. And it was at this moment,

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<v Speaker 1>under the scorching summer sun, as the ring of Ottoman

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<v Speaker 1>soldiers closed tighter and tighter around the Russian camp, that

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<v Speaker 1>a really extraordinary event happened. Catherine, then still Peter's consort

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<v Speaker 1>and not yet Empress, accompanied her husband on the campaign.

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<v Speaker 1>As the crisis deepened. She played an unusual role for

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<v Speaker 1>a royal consort. She gathered the court's jewelry and her

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<v Speaker 1>own treasures into a chest and then sent them along

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<v Speaker 1>with a diplomatic appeal to the Ottoman busier. To be clear,

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<v Speaker 1>this was a bribe, plain and simple. Babm Met Pasha,

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<v Speaker 1>though poised for victory, remained cautious. His army had the

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<v Speaker 1>Russians surrounded. Yes, that's true, but he feared prolonging the

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<v Speaker 1>campaign because who knew fortune and the tide of war

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<v Speaker 1>could turn against him, as it so often did. He

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<v Speaker 1>knew the train was harsh, he knew that supplies were short,

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<v Speaker 1>even though he had more, and he knew that the

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<v Speaker 1>Tartars were unruly allies at the best. Perhaps more crucially,

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<v Speaker 1>he feared that an all out assault on Peter might

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<v Speaker 1>provoke a broader European war. The bribe rich, generous and timely,

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<v Speaker 1>offered a face saving way to end the standoff, and

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<v Speaker 1>so on the twenty first of July seventeen eleven, the

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<v Speaker 1>two sides reached an agreement known as the Treaty of Pruth.

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<v Speaker 1>The terms were relatively mild for the Russians, considering the

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<v Speaker 1>fact that they were totally surrounded. Peter agreed to one,

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<v Speaker 1>returned the fortress of Asov to the Ottomans to dismantle

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<v Speaker 1>newly built Russian forts along the Nista River. Three cease

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<v Speaker 1>interference in Polish affairs and abandoned his support for anti

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<v Speaker 1>Ottoman elements in the Balkans. And four allowed the defeated

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<v Speaker 1>Charles the twelfth to return freely to Sweden. In return,

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<v Speaker 1>the Russian army was permitted to withdraw intact, and the

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<v Speaker 1>war ended almost as fast as it started. For Peter,

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<v Speaker 1>it was a big setback. It was an ignoble retreat, true,

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<v Speaker 1>but it had not been a catastrophe for the Ottomans.

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<v Speaker 1>It was a diplomatic success, but with many, including the

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<v Speaker 1>janissaries in Pallas faction, outraged that Peter had been allowed

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<v Speaker 1>to escape, escapegoat was necessary, while taki met met Pasha

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<v Speaker 1>was quickly dismissed, a casualty of internal politics and the

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<v Speaker 1>salt desire to deflect blame. True, the War of seventeen

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<v Speaker 1>ten to seventeen eleven was brief and frankly anticlimactic, but

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<v Speaker 1>it left its mark. The loss of Azov halted Russian

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<v Speaker 1>ambitions toward the Black Sea, at least temporarily. Peter, chastened,

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<v Speaker 1>but undeterred, turned back to his grand project of westernization

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<v Speaker 1>and centralization. Catherine would later become empress in her own right,

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<v Speaker 1>and the story of her face in the calm of

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<v Speaker 1>crisis that the Proof became part of a romanov legend.

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<v Speaker 1>As for Charles the twelfth, he didn't go home. He

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<v Speaker 1>lingered in Ottoman lands for years, a royal guest turned prisoner,

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<v Speaker 1>before he finally made a dramatic escape. His crusade against

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<v Speaker 1>Peter ultimately failed, and Sweden's time as a great power ended.

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<v Speaker 1>And so the Proof campaign closed with neither a thunderous

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<v Speaker 1>battle nor glorious triumph, but with a quiet retreat and

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<v Speaker 1>stack of signed papers. It was a moment of imperial

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<v Speaker 1>brinksmanship and reminded all of Europe just how much things

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<v Speaker 1>were changing, but how much at the moment they also

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<v Speaker 1>remained the same. In the early years of the eighteenth century,

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<v Speaker 1>France wanted to carve out a new empire along the

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<v Speaker 1>twisting waterways of the North American Frontier. Was a bold

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<v Speaker 1>vision for control that would link their holdings in Canada

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<v Speaker 1>to the Gulf of Mexico and into the Caribbean, which

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<v Speaker 1>we'll talk about in a moment. It would be fought

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<v Speaker 1>through a series of forts, trading posts, and settlements at

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<v Speaker 1>the very heart of a vision would rise a city

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<v Speaker 1>unlike any other in the French colonial world. Frankly, their

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<v Speaker 1>only success, New Orleans, a city burn of mud, ambition,

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<v Speaker 1>imperial dreams, and Delta realities. Frankly, the story of New

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<v Speaker 1>Orleans begins decades before its founding, with the voyage of

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<v Speaker 1>Renee Robert Cavier Sieur de Salla, who was born in

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<v Speaker 1>sixteen eighty two and journeyed down the Mississippi River and

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<v Speaker 1>it's claimed entire basin for France. He named its La

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<v Speaker 1>Luisiana in honor of the King Louis the fourteenth. Though

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<v Speaker 1>Lassalle's efforts to settle the Gulf coast failed disastrously, he

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<v Speaker 1>was actually murdered by his own man in a failed

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<v Speaker 1>expedition to Texas, his claim remained. In the years that followed,

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<v Speaker 1>the French grew increasingly anxious about Spanish and English ambition

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<v Speaker 1>in the region. The Mississippi River, they well understood, was

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<v Speaker 1>the key to controlling the continent's interior, and its mouth

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<v Speaker 1>would be the gateway to an empire. But holding that

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<v Speaker 1>key would require a foothold near the Gulf, an output

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<v Speaker 1>that could withstand storms, hostile powers, and of course, the

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<v Speaker 1>perils of a terrain that's so swampy it's actually below

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<v Speaker 1>sea level. Enter stage left. Jean Baptiste le Moyen de

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<v Speaker 1>Bndal a Canadian born officer and colonial administrator with a

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<v Speaker 1>sharp mind and a tireless sense of duty to France,

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<v Speaker 1>and he had explored the lower Mississippi as early as

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<v Speaker 1>sixteen ninety nine with his brother Pierre le Moyne de Libertae,

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<v Speaker 1>and by seventeen eighteen Bienville had become the de facto

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<v Speaker 1>leader of France's southern colony. He had established settlements at

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<v Speaker 1>Mobile in Biloxi, but he saw the need for a

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<v Speaker 1>much more strategic site, something farther upriver, less exposed to hurricanes,

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<v Speaker 1>and better situated for trade in So in the spring

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<v Speaker 1>of seventeen eighteen, Bimville made his decision. He ordered a

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<v Speaker 1>new city built on a crescent bend of the Mississippi River,

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<v Speaker 1>about one hundred miles from its mouth. The land was low,

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<v Speaker 1>marshy and flanked by swamps and bayous, but Bienville believed

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<v Speaker 1>it offered three crucial advantages. Proximity to the river, access

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<v Speaker 1>to Lake ponm train via Bayous Street Saint John, and

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<v Speaker 1>bitfensibility should foreign natives threaten the Gulf coast. The site

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<v Speaker 1>was therefore christened La Nouvelle Orleons, in honor of Philippe,

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<v Speaker 1>the second Duke of Orleans, the regent of France during

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<v Speaker 1>the minority of the now King Louis the fifteenth But

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<v Speaker 1>there was very little that was regal about the land itself.

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<v Speaker 1>According to one French officer quote, the site of New

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<v Speaker 1>Orleans is the worst in all of Louisiana, full of mosquitoes, snakes,

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<v Speaker 1>and stagnant water. Still the work began. The early years

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<v Speaker 1>of New Orleans were a lesson in perseverance. The labor

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<v Speaker 1>was grueling. Much of it was carried out by enslaved Africans,

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<v Speaker 1>who were forced to clear cypress groves, dig canals, and

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<v Speaker 1>haul timber and searing heat. Bienville relied heavily on enslaved labor,

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<v Speaker 1>not only because it was cheap and durable, but because

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<v Speaker 1>African workers brought knowledge of rice cultivation, drainage, and tropical

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<v Speaker 1>survival that proved essential in a hostile landscape. The French

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<v Speaker 1>also imposed labor obligations on convicts and indentured servants sent

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<v Speaker 1>from rants. Some were debtors, others were prostitutes, petty criminals,

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<v Speaker 1>or political reasons. In fact, I did this in a

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<v Speaker 1>book a couple of years ago Filais des Cassette women

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<v Speaker 1>who were sent to balance the gender ratio of the

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<v Speaker 1>colony and encourage permanent settlement, whether they wanted to go

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<v Speaker 1>or not. By seventeen twenty one, the layout of the

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<v Speaker 1>city had started to take shape. Engineer Adrian de Pager

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<v Speaker 1>drafted a formal street grid, which today we call the

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<v Speaker 1>French Quarter. It has sixty six square blocks radiating from

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<v Speaker 1>the Palace des Arms, known later as Jackson Square. The

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<v Speaker 1>streets bore the name of saints, royal family members in

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<v Speaker 1>prominent nobles chartres. Royal bourbon timber houses with pitched roofs

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<v Speaker 1>and raised foundations began slowly but steadily to line the

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<v Speaker 1>muddy streets. In seventeen twenty two, just four years after

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<v Speaker 1>its founding, New Orleans became the capital of French Louisiana,

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<v Speaker 1>replaced Biloxi. The decision with both strategic and symbolic. New

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<v Speaker 1>Orleans was now not only a port and military post,

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<v Speaker 1>but he was the administrative and cultural heart of France's

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<v Speaker 1>southern colony. The city, however, remained a precarious settlement. In

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<v Speaker 1>that exact same year, seventeen twenty two, a hurricane devastated

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<v Speaker 1>most of what had been built. Pauger himself died shortly thereafter,

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<v Speaker 1>likely from disease, but the colony persisted. Trade trickled up

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<v Speaker 1>the Mississippian out to the Caribbean, Sugar, tobacco, furs, and

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<v Speaker 1>indigo moved through the port. Slavery expanded, and so did

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<v Speaker 1>the city's population of free people of color, Creole, and

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<v Speaker 1>Native peoples who lived on the margins of the colony

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<v Speaker 1>and its economy. In seventeen twenty seven, a French visitor

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<v Speaker 1>described the city as quote an odd mixture of elegance

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<v Speaker 1>and decay. Were the scent of perfume mixes with that

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<v Speaker 1>of the swamp, and the sound of the church bell's

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<v Speaker 1>echo over the cries of the marketplace end quote. By

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<v Speaker 1>the seventeen thirties and seventeen forties, New Orleans had begun

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<v Speaker 1>to develop a unique cultural identity. It was a city

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<v Speaker 1>of contradictions, Catholic, of course, but raucous, hierarchical, but very fluid, French,

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<v Speaker 1>but already full of African, Caribbean and indigenous influences. Music,

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<v Speaker 1>markets and languages blended in the humid air. The city

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<v Speaker 1>became a gateway for enslaved Africans, but also a refuge

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<v Speaker 1>for some who found ways through military service, manumission, or

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<v Speaker 1>skilled labor to rechieve freedom. New Orleans was still small,

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<v Speaker 1>maybe only fifteen hundred people by the mid eighteenth century,

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<v Speaker 1>but it was alive. It had become, in the words

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<v Speaker 1>of one colonial official, a town born not of stone

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<v Speaker 1>and law, but of river and rumor empire and entropy.

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<v Speaker 1>The founding of New Orleans was not a straightforward tale

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<v Speaker 1>of triumph. It was a muddy gamble, born of geopolitical

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<v Speaker 1>anxiety and sustained through the labor of the enslaved, the

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<v Speaker 1>ambition of a colonial elite, and the resilience of those

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<v Speaker 1>with little choice but to survive in its swamps and shadows.

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<v Speaker 1>But from that precarious start is going to grow, I

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<v Speaker 1>think personally, the most distinctive city in the United States,

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<v Speaker 1>a place where empire ironically once staked its claim and

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<v Speaker 1>where culture would one day bloom in ways that the

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<v Speaker 1>French court could never have imagined. To the south of

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<v Speaker 1>New Orleans and the glittering waters of the Caribbean, where

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<v Speaker 1>Spanish galleons once sailed heavy with New World gold. There

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<v Speaker 1>were rows in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries,

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<v Speaker 1>a lawless brotherhood that haunted the seas. These were the

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<v Speaker 1>pirates of the so called Golden Age of piracy. This

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<v Speaker 1>was a ragged, brutal, and quite frankly, often misunderstood group

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<v Speaker 1>of seafarers who struck fear into empires and fascination into

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<v Speaker 1>us today. They operated in crumbling havens like Nassau, Tortuga

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<v Speaker 1>and Port Royal, where the rum flowed and kings held

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<v Speaker 1>no sway, where a man could become rich or dead

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<v Speaker 1>by the turn of the tide. Now, the roots of

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<v Speaker 1>the pirate age weren't forged in lawlessness alone, but honestly

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<v Speaker 1>throughout the building of empire. In the late sixteen hundreds,

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<v Speaker 1>the great European powers Spain, England, France and the Netherlands

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<v Speaker 1>waged constant battles for dominance over the Caribbean and the Americas.

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<v Speaker 1>The Spanish, first to colonize the region, grew steadily wealthy

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<v Speaker 1>on silver and sugar from the Indies in Peru, but

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<v Speaker 1>they were stretched thin and their treasure fleets became tempting

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<v Speaker 1>targets for their rivals enter stage left privateers. These were

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<v Speaker 1>state sanctioned raiders like Francis Drake and Henry Morgan, who

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<v Speaker 1>sailed under the flag of their crown and had what

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<v Speaker 1>was called a letter of mark. A letter of mark

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<v Speaker 1>was kind of like, how should I put this a

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<v Speaker 1>navy on the cheap? So if you didn't want to

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<v Speaker 1>build a navy, but you had a group of investors

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<v Speaker 1>who had a ship and had some cannons, and some

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<v Speaker 1>guys who weren't above slitting a few throats, you could

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<v Speaker 1>give them a litter of mark, which is the right

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<v Speaker 1>to attack the vessels of a country you're at war with.

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<v Speaker 1>These men blurred the lines frankly between piracy and patriotism.

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<v Speaker 1>They plundered with official blessing at least all their targets

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<v Speaker 1>were the enemies of the realm. But peace, when it

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<v Speaker 1>came in the early eighteenth century after the War of

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<v Speaker 1>Spanish Succession, suddenly put thousands of privateers out of a job.

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<v Speaker 1>The crowns of Europe had no more use for them.

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<v Speaker 1>Sailors who had been trained in violence found themselves unemployed

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<v Speaker 1>in a region where sugar barons grew rich and common

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<v Speaker 1>men starved, so they turned to piracy, not out of insanity,

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<v Speaker 1>but as a means of survival and to an extent,

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<v Speaker 1>of revenge. Nowhere in the Caribbean did piracy flourish more

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<v Speaker 1>than Nassau on the island of New Providence in the Bahamas. There,

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<v Speaker 1>in the second decade of the seventeen hundreds, hundreds of

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<v Speaker 1>pirates gathered and declared what became known, at least in

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<v Speaker 1>myth as the Pirate Republic. They flew the Jolly Roger,

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<v Speaker 1>answered to no king, and governed themselves with a code

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<v Speaker 1>of conduct that, crude as it was, offered sailors more

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<v Speaker 1>freedom and more fairness than in merchant marine navies. At

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<v Speaker 1>the center of this fraternity stood the names that we

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<v Speaker 1>still know today, Charles Vain, the fiery Englishman who defied

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<v Speaker 1>both kings and fellow pirates. Calico Jack Rackham, whose banner

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<v Speaker 1>showed a skull above crosswords. And Bonnie and Mary Reid,

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<v Speaker 1>two women who disguised themselves as men so they could

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<v Speaker 1>join the brotherhood of plunder. But the most feared of

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<v Speaker 1>all was a towering figure with smoke in his beard

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<v Speaker 1>and fire in his eyes. He was born by the

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<v Speaker 1>name Edward Teach perhaps Bach, We're not sure, but history

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<v Speaker 1>knows him as Blackbeard. Blackbeard first emerged in the historical

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<v Speaker 1>record around seventeen sixteen, having served a deprivateer during the wars.

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<v Speaker 1>He was tall and broad shouldered, according to Captain Charles Johnson,

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<v Speaker 1>an early chronicler of pirates whose seventeen twenty four book

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<v Speaker 1>A General History of the Pirates remains foundational. If embellished,

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<v Speaker 1>black Beard would weave lit fuses into his beard before battle,

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<v Speaker 1>so smoke curled around his face like some demon of

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<v Speaker 1>the deep. He captained a fearsome warship, the Queen Anne's Revenge,

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<v Speaker 1>a former French slave ship that he fitted with forty guns.

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<v Speaker 1>With it, he blockaded the port of Charleston, South Carolina

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<v Speaker 1>in seventeen eighteen, holding the entire city hostage until the

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<v Speaker 1>citizens delivered a chest of medicine for his crew. Yet,

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<v Speaker 1>Blackbeard's terror was mostly theatrical. According to Johnson, quote, it

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<v Speaker 1>was a principle of his not to do mischief to

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<v Speaker 1>those he took if they did not resist end quote.

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<v Speaker 1>His was a reign of psychological warfare, where image and

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<v Speaker 1>reputation did most of the work for him. Still, his

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<v Speaker 1>defiance of authority couldn't go unanswered. When Blackbeard accepted a

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<v Speaker 1>royal pardon and briefly settled in North Carolina, he did

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<v Speaker 1>not stay tame for long. Rumors swirled that he resumed

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<v Speaker 1>piracy with the quiet consent of corrupt colonial officials. In

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<v Speaker 1>November of seventeen eighteen, Virginia Governor Alexander Spotswood sent Lieutenant

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<v Speaker 1>Robert Maynard of the Royal Navy to hunt him down.

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<v Speaker 1>The final confrontation came near Aroca Coke Island. In a

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<v Speaker 1>brutal hand hand fight, Maynard's men boarded Blackbeard's sloop. It

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<v Speaker 1>said that Blackbeard took five bullets and over twenty sword

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<v Speaker 1>wounds until he finally fell. His head was cut off

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<v Speaker 1>and hung from the bow spirit of Maynard's ship, a

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<v Speaker 1>grim warning to those who would follow his path. Beard's

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<v Speaker 1>death did not end the piracy, but it signaled its turning.

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<v Speaker 1>By the seventeen twenties, the major colonial powers began cracking

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<v Speaker 1>down with greater force. The British Royal Navy was deployed

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<v Speaker 1>to the West Indies. Governors offered pardons to repentant pirates,

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<v Speaker 1>and the ports that once welcomed the outlaw crews were

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<v Speaker 1>slowly brought to heal. The dream of pirate freedom unraveled.

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<v Speaker 1>Many of the most infamous captains were hanged, Charles Vaine

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<v Speaker 1>in seventeen twenty one, Calico Jack in seventeen twenty Mary

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<v Speaker 1>Reid died in prison, and Bonnie disappeared from the record.

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<v Speaker 1>Some say she escaped, others say she married and vanished

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<v Speaker 1>into quiet anonymity. In the mid seventeen thirties, a golden

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<v Speaker 1>age of Caribbean piracy was all but over. The sea

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<v Speaker 1>was no longer a place of anarchy. It was once

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<v Speaker 1>again the highway of empire at the age of Pirates

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<v Speaker 1>never truly died. It lived on, of course, in ballots

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<v Speaker 1>and tails, told in taverns, and in the minds of

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<v Speaker 1>those who romanticize their exploits. The pirate flag would slowly

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<v Speaker 1>become a symbol not only a plunder but of liberty. Now.

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<v Speaker 1>Of course, in reality, piracy was brutal business. It was

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<v Speaker 1>born of hardship, desperation, of violence. But within its ranks

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<v Speaker 1>were glimpses of something new, something that was altogether more

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<v Speaker 1>common in the New World, a place where people who

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<v Speaker 1>were low born could rise, where slaves could win freedom,

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<v Speaker 1>where women fought as men, and where empires could be

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<v Speaker 1>mocked with impunity. The Caribbean, once choked with golden laden galleons,

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<v Speaker 1>became the stage for this strange drama, and amid the

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<v Speaker 1>poems and trade winds, the ghost of Blackbeard still lnkers,

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<v Speaker 1>his name spoken not in fear but in legend. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>next time, we're going to start a little story arc

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<v Speaker 1>as we get into what's called the Seven Years' War

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<v Speaker 1>in Europe, or the French and Indian War if you're

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<v Speaker 1>more familiar in North Amyerica. That's going to set the

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<v Speaker 1>stage as we turn to our next major historical epoch,

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<v Speaker 1>which will of course be the age of the American Revolution.
